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Torts - Cases, Principles, and Institutions Fifth Edition, 2016a

Torts - Cases, Principles, and Institutions Fifth Edition, 2016a

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Witt & Tani, TCPI 4. Negligence St<strong>and</strong>ard<br />

Critiques from Distributive Justice<br />

Is there a distributional impact to using cost-benefit analysis as the measure of<br />

reasonableness? Professor Zachary Liscow describes how cost-benefit analysis interacts with the<br />

common law of torts by focusing on the cost of injury (or the “L,” in the Learned H<strong>and</strong> formula):<br />

[W]orkers are typically eligible for compensation for lost wages resulting from<br />

tortious behavior. Higher-income workers have higher wages <strong>and</strong>, thus, de facto<br />

have a larger legal entitlement. For example, consider a dangerous driver driving<br />

in a rich neighborhood versus a poor neighborhood. Drivers responding to<br />

incentives would expect to pay more if they cause an injury in the rich neighborhood<br />

than in the poor neighborhood. They may thus drive more dangerously in the poor<br />

neighborhood, increasing the likelihood of an accident there, thereby reducing the<br />

legal entitlement of poor groups to safe traffic conditions.<br />

Zachary Liscow, Is Efficiency Biased?, 85 U. CHI. L. REV. 1649, 1692 (2018). Does cost-benefit<br />

analysis legitimize this choice, deeming “reasonable” conduct that would burden poor people with<br />

greater risks <strong>and</strong> ultimately more injuries?<br />

This insight becomes all the more troubling when we bring the demographics of wealth<br />

into view. Consider the long-st<strong>and</strong>ing wealth gap between black Americans <strong>and</strong> white<br />

Americans. Do cost-benefit analyses lead American companies to target poor <strong>and</strong> minority<br />

communities when making ex ante judgments about where to site risky behavior? Professors<br />

Kimberly Yuracko <strong>and</strong> Ronen Avraham argue that the idea is hardly far-fetched:<br />

A 2004 study, for example, found that the risk of accidents for chemical facilities<br />

in heavily African-American counties is twice as high as the risk in other counties,<br />

<strong>and</strong> a Harvard study conducted for the City of New York in 1990 documented higher<br />

numbers of adverse actions caused by negligence in hospitals serving minority<br />

communities. There is also a history of legislative bodies disproportionately siting<br />

hazardous waste dumps in minority communities.<br />

Kimberly A. Yuracko & Ronen Avraham, Valuing Black Lives: A Constitutional Challenge to the<br />

Use of Race-Based Tables in Calculating Tort Damages, 106 CAL. L. REV. 325, 334-35 (2018).<br />

The distributional critique can be bypassed if you believe, as some scholars do, that<br />

distributional questions really are not the concern of private law fields like tort, because such<br />

fields are ill-equipped to address them. According to this view, tort ought to maximize welfare<br />

through cost-benefit reasoning <strong>and</strong> the like, <strong>and</strong> leave distributive questions to tax policy <strong>and</strong><br />

social provision policy. How has that strategy fared in practice? Liscow contends that the<br />

distributive effects of private law allocations are “sticky”: tax policy doesn’t adjust to do the<br />

distributive work we might desire, even if in theory the world would be better off if it did.<br />

Liscow, Is Efficiency Biased?, supra, at 1662-66. Are there political institutions that would more<br />

effectively translate distributional effects into redistributive tax or social policy?<br />

169

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