The Numismatic Chronicle 171 Offprint - Royal Numismatic Society

The Numismatic 

Chronicle 171 

Offprint 

The Confucian Message on Vietnamese Coins 

by 

FRANÇOIS THIERRY 

LONDON 

THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY 

2011

THE CONFUCIAN MESSAGE ON VIETNAMESE COINS 367 

The Confucian Message on Vietnamese Coins 

A closer look at the Nguyễn dynasty’s large coins 

with moral maxims 


IN THE COINAGE of the Nguyễn dynasty (1802–1945) there is a coherent group of 

large coins that bear moral maxims, which Lacroix called ‘royal medals in bronze’ 

(médailles royales de bronze). 1 The coins were issued by three successive emperors: 

Thánh Tổ 聖祖 (Minh Mạng 明命 era, 1820–40); Hiến Tổ 憲祖 (Thiệu Trị 紹治 era, 

1841–7) and Dực Tông 翼宗 (Tự Đức 嗣德 era, 1848–83). 2 They were large coins, 

cast in brass with a diameter of about 50 mm and with weights varying according 

to the reign: 26 to 28 grams during the Minh Mạng era, rising to 35 to 41 grams 

during the Thiệu Trị era, and reaching 35 to 50 grams during the Tự Đức era. The 

Chinese maxims were almost all taken from the Confucian classics or from historical 

or literary works of that school of thought, but we cannot be sure that they were 

taken directly from the original texts or whether they were drawn from collections 

of quotations intended for candidates taking examinations. Although the edict of 

1837 says that they were ‘selected from the sacred and venerated books’ it must 

be said that they are often contractions, abbreviations or paraphrased versions, and 

sometimes even extrapolations, of the original texts. It is therefore highly likely 

that they were selected from manuals or commentaries published under the aegis of 

the Directorate of Education (Quốc tử giám 國子監). The criteria which prevailed 

in the selection of these maxims were deeply infl uenced by the dogmatic and rigid 

Confucianism which was the state ideology of the Nguyễn dynasty. 

On the whole, numismatists have not taken much interest in this aspect of the 

coinage. There has even been some confusion as to which types were issued by 

which ruler. The Minh Mạng era decree cited by Schroeder includes a list of maxims 

on coins, but some of these were not used during this reign. Similarly, some unknown 

types appear in the Tự Đức era which are not mentioned in the sources. 

This study includes only those types for which there is a reliable illustration, 

rubbing or photograph. Types that appear in the various lists without illustrations 

1 This paper was originally submitted in French. I am grateful to Helen Wang for helping translate it 

into English. 

1 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, pp. 163–5. 

2 Lacroix, nos 400, 401, 406, 407 bis –430, 450–481; Schroeder, pp. 206–214 and nos 128–167, 217– 

218, 311–319; AMM nos V60–V78, V132–V146, V210–V225; CMV nos 1515–1556, 1602–1632, 

1772–1838; CMVS nos 391–399, 422–433, 487–491; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, pp. 

268–9. Coins of this type (or similar) for the Gia Long, Kiến Phúc, Hàm Nghi, Đồng Khánh, Thành 

Thái and Duy Tân eras are fakes or fantasy pieces made in the 1960s and 1970s in South Vietnam for 

American collectors; for details, see Kemgpen ‘Palast Münzen des Kaisers Minh Mang’.

368 


are not included, on the basis that there is no pictorial proof that they ever existed. 3 

For the same reason, I do not follow Schroeder’s assertions that ‘It is possible to 

reconstruct for this (Thiệu Trị) era the almost complete series of twenty-three coins 

bearing an inscription in eight characters, listed on page 211 for the Minh Mạng era 

(see also nos 151–67 inclusive)’ and ‘It is possible to reconstruct for this (Thiệu 

Trị) era the almost complete series of eighteen coins bearing an inscription in four 

characters, listed on page 211 for the Minh Mạng era (see also nos 151–67)’, which 

he repeats for the Tự Đức era. 4 Similarly, I have not included the types mentioned by 

Đỗ Văn Ninh, 5 who gives neither illustrations nor characters; nor those which Barker 

notes simply as ‘known to exist’, but without giving references or illustrations. 6 I 

have analysed most closely the coins for which there are illustrations, in particular 

those for which only the reverse is illustrated. This method helps best to distinguish 

which coins were of the Minh Mạng era, and which were created during the Thiệu 

Trị and Tự Đức eras. 

