Woolfian Boundaries - Clemson University

Woolfian Boundaries - Clemson University Woolfian Boundaries - Clemson University

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38 WOOLFIAN BOUNDARIES ate and instructed might envy” (xxxix-xxxx). Nonetheless, the “pages are only fragments,” containing traces of voices beginning to “emerge from silence into half articulate speech” (xxxxi). Th e women are defi ned by their lack of sophistication, by their limitations, their constraints. Th is determines even the valuable quality of their writing, which “judging from a phrase caught here and there, from a laugh, or a gesture seen in passing, is precisely the quality that Shakespeare would have enjoyed” had he wished to escape the “brilliant salons of educated people” (xxix). Th ey are, in short, mechanicals, “half articulate” speakers of prose, unable to produce poetry. Th e description of their writing matches that of the women themselves. Th ey not only lack “variety and play of feature,” but are “indigenous and rooted to one spot,” to the extent that their “very names were like the stones of the fi elds—common, grey, worn, obscure, docked of all splendours of association and romance” (xxiv). It is not explained why names such as “Mrs. Th omas, or Mrs Langrish, or Miss Bolt of Hebden Bridge” (xxiii) are inherently more “common” or “grey” or less romantic than, for example, Fry, Bell, Stephen or, for that matter, Woolf. Nonetheless, the description defi nes these working-class authors in terms of their limitations, and in opposition to “educated people” whose writing would be favoured by the “literary critic.” In part these passages are simply the work of a professional author emphasising the boundaries of her trade. In addition, however, they construct a materialist model of class and writing. Woolf argues that she is divided, even in imagination, from the working-class women who attended the Newcastle congress because “the imagination is largely the child of the fl esh” and one’s body had never stood at the wash-tub; one’s hands had never wrung and scrubbed and chopped up whatever the meat may be that makes a miner’s supper…. One sat in an armchair or read a book. One saw landscapes and seascapes, perhaps Greece or Italy, where Mrs. Giles or Mrs. Edwards must have seen slag heaps and rows upon rows of slate-roofed houses. (xxiii) Th e self-conscious vagueness about the meat itself emphasises the social division between observer and observed. In contrast to an unnamed Lancashire Guildswoman and Poor Law Guardian, who recorded that most “of my lectures and addresses have been thought out when my hands have been busy in household duties—in the wash-tub, when baking (and by the way I have never bought a week’s baking during my married life of over twenty-one years), or doing out my rooms” (133-34), Woolf, as she herself acknowledged, was removed from such domestic labour. Indeed, in “Mr Bennett and Mrs Brown” she traced the changes in “human character” in the early twentieth century through the “homely illustration” of the “character of one’s cook” (70). Nonetheless, she was conscious of the ways in which her domestic arrangements separated her from those who did not have cooks, who balanced their writing with “household duties.” Moreover, as “writing is a complex art, much infected by life” (xxix), her introductory letter traces the impact working-class households had on the texts produced within them. Th e members of the Guild, Woolf observed, had produced their essays “in kitchens, at odds and ends of leisure, in the midst of distractions and obstacles” (xxxxi). Exhaustion caused by work, and a lack of time, space, and privacy were obvious problems for working-class writers, male or female. As Andy Croft argues, the demands of work in particular restricted working-class authors,

BUT THE BARRIER IS IMPASSABLE as for “miners like Heslop and Brierley, plasterers like Hilton and Halward, the physical exhaustion of long shifts made sustained writing very diffi cult,” and “John Sommerfi eld, James Hanley and George Garrett, all seamen” were only able to write because of “long and regular periods of unemployment” (99). Indeed, one of the authors of Seven Shifts excused his essay to Common by observing that “I am a labourer and have to labour to live, it leaves me no time or energy for this game” (Common x). Even when potential authors did fi nd time, the conditions in which they wrote often presented them with further diffi culties. Another potential contributor who failed to complete a manuscript, for example, explained to Common that “I got 3,000 words done, Jack, but it can’t be helped, you know the way we live in this bloody tenement, while I was out the baby got hold of the sheets and messed ‘em up, so you’ll have to count me out” (ix). Cyril Connolly’s famous “enemy of good art,” the “pram in the hall” (127), presented the greatest diffi culty to those who lacked access to studies, nurseries, and nannies. In A Room of One’s Own, Woolf had explored the ways in which poverty, domestic work, and a lack of privacy had prevented women from writing. Th e problem, she insisted, was that Intellectual freedom depends upon material things. Poetry depends upon intellectual freedom. And women have always been poor, not for two hundred years merely, but from the beginning of time.… Women, then, have not had a dog’s chance of writing poetry. (106) Th e solution was “fi ve hundred a year for each of us and rooms of our own” (112). As George Orwell later observed, the “fi rst necessity” for a writer “just as indispensable to him as are tools to a carpenter, is a comfortable, well-warmed room where he can be sure of not being interrupted; and, although this does not sound much, if one works out what it means in terms of domestic arrangements, it implies fairly large earnings” (236). Th is necessity was available to few working-class writers, and fewer still, if any, had the “fi ve hundred a year” Woolf advised the students of Girton to earn “by your wits” (AROO 66). Th e inter-war period saw a widespread reduction in working-class incomes caused by unemployment and the resultant pressure on wages. In 1927, two years before A Room of One’s Own was published, 1,194,000 insured workers were unemployed, and by the end of 1930, when Life as We Have Known It was issued, this fi gure had reached 2,500,000 (Laybourn 9). Th e emphasis on insured workers, as Richard Croucher observes, itself excluded a number of important groups, not least “married women” for whom “there was no fi nancial benefi t in signing on but who would have welcomed work” (14). For many of those in work, any reductions in money wages were off set by defl ation. However, the 1930s in particular saw an increasing “gap between those in and out of work” (108) and by 1937 “the average workless man or woman received in benefi t only half the money value of a normal wage” (McKibbin 117). Th e Depression had a particular impact on areas dominated by “traditional” industries, with 18.2 per cent of coal workers out of work by 1929, rising to 41.2 per cent by 1932 (Laybourn 8). Th is had an immediate eff ect on a number of the contributors to Davies’s collection. Mrs. F. H. Smith, for example, whose husband, a collier, was out of work, and who had to keep her family “out of £1 12s and to pay 7/10 rent out of that” (69), observed that it “is heartbreaking to see the unemployed 39

