The Numismatic Chronicle 171 Offprint - Royal Numismatic Society

The Numismatic Chronicle 171 Offprint - Royal Numismatic Society The Numismatic Chronicle 171 Offprint - Royal Numismatic Society

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400 FRANÇOIS THIERRY The form of the messages is that of the chengyu 成語, the four-character phrase, sometimes doubled to make an eight-character expression, as an integral part of education as conceived by the Confucians, both Chinese and Vietnamese. The chengyu is a functional unit of language composed of four characters in a set phrase, giving an immediate reference to a particular text that an educated Vietnamese would have learnt by heart as part of his schooling, from primary school to preparation for the civil service examinations. These four-character expressions were usually taken directly from the classics, or composed by a process of abbreviation keeping only the important semantic characters, to make them easy to remember. What distinguished the civilized state, be it Chinese or Vietnamese, from the ‘barbarians’, be they Mongol or French, was that it was managed and administered by educated offi cials who, as a general rule, owed their promotion not to arbitrariness nor to their birth (Ch. yin 廕, viet. ấm ‘[hereditary] protection’), but to their success in the civil service examinations (Ch. keju 科擧, Viet. khoa cử); 235 and all the examinations, from the local examinations to those held at the palace, relied on a knowledge of these texts. The fi rst composition (kinh nghĩa 經義) required the explanation of a passage drawn from the Five Canons and the Four Books; the candidates had to demonstrate a perfect knowledge of the texts and show their erudition and ability to quote also the commentaries by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1131–1200), the great Neo-Confucian philosopher of the Southern Song. 236 The overwhelming use of Confucian quotations and phrases, which is somewhat repetitive in this coinage, was not for intellectual convenience. It was not an easy option, but rather the mark of the clear political will of the second ruler of the Nguyễn dynasty and his two successors. In Vietnam, during the fi rst great national dynasty, the Lý dynasty (1010–1225), the dominant ideology was predominately infl uenced by Buddhism and monks played a very important role in the intellectual sphere. Under the Trần (1225–1400), a system of public schools was organised, and a civil service examination system was introduced in order to recruit offi cials. Thereafter Confucianism tended to replace Buddhism, and the authorities arranged to have the Four Books and Five Canons printed, so that they could be used as a basis for education. But it was during the Lê dynasty (1428–1789), and in particular during the reign of Lê Thánh Tông (1460–97), that Confucianism became the state ideology. It was during this dynasty that for the fi rst time in Vietnam the examination system was set up at regional (hương thí 鄉試), metropolitan (hội thí 會試) and palace (điện thí 殿試) levels, held regularly every three years. 237 In this intellectual and ideological movement, it was the Zhu Xi school of Neo-Confucianism that was dominant. A movement of 235 Members of the imperial family, and some sons of high offi cials owing to the merits of their ancestors (ấm sinh 廕生), could be appointed to posts and administrative roles without taking the examinations, but these titles were not conferred by law, and were subject to success in a different type of examination (Laborde, pp. 397–8, 400–1; Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, p. 31). 236 Tsuboi, pp. 180–9; Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 24–30. 237 Eligibility for the national level examinations depended on success in the previous two examinations: the annual examinations (khảo khóa 考課) and the provincial level examinations (hạch thí 覈試) (Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 24–6).

THE CONFUCIAN MESSAGE ON VIETNAMESE COINS 401 refl ection developed around the ethical concepts of ‘moral rectitude’ (đạo nghĩa 道 義), ‘loyalty’ (trung 忠) and of ‘fi lial piety’ (hiếu 孝). Nguyễn Binh Khiêm 阮秉謙 (1491–1585) was a striking example of a supporter of moral rectitude, a position which guided his political choices: he denounced the moral decadence of the Lê emperors, allied himself with the Mạc, then retired from political life. 238 But Neo- Confucianism gave pre-eminence to the Four Books over the Five Canons, and this inspired the Vietnamese authorities to create the status of ‘Doctor of the Five Canons’ in order to promote specifi c study of these texts, from the concern that they might otherwise be neglected. 239 The authorities reprinted the Five Canons and their commentaries to meet the needs of the schools in the capital and in the provinces; and they re-edited the versions in Vietnamese (nôm). The Book of Changes (Yijing) was studied as a Confucian text at the Imperial College, but was also used as a manual for divination by the Ministry of Rites. 240 At the end of the Lê dynasty, under the infl uence of the kaozheng 考正 movement, 241 the great Neo-Confucian scholar Lê Quý Đôn (1726–84) made a critical text of the Canons in his publications: Tales from the Shujing (Thư kinh diễn nghĩa 書經演義) and Superfi cial remarks on the Yijing (Dịch Kinh phu thuyết 易經膚說). Furthermore in 1802, the new Nguyễn dynasty found itself, to a certain extent, lacking legitimacy in its intellectual plan when compared with the scholars in the North, those of the previous kingdom of the Lê. The principality in the South, 242 from where the new rulers came, was not renowned in the area of canonical studies, indeed it was better known for its Buddhist leanings. The fi rst emperors thus had a policy to strip Thăng Long, the former capital, of its cultural and intellectual supremacy. Fearing that the candidates from the North would be too successful, not a single 238 Nguyễn Binh Khiêm entered public service late, receiving the rank of doctor in 1535 at the age of 45. He joined the new power of Mạc Đăng Dung (Emperor Thái Tổ of the Mạc, 1527–9, then Thái Thượng Hoàng 太上皇, 1530–41) because of the behaviour of emperors of the Lê dynasty at the beginning of the sixteenth century, then withdrew when the new power refused to demote the corrupt offi cials for whom he had proof of embezzlement, see Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 160–1. 239 One cannot help drawing a parallel with what happened under the Han dynasty Emperor Xuandi in 51 BC, when the group known as Scholars of the Five Canons (Wujing boshi 五经博士) was set up. On the date of the creation of this group of scholars, generally attributed to Emperor Wudi, see Kern, ‘Ritual, Text, and the formation of the Canon’, pp. 67–9. 240 Ng WM, pp. 2–3. 241 Kaozhengxue 考正學 (evidential scholarship) was an important Chinese intellectual movement, which became widespread in the eighteenth century, and which sought to re-examine historical and philosophical texts in the light of objective textual, philological and empirical criticism. 242 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Vietnam was divided into two principalities. In the north, the real power was in the hands of the ‘king’ (vương) from the Trịnh clan, which left the emperor from the Lê family with only a fi ctive power of a religious nature; to a certain extent, the Vietnamese vương was to the Vietnamese emperor what the shōgun was to the Japanese Tennō. In the south, the lords of the Nguyễn clan transformed the government of Quảng Nam into an independent principality which they ruled hereditarily; within two centuries this reached progressively towards the south absorbing the Khmer territories. In 1774, profi ting from the Tây Sơn peasant uprising, the Trịnh brought to an end the principality of the South. The Tây Sơn then overturned the Trịnh, unifi ed the country and founded a new dynasty (1789–1802). In 1774, the Nguyễn princes fl ed to the extreme south and thence to Siam.