In the fi fth moon of the eleventh lunar year canh-dần 庚寅 (1830), the decision 

was made to mint large coins with moral maxims (mỹ hiệu 美號) inscribed on the 

reverse. There was to be a total of 30 types: 20 with eight-character inscriptions and 

10 with four-character inscriptions. 7 In 1837 (18th year đinh-dậu 丁酉of the Minh 

Mạng era), the decision was taken to mint new coins, because ‘there are very few of 

the large brass coins with moral maxims that were made previously’. Production was 

entrusted to a commission composed of four representatives from the Ministry of 

Finance, the Ministry of Public Works, the Censorate (Đô sát viện 都察院) and the 

Imperial Guard (Thị vệ 侍衛), respectively. ‘These delegates will meet in committee 

with the Director of the Mint and will take to the Treasury some metals of good 

quality: copper, tin and zinc, and will make an alloy from them according to the 

proportions already stated. The inscriptions will be similar to those of previous 

years; 100,000 of these coins will be made’. 8 A list of the inscriptions ‘selected from 

the sacred and venerated books’ – 23 inscriptions with eight characters and 17 with 

four characters – follow the text of the edict. 

But this list of 23 eight-character inscriptions (types 25–47) and 17 four-character 

inscriptions (types 1–17) did not result in the production of 40 types at that time. 

Furthermore, there is a contradiction between the assertion that ‘the inscriptions will 

be similar to those of previous years’, that is 30 maxims, and this new list of 40 

maxims. In fact, three of the eight-character types and seven of the four-character 

types were clearly not issued in the Minh Mạng era at all. It is only Schroeder who 

gives the 40 types for the Minh Mạng era. 9 The illustrations he provides for these 

3 Of course, it is understood that a drawing can never be taken as absolute proof that the object ever 

existed in this form. 

4 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, pp. 444 and 466. 

5 Đỗ, Tiền cổ Việt Nam. 

6 Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam. 

7 Đỗ, Tiền cổ Việt Nam, p. 166. 

8 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, p. 206, but no source is given. 

9 Đỗ Văn Ninh initially gave thirty types, and added, probably basing his work on Schroeder’s 

auctoritas, that a further ten types were known, and provided the inscriptions: three with eight characters 

and seven with four characters. However, he did not provide a single illustration of these ten types. See 

Đỗ, Tiền cổ Việt Nam, pp. 171–2.


coins, however, are problematic: there is a single obverse, but there are 40 reverses. 

Additionally, the illustrations are not of actual coins, but of plaster casts. In certain 

cases, neither the style of calligraphy nor the casting can be attributed to the Minh 

Mạng era, a period when coins of very high quality were being produced. On some 

of the reverses there is a spindly, angular calligraphy (Fig. 1), which appears to have 

been produced much later; 10 and on others there is a thick, crude style, which was 

exactly the style of the Thiệu Trị era (Fig. 2). 11 The document upon which Schroeder 

based his discussion, and for which he did not give the source, is clearly of a later 

date, and certainly no earlier than 1848, as the fourth character thì 時, 12 being a taboo 

character, was omitted and replaced with thìn 辰. 13 The inscription on type 47 thus 

appears in the document as 澤及當辰恩垂萬世, 14 but on the coins as 澤及當時恩 

垂萬世. This taboo only appeared in the Tự Đức era (see below). Therefore, the list 

given in Schroeder’s document could not have appeared in the original edict of the 

Minh Mạng era; and it is probably the case that the 30 types of 1830 were simply 

repeated in 1837. 

Fig. 1: Type 11, reverse Fig. 2: Type 12, reverse 

(Schroeder 161, diameter 49.8 mm) (Schroeder 162, diameter 53 mm) 

The numismatic evidence shows that some new types were issued in the Thiệu 

Trị and Tự Đức eras, and that some of the old types were discontinued. Only one 

later issue is known, that of 1871. According to the testimony of a former offi cial 

of the Hanoï mint, Võ Đình Tình 武廷情, who was head of the seal offi ce, under 

the Censorate, with control of the Ministry of Justice bills, the decision was taken 

in 1871, during the Tự Đức era, to mint a new series of coins with moral maxims, 

amounting to a total of 36,133 pieces. Võ Đình Tình gives no further details of the 

inscriptions nor of the respective quantities. 15 

10 Schroeder Annam. Etudes numismatiques, nos 149, 161 (Fig. 1) 163, 165. In the case of no. 

161, it is doubtful that the inscription was written by a Vietnamese, as the characters are awkward in 

appearance. 

