UNHCR's ELIGIBILITY GUIDELINES FOR ASSESSING THE ...
UNHCR's ELIGIBILITY GUIDELINES FOR ASSESSING THE ...
UNHCR's ELIGIBILITY GUIDELINES FOR ASSESSING THE ...
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Actual or Perceived Supporters of the Former Regime and/or Insurgency<br />
Individuals who are perceived to be supporters of the former regime and/or the ongoing<br />
insurgency, including, most notably, Sunni Arabs, have been subjected to physical violence<br />
and other forms of intimidation and harassment. Sunni Arabs are often blamed for the<br />
human rights abuses that occurred under the former regime (due to the key positions that<br />
many Sunni Arabs held in the army and security and intelligence agencies) and are also<br />
broadly perceived to be supporters of the insurgency. As such, they have been targeted by<br />
Shi’ite death squads and certain elements of the ISF.<br />
Members and associates of the Ba’ath Party and the former regime have been similarly<br />
targeted. The degree to which these individuals are at risk depends on such factors as the<br />
extent to which they are identified with the Ba’athist ideology and the human rights abuses<br />
that occurred under the former regime, the rank or position previously held, and public<br />
recognition. Rank or seniority alone is not dispositive, as many low-level officials have<br />
been targeted at the community level. Finally, other groups perceived as having received<br />
preferential treatment under the former regime, e.g., Roma (Kawliyah), Palestinians, and<br />
professionals whose careers are perceived to have advanced due to Ba’ath Party<br />
membership, have been targeted. Given the current climate of impunity and lack of law and<br />
order, personal revenge killings against perpetrators of detention, torture or other human<br />
rights violations have also occurred.<br />
Actual or Perceived Sympathizers of the US-Led Invasion and/or the MNF in Iraq<br />
Individuals working for certain entities in Iraq are perceived by the insurgency as<br />
supporting the US-led invasion of Iraq and its “occupation” by the MNF. These individuals<br />
are thus targeted by elements of the insurgency. Individuals include those Iraqis who are<br />
working for the MNF, foreign embassies, foreign companies, the former Coalition<br />
Provisional Authority (CPA), the United Nations (UN), the International Committee of the<br />
Red Cross (ICRC) as well as other humanitarian and human rights organizations. In<br />
addition, humanitarian workers may be targeted by militant elements for assisting civilian<br />
members belonging to other sectarian groups. There have been reports of threats made<br />
against employees and their families. Kidnappings, physical attacks and murder have been<br />
perpetrated against these workers. Neither the UN nor local employers can provide the<br />
security that is necessary but otherwise unavailable from the Iraqi authorities or the MNF.<br />
Kurds have also been perceived as supporters of the “foreign occupation,” given their<br />
staunch support of the US-led invasion in 2003 and presence in the country, full<br />
involvement in the political process, political efforts to achieve federalism in Iraq (viewed<br />
by many Sunni Arabs as a precursor to the break-up of Iraq), and reported relations with<br />
Israel. This has resulted in a number of attacks on Kurdish political and military<br />
representatives, offices of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of<br />
Kurdistan (PUK), and Kurdish civilians.<br />
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