Woolfian Boundaries - Clemson University
Woolfian Boundaries - Clemson University Woolfian Boundaries - Clemson University
152 WOOLFIAN BOUNDARIES fi rstly the large number of Victorian photographs, pre-dating the Woolfs’ lives, and carefully captioned. Th is panorama suggests, perhaps, a longing for a confi rmed familial world. A second feature is the albums’ lack of chronological logic which might match Woolf’s refusal of narrative realism in her fi ction and illustrates the intertextuality of past and present in her work and life. In Monk’s House Album 3 the past vividly “narrates” the present. Th e album is dated 1930 yet the framing frontispiece is a large six by sevenand-a-half photograph of Julia Stephen taken probably in 1863-65 because it resembles one in the Mia Album given to Maria (Mia) by her sister, the photographer Julia Margaret Cameron, and the Stephen sisters’ great aunt (Ovenden plate 113). A third feature is that there is no closed, hierarchical system, for example, photographs of servants are not separated from family photographs. A fourth feature is the repetition of monumental portraits. Th e camera is inscriptive, not transcriptive, in its visibility, for example the portraits of Ethel Smyth and the Keynes’s in the 1930s. Th e psychological consistency of composition in these photographs suggests a subtle relationship between photographers and subjects. Vanessa Bell’s ten albums in the Tate archive are a unique record of her family, friendships, and aesthetic interests. Th e layout of each album is more chronological than the albums of the Woolfs. Bell’s mode of collection and organization mimics her family and domestic roles. For example, Bell welcomes into her collection many photographs taken by others just as she warmly welcomed visitors to stay in Charleston and Cassis. As a genre, photo albums are conventionally read as documents of “real” family life. Indeed snapshot photography is frequently assessed by its ability to document indices of the real. And “Kodaking” is often seen as a mundane cultural practice. Yet although the scenes and people recorded by the Woolfs and Bell are snapshots of everyday Bloomsbury, the camera viewpoints and framing look attentively beyond the snapshot moment into the sisters’ past and outward into moments of modernity. Th e seemingly trivial detail and events in the photographs such as household objects and pursuits are elements of the everyday but can be cognitively viewed from diff erent angles. Reading Albums A major problematic, alongside the issue of evaluating marginalia, is how to know, except by indexical, cultural, and biographical analysis, the photographs’ likely “readership” and Bell and the Woolfs’ reasons for shooting and selection, since this is not always evident in the many diaries or letters. To purloin Alex Zwerdling’s very pertinent questions about the Bloomsbury memoirs: for whom are the photo albums constructed—“for the nuclear family, for an inner circle” or the anticipation of a wider circle? “And for what purpose: to honor the dead?… To make the past cohere? To produce the offi cial record? To amuse and entertain? To illustrate a representative way of life? To confess? To understand oneself?” (Zwerdling 168-69). Zwerdling concludes, in relation to writing, that the “multigenerational Stephen internal tradition of memoir writing illustrated all these options” (169). Th e Bloomsbury photo albums equally illustrate all these options. How then to read this marginal minutae of modernism? It is both tautological because self-evident, and yet not enough to argue that the portraits represent the sisters’ intense desire for a supportive social/cultural group of like-minded friends and family. Th ere are questions of
“Memory Holes” or “Heterotopias”? 153 appropriate femininities and masculinities that remain unspoken as well as questions of class and generational rebellions and visual inheritances. In many ways photo albums resemble Foucault’s concept of “heterotopology” which Foucault coined to defi ne marginal sites of modernity, virtual sites such as Parisian arcades, whose “role is to create a space that is other, another real space, as perfect…as ours is messy” (Foucault 27). Foucault’s idea has been very infl uential on contemporary architectural studies. Charles Jencks usefully applies the term “heterotopolis” to Los Angeles’s combination of modernism with sites of diff erence. By applying Foucault’s concept to photo albums I do not intend to imply that photography is purely spatial, nor only a collection of measurable representations. Th is illusion of clarity would over-substantiate the snapshot world. But focusing on spatial arrangements in album photographs is potentially fruitful not least because it allays a common belief that all amateur photographers are unable to aesthetically manage spatial dimensions. Space is socially produced and actively shapes our subjectivity whether in visual sites such as photographs or in urban geographies. Where everyday representations are often below the threshold of art history, “heterotopology,” on the contrary, illuminates the psychodynamics of snapshots. Spaces of representation in snapshots embody complex emotions, the multiple perceived and unconscious spaces of the camera operator, the photographed fi gures and viewers. Th ese complex symbolisms are sometimes coded, for example by learned artistic conventions, and sometimes not. In third space, or heterotopology, physical, measurable space is interdependent with symbolic and imaginative spaces. For example, in the iconography of nineteenth-century cartes-de-visite, the 1892 photograph of Woolf’s parents reading at St. Ives suggests simply an intimate family space. But heterotopologically, Virginia’s look to Vanessa behind the camera suggests an explicit sorority