11 Schroeder, nos 148, 150, 162 (Fig. 2), 164, 166, 167. 

12 This character is sometimes pronounced thời. 

13 This character is sometimes pronounced thần. 

14 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, p. 211. 

15 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, pp. 464, 467–8.

370 


A detailed study of the moral maxims in the light of the practice of taboo characters 

(Ch. hui; Viet. húy 諱) explains the removal of particular types during particular 

reigns. For example, four types of inscriptions found on coins of the Minh Mạng 

era contained taboo characters and were thus discontinued. It was an old tradition 

in the sinicised world not to use a character which was present in the personal or 

offi cial name of the emperor, the empress or an imperial ancestor. A taboo character 

would be replaced with a homonym or a non-orthodox version of that character. 16 

Particular respect was paid to the custom of taboo characters during the Nguyễn 

dynasty. In an ordinance of the third moon of the second year of Gia Long (1803), 

the emperor ordered the Ministry of Rites to distribute information about taboo 

characters throughout the empire; all personal or place names which were similar to 

a taboo character were to be modifi ed, and replacement characters appropriate to the 

context were to be used. 17 

Type 28 was discontinued in the Thiệu Trị era because the character Hoa 華 was 

declared a taboo character in the ordinance of the second moon of the fi rst year of 

Thiệu Trị, on the grounds that it appeared in the personal name of the emperor’s 

mother, Hồ Thị Hoa 胡氏華 (1790–1806). 18 Reminders that this was a taboo character 

were made several times during the Thiệu Trị era and in the ordinance of the 14th 

year of the Tự Đức era. 19 

Types 27 and 36 were also absent from the 1871 issue, because the character an 

安 had been declared taboo in 1861 (the 14th year of the Tự Đức era). In that year, 

the emperor noticed in a petition the name of a certain Lê Tiền Hoàng written with 

the character Hoàng 潢, which showed that the taboo on characters in the personal 

names of imperial ancestors was not being strictly applied, the imperial ancestor’s 

name in this case being Nguyễn Hoàng 潢. It was thus ordered that a list should 

be drawn up of all the characters that were taboo, or that should be taboo, with the 

intention of making them known in a special ordinance. In this way, 47 characters 

were declared taboo, of which 17 were new, including the character An 安, which 

was the family name of the mother of Nguyễn Phúc Tần (1648–87). 20 

Type 47 was dropped for similar reasons during the Tự Đức era, as it contained the 

character thì 時. At his accession to the throne at the end of the Thiệu Trị era, Prince 

Nguyễn Hồng Nậm was given the offi cial name Thì, and this character immediately 

became taboo in an ordinance of the tenth moon of the seventh year of the Thiệu Trị 

era. The ordinance specifi ed that ‘thì in terms such as Thì khắc, is to be replaced with 

16 We know that the character bang 邦, which means ‘country’ or ‘state’, and which is the personal 

name of the founder of the Han dynasty, Liu Bang (ruled 206–195 BC), was replaced in contemporary 

Chinese texts by guo 國 which has a similar meaning. The characters shi 世 and min 民, which were 

part of the personal name of Li Shimin, Emperor Taizong of the Tang dynasty (627–49) and which were 

frequently used, were also modifi ed so that they could be written without contravening the ritual, see Li 

ZG, p. 5, and Soymié, ‘Observations sur les caractères interdits’, pp. 388–90. 

17 Đại Nam thực lục, Chính biên, quoted by Ngô DT, p. 325. 

18 The daughter of a military man, she was selected as the fi rst wife of the second grade by Đảm 

(future emperor Thánh Tổ, Minh Mạng era), but died at the age of seventeen, thirteen days after giving 

birth to the future emperor Hiến Tổ, of the Thiệu Trị era. 

