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Ovi Magazine Issue #24: Nationalism - Published: 2013-01-31

In this thematic issue of the Ovi magazine we are not giving answers about “nationalism.” We simply express opinions. We also start a dialogue with only aim to understand better.

In this thematic issue of the Ovi magazine we are not giving answers about “nationalism.” We simply express opinions. We also start a dialogue with only aim to understand better.

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The Incoherences of Nationalism

Let me list a few of the island nations.

Vanuatu, located near Hawaii; San Tomé and

Principe, located very near Nigeria; the Falkland

Islands, very far south along the coast of southern

Argentina, with a population under 3,000; the

Andaman Islands; the Maldives; the Seychelles;

and Malta and Iceland.

Small nations that are perforce very nationalistic

are, among others, all the Scandinavian nations.

Micro states include Vatican City; San Marino;

Liechtenstein and Monaco. This is not a complete

list, nor is it meant to be.

What I mean to convey is the following: all

micro states are subject to pressure from large

states, and many must, in order to forestall

invasion, cooperate with the larger nation. I shall

mention two cases, that of San Tomé and that of

Finland.

At the time when amazingly large deposits of

the purest oil were discovered in Nigeria, some

few decades ago, it was also found in the waters

off San Tomé and Principe. Now, Nigeria is the

most populous nation in Africa, with over 100

million residents. The two islands have a sparse

population and thus the per capita worth of their

o i l

reserves are worth many many

times what Nigeria’s

population would

receive. The

only way to

forestall a

takeover

of their

state

was to

cooperate with its enormous neighbor, since

Nigeria had the power to take over the islands

without difficulty. So they agreed to split the

proceeds with their much larger neighbor, in an

exercise of practical wisdom.

Finland’s case is even better known. In 1940,

with war in the air, Stalin demanded the right to

build a vast naval station on Finland, across the

Bay of Finland. The Finns refused, citing national

sovereignty, but it availed little, since the USSR

was so much larger a nation-state. The Finns

resisted doughtily, but the Soviets won the war

and got their naval station.

In fact, if Stalin had not decapitated the officer

corps of the Soviet Army in the years before this

invasion, the war would have probably gone better

for the Russians.

A similar example could be the wars that the

USA waged against Mexico, the result of which

was not only the expansion to the Pacific all

Americans thought was their right, but also a great

boon to the slaveocracy of the Southern states.

The lesson taught here is that microstates must

hew to a narrower standard of freedom, since

the larger states could, if they wished, conquer

them. Therefore the phrase that claims that we

are “ourselves alone” is not literally true for

microstates under most conditions.

For the balance of this essay I will confine

myself to the relations between dynastic Empires

of the modern age in Europe and their subject

populations and to the break up of Empires in the

20 th century, and the self-determination of formerly

subject populations, such as the “devolution” now

practiced in Scotland, still nominally a member

of the British Empire, but, so far as the average

citizen experiences it, a free nation in all domestic

affairs.

Let me begin with one example: what actually

took place in France between the years between

1789 and 1815.

Having been for a long time the most powerful

state in Europe under powerful monarchs,

revolutionary France found itself breaking out of

traditional boundaries and at war with all the other

European powers, and, under the charismatic

leadership of Napoleon this trend accelerated

20

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