projected in the sisters’ symbolic space of the primal scene. One good example of a heterotopological “method” is Bell and the Woolfs’ use of photo album captions. Th eir frequent use of nomenclature, with Virginia captioning her own images “VW” and giving full names to friends—for example, “Roger Fry”—and Vanessa using initials for each individual (including her children) is unusual. Th e sisters clearly did not need to remind themselves of Fry’s identity and certainly not of their own. At fi rst glance, Bell and the Woolfs’ “objectivity” might seem the antithesis of heterotopology because the function of titles is didactic, even mechanistic. Recording titles is a way of collating information, like a catalogue or dictionary does, into predetermined spaces. But what distinguishes this form of captioning from John Tagg’s regulatory archive or from Walter Benjamin’s view that captioning “literalises the relationships of life,” is precisely Bell and the Woolfs’ heterotopology (Tagg, Benjamin 25). Th e role of photo albums in their lives more resembles Foucault’s account of the role of a mirror in heterotopology “that enables me to see myself there where I am absent” (24). Th e album captions suggest that Bell and the Woolfs were motivated by several of the possibilities that Zwerdling outlines: to honour the dead, to make the past coherent, to understand themselves (Zwerdling 168). Th e album captions suggest the sisters’ deep desire for a visual remembrance of life and friendships, reinforcing close-up portraits with verbal stress, and matching Bell’s domestic aesthetic and the Woolfs’ daily diaries and letter writing. Th e albums become mementoes mori in the very act of construction. Foucault likens heterotopologies to slices of time, or heterotochronies, precarious spaces of time that are both temporary and permanent. Th e albums similarly picture present moments
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152 WOOLFIAN BOUNDARIES<br />
fi rstly the large number of Victorian photographs, pre-dating the Woolfs’ lives, and carefully<br />
captioned. Th is panorama suggests, perhaps, a longing for a confi rmed familial world.<br />
A second feature is the albums’ lack of chronological logic which might match<br />
Woolf’s refusal of narrative realism in her fi ction and illustrates the intertextuality of past<br />
and present in her work and life. In Monk’s House Album 3 the past vividly “narrates”<br />
the present. Th e album is dated 1930 yet the framing frontispiece is a large six by sevenand-a-half<br />
photograph of Julia Stephen taken probably in 1863-65 because it resembles<br />
one in the Mia Album given to Maria (Mia) by her sister, the photographer Julia Margaret<br />
Cameron, and the Stephen sisters’ great aunt (Ovenden plate 113).<br />
A third feature is that there is no closed, hierarchical system, for example, photographs<br />
of servants are not separated from family photographs. A fourth feature is the<br />
repetition of monumental portraits. Th e camera is inscriptive, not transcriptive, in its<br />
visibility, for example the portraits of Ethel Smyth and the Keynes’s in the 1930s. Th e psychological<br />
consistency of composition in these photographs suggests a subtle relationship<br />
between photographers and subjects.<br />
Vanessa Bell’s ten albums in the Tate archive are a unique record of her family, friendships,<br />
and aesthetic interests. Th e layout of each album is more chronological than the<br />
albums of the Woolfs. Bell’s mode of collection and organization mimics her family and<br />
domestic roles. For example, Bell welcomes into her collection many photographs taken<br />
by others just as she warmly welcomed visitors to stay in Charleston and Cassis.<br />
As a genre, photo albums are conventionally read as documents of “real” family life.<br />
Indeed snapshot photography is frequently assessed by its ability to document indices of<br />
the real. And “Kodaking” is often seen as a mundane cultural practice. Yet although the<br />
scenes and people recorded by the Woolfs and Bell are snapshots of everyday Bloomsbury,<br />
the camera viewpoints and framing look attentively beyond the snapshot moment into<br />
the sisters’ past and outward into moments of modernity. Th e seemingly trivial detail and<br />
events in the photographs such as household objects and pursuits are elements of the everyday<br />
but can be cognitively viewed from diff erent angles.<br />
Reading Albums<br />
A major problematic, alongside the issue of evaluating marginalia, is how to know,<br />
except by indexical, cultural, and biographical analysis, the photographs’ likely “readership”<br />
and Bell and the Woolfs’ reasons for shooting and selection, since this is not always<br />
evident in the many diaries or letters. To purloin Alex Zwerdling’s very pertinent questions<br />
about the Bloomsbury memoirs: for whom are the photo albums constructed—“for the<br />
nuclear family, for an inner circle” or the anticipation of a wider circle? “And for what<br />
purpose: to honor the dead?… To make the past cohere? To produce the offi cial record? To<br />
amuse and entertain? To illustrate a representative way of life? To confess? To understand<br />
oneself?” (Zwerdling 168-69). Zwerdling concludes, in relation to writing, that the “multigenerational<br />
Stephen internal tradition of memoir writing illustrated all these options”<br />
(169). Th e Bloomsbury photo albums equally illustrate all these options.<br />
How then to read this marginal minutae of modernism? It is both tautological because<br />
self-evident, and yet not enough to argue that the portraits represent the sisters’ intense desire<br />
for a supportive social/cultural group of like-minded friends and family. Th ere are questions of