19 Ngô DT, pp. 348, 350, 357, 365–6. 

20 Ngô DT, pp. 365–6.


another character, the choice of which is to be dictated by the context, and which 

is to preserve the coherence of the sentence. One must proceed in the same way in 

other cases, because the character thì 時 has a very extensive usage’. 21 We know, for 

example, that in the expression Tứ thì 四時 (‘four seasons’), thì 時 was replaced with 

thần 辰, to give Tứ thần 四辰. 22 

Finally, it will be noted that on the Minh Mạng thông bảo and Thiệu Trị thông bảo 

coins, the character bảo 寶 is written in the form known as 缶寶 (Ch. fou bao), with 

the element 缶 on the right under the roof 宀, while on the Tự Đức thông bảo 嗣德 

通寶 coins, the character bảo 寳 is written in the form known as 尔寳 (Ch. er bao), 

with the element 尔 on the right. 23 

The moral maxims on these coins conveyed Confucian messages, and thus served 

as state propaganda during the Nguyễn dynasty. In addition to their ideological role, 

these coins also played a role in monetary circulation, as two convincing pieces of 

evidence show. First, in the eleventh moon of the 18th year of Minh Mạng (December 

1837), a decree was issued which fi xed the face value of these large coins at 1 mạch, 

which was one-tenth of a string of zinc coins, in other words, 60 coins. 24 Second, the 

contents of a money-changer’s cash-box in the Paris Mint clearly shows that these 

coins were in circulation. 25 The French army operating in the province of Bình Định 

had confi scated this cash-box in about 1884. In addition to zinc cash, Chinese and 

Vietnamese brass cash, large 60 văn coins and a large 2 mạch coin, it contained fi ve 

strings of 10 large coins with moral maxims. The types were: 

Minh Mạng types 

1 string of coins of type 8 (AMM: V60–69) 

3 coins of type 26 (AMM: V70–72) 



Thiệu Trị types 

1 coin of type 5 (AMM: V142) 


1 string of coins of type 34 (AMM: V132–141) 


Tự Đức types 

1 string of coins of type 18 (AMM: 216–225) 

1 coin of type 39 (AMM: V215) 


1 coin of type 51 (AMM: V210). 

The composition of the contents of this money-changer’s cash-box represents the 

different currencies that were in circulation at that time, as used by the Vietnamese 

population for their daily needs. 

21 Ngô DT, pp. 358–60. 

22 ACV, nos 70–71. 

23 This particularity can be considered as a crude Minh Mạng thông bảo coin of type 7 (Tứ phương vi 

tắc) written with the er bao (CMV no. 1521); it is a later fake. 

24 DNTL, XIX, p. 294; CMV, p. 83. 

25 AMM, II, pp. 74–5, V325–328, Dépôt de l’Offi ce Colonial 1916.

372 


CATALOGUE OF COINS 

This section lists 55 coins with moral maxims of the Minh Mạng, Thiệu Trị and 

Tự Đức eras, where there can be no doubt that these types existed. Bibliographic 

references are given in the footnotes. Each coin entry gives the characters in the 

inscription, the Vietnamese and Chinese transliterations, an English translation, the 

era(s) in which it was issued, and notes relating to the source of the inscription. The 

four-character inscriptions are presented fi rst, in chronological order, followed by 

the eight-character inscriptions, also in chronological order. 

1. The four-character moral maxims on coins of the Minh Mạng era 

1. 元亨利貞 Nguyên hanh lợi trinh 

Ch. Yuan heng li zhen // The primordial exerts his infl uence, propicious and 

virtuous. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng 26 (Fig. 3) and the Thiệu Trị 27 eras. 

Fig. 3: Type 1, Minh Mạng thông bảo, diameter 51.7 mm, 29.65 g., 

Wanxuanzhai 2930 (萬選齋, private collection, Paris) 

This is the fi rst sentence in the Book of Changes (Yijing) and is a commentary on the 

hexagram qian 乾. The meaning is not clear and there are various interpretations. 

Gao Heng, in his version of the text, punctuates the sentence as 元亨。利貞。, 

which could then be translated as ‘the primordial exerts his infl uence; propicious 

and virtuous’. 28 Philastre and Sung read the sentence as four individual characters, 

and translate it as ‘cause, freedom, goodness, perfection’ and ‘that which is great 

and originating, penetrating, advantageous, correct and fi rm’. 29 With its six unbroken 

(Ch. yang) lines, qian is the most positive hexagram in the Yijing, and the inscription 

26 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 411; Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 151; 

CMV, no. 1515; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 159. 

27 Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 178. 

