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A grammar of Pite Saami, 2014

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8 Verbs<br />

in (4) above as well as in (8) and (9) below; see Table 8.3 on page 160 in §8.4.1 for<br />

the imperative number suffixes.<br />

(8) nå,<br />

nå<br />

giehto<br />

giehto<br />

well tell\sg.imp<br />

naginav<br />

nagina-v<br />

dan<br />

d-a-n<br />

Luoddauvre<br />

Luoddauvre<br />

something-acc.sg dem-dist-gen.sg Luoddauvre\gen.sg<br />

birra<br />

birra<br />

about<br />

‘Well, say something about this ‘Luoddauvre’!’<br />

[pit080924.314]<br />

(9) dáhken<br />

dáhke-n<br />

dal<br />

dal<br />

dav<br />

d-a-v<br />

do-du.imp now dem-dist-acc.sg<br />

‘Do that now!’<br />

[pit101208.188]e<br />

The example in (10) below indicates that imperative can also be used as a kind<br />

performative speech-act.<br />

(10) gijtov<br />

gijtov<br />

ednet<br />

edne-t<br />

thank-acc.sg have-pl.imp<br />

‘Thank you all!’ (lit.: have thank)<br />

[pit101208.290]e<br />

Note that Lehtiranta (1992: 150–155) includes a second imperative category in<br />

his verb paradigms that inflects for all three person categories and is marked<br />

by a stem-final -u-; Lehtiranta terms this ‘imperative II’. Lagercrantz (1926: 22)<br />

mentions ‘imperative II’ in passing as well, explaining that it is “less severe and<br />

more like a wish” (my translation), but Lagercrantz only includes examples for<br />

2sg. The <strong>Pite</strong> <strong>Saami</strong> Documentation Project corpus does not have any tokens <strong>of</strong><br />

such verbs, so more study is needed to determine their current status.<br />

8.1.3.2 Potential mood<br />

Verbs can also be inflected for potential mood, indicating that the action referred<br />

to by the verb is likely to happen. Verbs in the potential mood are marked by a<br />

linearly segmentable morpheme -tj- followed by a person/number suffix. 2 Examples<br />

are provided in (11) through (13).<br />

2 Cf. §13.4 for syntactic aspects <strong>of</strong> clauses in the potential mood.<br />

152

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