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A grammar of Pite Saami, 2014

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13.1 Declarative clauses<br />

(37) iv<br />

i-v<br />

jáhke<br />

jáhke<br />

neg-1sg.prs believe\conneg<br />

‘I don’t believe so.’ [pit090702.411]<br />

(38) ittjij<br />

ittji-j<br />

åbbå gävdno<br />

åbbå gävdno<br />

vuodja<br />

vuodja<br />

åsstet<br />

åsste-t<br />

neg-3sg.pst at.all exist\conneg butter\nom.sg buy-inf<br />

‘There wasn’t any butter to buy at all.’<br />

[pit080708_Session03.006]<br />

(39) men ijtjin<br />

men ijtji-n<br />

del<br />

del<br />

bårå<br />

bårå<br />

dan<br />

d-a-n<br />

sisste<br />

sisste<br />

but neg-3pl.pst then eat\conneg dem-dist-gen.sg out<br />

‘But they didn’t eat out <strong>of</strong> this.’<br />

[pit080708_Session03.019]<br />

In the examples above, the non-finite complement to the connegative verb is a<br />

lexical verb. In the following examples in (40) through (42), the complement connegative<br />

verb is a modal or auxiliary verb whose own complement then follows<br />

in the appropriate non-finite form.<br />

(40) ij<br />

ij<br />

vanj dä<br />

vanj dä<br />

máhte<br />

máhte<br />

ilá<br />

ilá<br />

neg\3sg.prs well then can\conneg too<br />

‘But you can’t have too big <strong>of</strong> a fire.’<br />

stuor dålåv<br />

stuor dålå-v<br />

adnet<br />

adne-t<br />

big fire-acc.sg<br />

have-inf<br />

[pit090702.176]<br />

(41) dä<br />

dä<br />

iv<br />

i-v<br />

lä<br />

lä<br />

åbbå gullam<br />

åbbå gulla-m<br />

dav<br />

d-a-v<br />

then neg-1sg.prs be\conneg at.all hear-prf dem-dist-acc.sg<br />

‘I haven’t heard that at all.’ [pit090702.203]<br />

(42) nej, mån<br />

nej mån<br />

iv<br />

i-v<br />

lä<br />

lä<br />

no 1sg.nom neg-1sg.prs be\conneg<br />

bårråm,<br />

bårrå-m<br />

eat-prf<br />

Jåssjå’l<br />

bårråm<br />

Jåssjå=l<br />

bårrå-m<br />

Josh\nom.sg=be\3sg.prs eat-prf<br />

‘No, I haven’t eaten (it), but Josh has eaten (it).’<br />

men<br />

men<br />

but<br />

[pit090519.147]<br />

While <strong>Pite</strong> <strong>Saami</strong> constituent order is generally flexible (cf. §12.2), there are<br />

no examples in the corpus <strong>of</strong> the verb <strong>of</strong> negation occurring after the negated<br />

complement, but instead the connegative complement verb always follows the<br />

finite negation verb in a clause.<br />

241

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