400<br />

FRANÇOIS THIERRY<br />

<strong>The</strong> form of the messages is that of the chengyu 成語, the four-character phrase,<br />

sometimes doubled to make an eight-character expression, as an integral part of<br />

education as conceived by the Confucians, both Chinese and Vietnamese. <strong>The</strong><br />

chengyu is a functional unit of language composed of four characters in a set phrase,<br />

giving an immediate reference to a particular text that an educated Vietnamese would<br />

have learnt by heart as part of his schooling, from primary school to preparation<br />

for the civil service examinations. <strong>The</strong>se four-character expressions were usually<br />

taken directly from the classics, or composed by a process of abbreviation keeping<br />

only the important semantic characters, to make them easy to remember. What<br />

distinguished the civilized state, be it Chinese or Vietnamese, from the ‘barbarians’,<br />

be they Mongol or French, was that it was managed and administered by educated<br />

offi cials who, as a general rule, owed their promotion not to arbitrariness nor to their<br />

birth (Ch. yin 廕, viet. ấm ‘[hereditary] protection’), but to their success in the civil<br />

service examinations (Ch. keju 科擧, Viet. khoa cử); 235 and all the examinations,<br />

from the local examinations to those held at the palace, relied on a knowledge of<br />

these texts. <strong>The</strong> fi rst composition (kinh nghĩa 經義) required the explanation of a<br />

passage drawn from the Five Canons and the Four Books; the candidates had to<br />

demonstrate a perfect knowledge of the texts and show their erudition and ability to<br />

quote also the commentaries by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1131–1200), the great Neo-Confucian<br />

philosopher of the Southern Song. 236<br />

<strong>The</strong> overwhelming use of Confucian quotations and phrases, which is somewhat<br />

repetitive in this coinage, was not for intellectual convenience. It was not an easy<br />

option, but rather the mark of the clear political will of the second ruler of the Nguyễn<br />

dynasty and his two successors.<br />

In Vietnam, during the fi rst great national dynasty, the Lý dynasty (1010–1225),<br />

the dominant ideology was predominately infl uenced by Buddhism and monks<br />

played a very important role in the intellectual sphere. Under the Trần (1225–1400),<br />

a system of public schools was organised, and a civil service examination system<br />

was introduced in order to recruit offi cials. <strong>The</strong>reafter Confucianism tended to<br />

replace Buddhism, and the authorities arranged to have the Four Books and Five<br />

Canons printed, so that they could be used as a basis for education. But it was during<br />

the Lê dynasty (1428–1789), and in particular during the reign of Lê Thánh Tông<br />

(1460–97), that Confucianism became the state ideology. It was during this dynasty<br />

that for the fi rst time in Vietnam the examination system was set up at regional<br />

(hương thí 鄉試), metropolitan (hội thí 會試) and palace (điện thí 殿試) levels,<br />

held regularly every three years. 237 In this intellectual and ideological movement,<br />

it was the Zhu Xi school of Neo-Confucianism that was dominant. A movement of<br />

235 Members of the imperial family, and some sons of high offi cials owing to the merits of their<br />

ancestors (ấm sinh 廕生), could be appointed to posts and administrative roles without taking the<br />

examinations, but these titles were not conferred by law, and were subject to success in a different type<br />

of examination (Laborde, pp. 397–8, 400–1; Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, p. 31).<br />

236 Tsuboi, pp. 180–9; Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 24–30.<br />

237 Eligibility for the national level examinations depended on success in the previous two<br />

examinations: the annual examinations (khảo khóa 考課) and the provincial level examinations (hạch<br />

thí 覈試) (Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 24–6).

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