28 Yijing, I, p. 53. 

29 Philastre, Le Yi-King p. 13; Sung ZD, Qian, p. 1.


can be read as a wish that these four attributes be realised. Indeed, there are many 

Chinese amulets which have these four characters in the inscription. 30 

2. 福履綏將 Phúc lý tuy tướng 

Ch. Fu lü sui jiang // Happiness and success, peaceful and assured. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng, 31 Thiệu Trị 32 and Tự Đức 33 (Fig. 4) 

eras. 

These four characters are a contraction of the end of the fi rst two verses of the poem 

Jiumu 樛木 in the Book of Odes (Shijing). They are good wishes intended for Princess 

Tai Si 太姒, wife of King Wen 文 of Zhou 周: ‘In the South the trees push out their 

branches that hang, the climbing plants cling to them; our princess brings us joy, may 

her happiness and success be peaceful! In the South the trees push out their branches 

that hang, the climbing plants wrap themselves around them; our princess brings us 

joy, may her happiness and success be assured!’ (Nan you jiumu ge lei lei zhi; le zhi 

junzi, fulü sui zhi. Nan you jiumu ge lei huang zhi; le zhi junzi, fulü jiang zhi 南有 

樛木葛藟纍之,樂只君子,福履綏之南有樛木葛藟荒之,樂只君子,福履 

將之). 34 

Fig. 4: Type 2, Tự Đức thông bảo, diameter 50 mm, 34.59 g., BnF, CMVS no. 488 

30 ACV, no. 69; CAC, no. 50. Note also the choice of the fl ying dragon (飛龍 Viet. phi long, Ch. fei 

long) as the iconographic symbol on the fi rst silver piastres of the Minh Mạng era (CMV, no. 1557), 

which is also linked to the hexagram qian. The commentary of the hexagram qian says in effect a 

dragon fl ying in the sky, will help us to see a great man (fei long zai tian, li jian da ren 飛龍在天,利 

見大人), as Zhu Xi remarked in ‘a prince gifted with great virtue’, see Yijing, I, pp. 58–9. 

31 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 414; Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 152; AS, 

III, p. 15; CMV, no. 1516; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 160. 

32 CMV, no. 1605; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 179. 

33 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 464; CMVS, no. 488. 

34 Shijing, Guofeng–I-4, p. 9. Arthur Waley (The Book of Songs, p. 173, no. 163) translates this as 

‘In the south there is a tree with drooping boughs;/The cloth-creeper binds it./Oh, happy is our lord;/ 

Blessings and boons secure him.// In the south there is a tree with drooping boughs;/The cloth-creeper 

covers it./Oh, happy is our lord;/Blessings and boons protect him.’

374 


3. 帝德廣運 Đế đức quảng vận 

Ch. Di de guang yun // The virtue of the Emperor moves without limit. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng 35 and Tự Đức 36 eras. 

This expression is taken from The Counsels of Yu the Great (Da Yu mo 大禹謨), in 

the Book of Documents (Shujing). 37 Imperial virtue radiating throughout the empire 

and beyond is a recurrent theme in Confucianism. The wise emperor does not need 

to constrain, either by force or by war; it is by virtuous example that he leads the 

princes and the people to modify their attitude, their manners and to adopt correct 

behaviour. 

4. 利用,厚生 Lợi dụng, hậu sinh 

Ch. Li yong, hou sheng // Acquire the necessary goods, assure the well-being of the 

people. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng, 38 Thiệu Trị, 39 and Tự Đức 40 eras. 

These four characters are taken from The Counsels of Yu the Great and refer to the 

Three Occupations of the ideal ruler (see also type 30). 41 

5. 中和位育 Trung hòa vị dục 

Ch. Zhong he wei yu // Balance and harmony, all in place, multiply. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng 42 , Thiệu Trị 43 and Tự Đức 44 eras. 

This is a contraction of a passage in the fi rst chapter of The Doctrine of the Mean 

(Zhongyong 中庸): ‘When there is the highest degree of balance and harmony, 

Heaven and Earth will be in their place, and all things will multiply’ (Zhi zhong he, 

Tian Di wei yan, wan wu yu yan 致中和天地位焉,萬物育焉). 45 

6. 斂福錫民 Liễm phúc tích dân 

Ch. Lian fu xi min // Achieve happiness and share it with the people. 

35 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 408; Schroeder, no. 153; CMVS, no. 391; Barker, Historical 

cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 161. 

36 CMV, no. 1780. 

37 Shujing, I-3, p. 33. 


CMV, no. 1517. 


40 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 460; AS, III, p. 23; Barker, no. 196. 