38 WOOLFIAN BOUNDARIES<br />

ate and instructed might envy” (xxxix-xxxx). Nonetheless, the “pages are only fragments,”<br />

containing traces of voices beginning to “emerge from silence into half articulate speech”<br />

(xxxxi). Th e women are defi ned by their lack of sophistication, by their limitations, their<br />

constraints. Th is determines even the valuable quality of their writing, which “judging<br />

from a phrase caught here and there, from a laugh, or a gesture seen in passing, is precisely<br />

the quality that Shakespeare would have enjoyed” had he wished to escape the “brilliant<br />

salons of educated people” (xxix). Th ey are, in short, mechanicals, “half articulate” speakers<br />

of prose, unable to produce poetry. Th e description of their writing matches that of<br />

the women themselves. Th ey not only lack “variety and play of feature,” but are “indigenous<br />

and rooted to one spot,” to the extent that their “very names were like the stones<br />

of the fi elds—common, grey, worn, obscure, docked of all splendours of association and<br />

romance” (xxiv). It is not explained why names such as “Mrs. Th omas, or Mrs Langrish,<br />

or Miss Bolt of Hebden Bridge” (xxiii) are inherently more “common” or “grey” or less<br />

romantic than, for example, Fry, Bell, Stephen or, for that matter, Woolf. Nonetheless, the<br />

description defi nes these working-class authors in terms of their limitations, and in opposition<br />

to “educated people” whose writing would be favoured by the “literary critic.”<br />

In part these passages are simply the work of a professional author emphasising the<br />

boundaries of her trade. In addition, however, they construct a materialist model of class<br />

and writing. Woolf argues that she is divided, even in imagination, from the working-class<br />

women who attended the Newcastle congress because “the imagination is largely the child<br />

of the fl esh” and<br />

one’s body had never stood at the wash-tub; one’s hands had never wrung and<br />

scrubbed and chopped up whatever the meat may be that makes a miner’s supper….<br />

One sat in an armchair or read a book. One saw landscapes and seascapes,<br />

perhaps Greece or Italy, where Mrs. Giles or Mrs. Edwards must have seen slag<br />

heaps and rows upon rows of slate-roofed houses. (xxiii)<br />

Th e self-conscious vagueness about the meat itself emphasises the social division between<br />

observer and observed. In contrast to an unnamed Lancashire Guildswoman and<br />

Poor Law Guardian, who recorded that most “of my lectures and addresses have been<br />

thought out when my hands have been busy in household duties—in the wash-tub, when<br />

baking (and by the way I have never bought a week’s baking during my married life of<br />

over twenty-one years), or doing out my rooms” (133-34), Woolf, as she herself acknowledged,<br />

was removed from such domestic labour. Indeed, in “Mr Bennett and Mrs Brown”<br />

she traced the changes in “human character” in the early twentieth century through the<br />

“homely illustration” of the “character of one’s cook” (70). Nonetheless, she was conscious<br />

of the ways in which her domestic arrangements separated her from those who did not<br />

have cooks, who balanced their writing with “household duties.” Moreover, as “writing is a<br />

complex art, much infected by life” (xxix), her introductory letter traces the impact working-class<br />

households had on the texts produced within them. Th e members of the Guild,<br />

Woolf observed, had produced their essays “in kitchens, at odds and ends of leisure, in<br />

the midst of distractions and obstacles” (xxxxi). Exhaustion caused by work, and a lack of<br />

time, space, and privacy were obvious problems for working-class writers, male or female.<br />

As Andy Croft argues, the demands of work in particular restricted working-class authors,

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