41 Shujing, I-3, p. 35. Hou sheng 厚生 is the equivalent of ximin 錫民 (see type 30). 

42 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 155; CMV, no. 1518; Barker, Historical cash coins 

of Viêt Nam, no. 162. 

43 AMM, no. V142. 

44 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 462; CMV, no. 1781. 

45 Zhong Yong, I, p. 29. James Legge (Four Books, pp. 351–2) translates this as ‘Let the path of 

equilibrium and harmony exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail throughout heaven and 

earth, and all things will be nourished and fl ourish.’



This is a contraction of the address given by Minister Ji 箕 to King Wu 武 of Zhou, 

which appears in The Great Plan (Hong Fan 洪範) in the Book of Documents 

(Shujing): ‘Achieve the fi ve happinesses when the moment is right, and share them 

with all your people’ (Lian shi wu fu, yong fu xi jue shu min 斂時五福,用敷錫厥 

庶民). 48 

7. 四方為則 Tứ phương vi tắc 

Ch. Si fang wei ze // To be a model throughout the empire. 


This expression is from the poem Juan’e 卷阿 in the Book of Odes (Shijing): ‘You 

are helpful and reliable, you are pious and virtuous, you are a guide and a support, a 

good and kindly Prince, a model throughout the empire.’ (you ping you yi, you xiao 

you de, yi yin yi yi, kaiti junzi, sifang wei ze 有馮有翼,有孝有德,以引以翼,豈 

弟君子,四方為則). 51 Here Minister Jun Shi 君奭 is addressing King Cheng 成 of 

Zhou. The expression sifang, literally ‘the four cardinal points’, refers to all space, 

in other words, the empire. See type 55. 

8. 剛健中正 Cương kiện trung chính 

Ch. Gang jian zhong zheng // Firmness, strength, in the correct position, righteous. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng52 and Tự Đức53 eras. On the coins of 

Thiệu Trị (1841-1847) and Tự Đức (1848-1883), the character kiện 健 is written as 

徤. These four characters are taken from the commentary for the hexagram qian 乾: 

‘How great is Qian! Firmness and strength, in the correct position, righteous; pure, 

brilliant and subtle.’ (Dazai Qian hu! Gang jian zhong zheng, chun zui jing ye 大哉 

乾乎剛健中正,純粹精也). 54 

9. 家給人足 Gia cấp nhân túc 

Ch. Jia ji ren zu // The families are well provided for, the people have suffi cient. 




48 Shujing, IV-4, p. 199. 




51 Shijing, Daya-II-8, p. 366. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 183, no. 174) translates this as ‘Flourishing, 

majestic, Of great piety and inner power. You shall be continued, protected. All happiness to our lord, 

A model to all the lands.’ 


III, p. 14; AMM, no. V60; CMV, no. 1522; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 165. 



54 Yijing, I, p. 70.

376 


Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng, 55 Thiệu Trị 56 and Tự Đức 57 eras. 

These four characters form a fi xed syntagm that is found in many texts. They appear 

in the Xinyu 新語 by Lu Jia 陸賈 , 58 a Confucian text from the beginning of the 

second century BC, which says that as a result of the policies of all the old, wise 

rulers of antiquity: ‘the empire is at peace, the families are well provided for and the 

people have suffi cient’ (tianxia heping, jia ji ren zu 天下和平,家給人足). 59 The 

Huainanzi gives the following version: ‘when there is an abundance of clothes and 

food, the families are well provided for and the people have suffi cient’ (yi she you yu, 

jia ji ren zu 衣食有餘,家給人足). 60 This expression also appears in the biography 

of Shang Yang 商鞅 in the Shiji. After Shang Yang’s reforms, the people of the Qin 

state grumbled at fi rst, but then ‘(the new laws) having been in force for ten years, 

the people of Qin rejoiced because one could leave something on the road without it 

being stolen, the mountains sheltered neither robbers or brigands, familes were well 

provided for and the people had suffi cient’ (xing zhi shi nian, Qin min da shuo, dao 

bu shiyi, shan wu daoze, jia ji ren zu 行之十年,秦民大說,道不拾遺,山無盜 

賊,家給人足). 61 In the Discourse on Salt and Iron (Yantie lun 鹽鐵論), the Grand 

Secretary Sang Hongyang 桑弘羊 says in 81 BC: ‘The ruler stores up food, and 

controls its use. He guards against excess, and provides when there is shortage. He 

prohibits wastage, and reduces profi teering. Thus, the families are well provided for 

and the people have suffi cient (gu ren zhu ji qi shi, shou qi yong, zhi qi you yu, diao 

qi bu zu, jin yi xian, ranhou baixing ke jia ji ren zu 故人主積其食,守其用,制 

其有餘,調其不足,禁溢羨,厄利塗,然後百姓可家給人足). 62 The expression 

appears again in Gong Yu’s 貢禹 memorial to Emperor Yuandi 元帝 (49–33 BC), 

which is recorded in the Hanshu. It concerns the frugality of the former princes 

and the equity of taxes: ‘so the families were well provided for and the people had 

suffi cient; there was praise and acclaim in equal measure’ (gu Tianxia jia ji ren zu, 

song sheng bing zuo 故天下家給人足,頌聲並作). 63 The same expression, but 

55 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 406; Schroeder, no. 159; CMV, no. 1524; Barker, Historical 


56 AMM, no. V143; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 181. 

57 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 458; CMV , no. 1784; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt 

Nam, no. 198. 

58 Lu Jia (c.228–140 BC) was an educated man from the very beginning of the Western Han, who 

prepared for the new emperor Liu Bang (206–195 BC) a philosophical essay called the Xinyu, in which 

he tried to explain the reasons for the failure of the Qin to establish a stable and durable empire. He 

wrote in defence of, and to illustrate, Confucian principles. 

59 Xinyu, VI-7. 

60 Huainanzi, VIII, p. 123. 

61 Shiji, LXVIII, p. 2231. 

62 Yantie lun, IV, p. 5. The same Sang Hongyang (152–80 BC), taking a pragmatic line which instilled 

a dose of Legalism in Confucianism, said the same thing using almost the same words: ‘In the regions 

of Song, Wei, Han and Liang where there is a long tradition of planting and harvesting, even among 

the most ordinary people, there is not one family that is not well provided for or that does not have 

suffi cient for its needs’ (Song Wei Han Liang, hao ben jia si, bianhu qimin, wubu jia yan ren ji 宋衛韓 

梁,好本稼穡, 編戶齊民,無不家衍人給), see Yantie lun, III, p. 4. 

63 Hanshu, LXXII, p. 3069. Gong Yu (127–44 BC) was a famous Confucian literatus of the Western 

Han who served as privy councillor (Guanglu dafu 光祿大夫) under Yuandi, then as Censor-in-chief


reversed, also appears in the afterword of the Shiji: ‘the people are well provided for, 

families have suffi cient’ (ren ji jia zu 人給家足). 64 

10. 川至山增 Xuyên chí sơn tăng 

Ch. Chuan zhi shan zeng // Rivers fl ow, mountains rise. 


These four characters are from the poem Tianbao 天保 in the Shijing. 68 This poem 

was used in various abbreviated forms for numerous inscriptions on coins in this 

series (see also type 37). 

2. The four-character moral maxims on coins of the Thiệu Trị era 

11. 天下大同 Thiên hạ đại đồng 

Ch. Tian xia da tong // Universal harmony throughout the empire. 

Inscription found on coins of the Thiệu Trị69 era. The reverse illustrated by Schroeder 

(no. 161, Fig. 1) and attributed to Minh Mạng is not genuine. 

‘Universal harmony’ (Ch. Da tong) results from good government in which virtue 

overwhelms any bad elements of society. The chapter Li yun in the Liji (Book of 

Rites) says: ‘Thus, plots will be blocked and cannot be developed. Robbers, brigands 

and rebels will not be able to do anything. For this reason the external gates will not 

shut. This is what is meant by universal harmony’ (shi gu mou bi er bu xing, dao qie 

luan zei er bu zuo, gu wai hu er bu bi, shi wei da tong 是故謀閉而不興,盜竊亂賊 

而不作,故外戶而不閉,是謂大同). 70 

12. 萬世永賴 Vạn thế vĩnh lại 

Ch. Wan shi yong lai // Ten thousand generations will reap the results. 

Inscription found on coins of the Thiệu Trị 71 and Tự Đức 72 eras. The reverse illustrated 

by Schroeder (no. 162, Fig. 2) and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is a coin of the 

Thiệu Trị era. 

(Yushi dafu 御史大夫). He insisted on the necessity to reduce the unnecessary expenses of the court, 

the importance that one should give to agriculture and the indispensable promotion of the study of 

Confucian works. Furthermore, he proposed a suppression of coins and a return to barter as a means of 

exchange (Hanshu, LXXII, pp. 3075–6). 

64 Shiji, CXXX, p. 3291. 

65 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 160; AS, III, p. 15; CMV, no. 1526; Barker, Historical 



67 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 463. 

68 Shijing, Xiaoya-I-6, p. 183. 


70 Liji, IX, p. 368. 

71 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 450; CMVS, no. 424; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt 

Nam, no. 185. 

72 CMV, no. 1785.

378 


This expression is taken from The Counsels of Yu the Great: ‘When Earth is at peace, 

and Heaven is complete, and the Six Treasuries and the Three Occupations are well 

managed, ten thousand generations will reap the results’ (Di ping Tian cheng, liu fu 

san shi yun zhi, wan shi yong lai 地平天成,六府三事允治,萬世永賴). 73 This 

inscription is frequently seen on the gold and silver coinage of the Nguyễn dynasty 

from the Thiệu Trị era (1841–7) to the Thành Thái era (1889–1907). See also type 

30. 

13. 萬物資生 Vạn vật tư sanh 

Ch. Wan shi zi sheng // All living things are born from it. 


by Schroeder, no. 163, and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is not genuine. 

These four characters are taken from the commentary for the hexagram kun 坤 in the 

Book of Changes (Yijing): ‘So effective is the principle of kun that all living things 

are born from it, it is gentle obedience to heaven’, (Zhi zai kun yuan, wan wu zi 

sheng, nai shun cheng tian 至哉坤元,萬物資生,乃順承天). 76 

14. 解慍阜財 Giải uấn phụ tài 

Ch. Jie yun fu cai // Resolve resentment, augment wealth. 

Inscription found on coins of the Thiệu Trị77 era. The reverse illustrated by Schroeder, 

no. 164, and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is a coin of the Thiệu Trị era. 

These four characters are a contraction of the poem Wind from the South (Nanfeng 

南風) attributed to the mythical emperor Yushun 虞舜: ‘The softness of the wind 

from the South can resolve resentment among my people, the timeliness of the wind 

from the South can augment the wealth of the people’ (Nan feng zhi xun xi, keyi jie 

wu min zhi yun xi, Nan feng zhi shi xi, keyi fu min zhi cai xi 南風之薰兮,可以解吾 

民之慍兮,南風之時兮,可以阜民之財兮). This poem is quoted in Chapter 35 of 

Bianyuejie 辯樂解, in Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語. 78 

15. 悠久無疆 Du cửu vô cương 

Ch. You jiu wu jiang // Far-reaching, without limit. 

73 Shujing, I-3, p. 35. 

74 CMVS, no. 423. 


76 Yijing, II, p. 76. 

77 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 457; AS, III, p. 18; CMV, no. 1607; Barker, Historical cash 

coins of Viêt Nam, no. 186. 

78 This work complements the Analects (Lunyu) of Confucius, and is a collection of anecdotes and 

aphorisms about the Master and his main disciples, Zilu, Zixia and Yan Hui. The text is known to have 

been compiled during the Eastern Han by Wang Su 王肅 (195–256), see Ciyuan, p. 2217; and Loewe, 

pp. 258–69. The Chinese Text Project (Baijia zhuzi 百家諸子, http://ctext.org) website gives a digital 

version of most of the great philosophical and historical texts of ancient China.



by Schroeder, no. 165, and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is not genuine. 

This expression, taken from The Doctrine of the Mean, refers to one of the most 

important Confucian virtues, sincerity (Ch. cheng 誠; Viet. thành). 81 

16. 壽考萬年 Thọ khảo vạn niên 

Ch. Shou kao wan nian // A longevity of ten thousand years. 


by Schroeder, no. 166, and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is a coin of the Thiệu 

Trị era. 

These are the last four characters in the poem Xin Nanshan 信南山 in the Book of 

Odes (Shijing), in which a high dignitary evokes the care he takes in agriculture and 

in ancestor worship: ‘The fi eld boundaries are so fi ne, so fi ne; the grains they are 

so good, so good; I am the grandchild with the harvest, making wine and food for 

ancestor and guest, a longevity of ten thousand years’ (Jiang tang yiyi, shu ji yuyu , 

ceng sun zhi se yi wei jiu shi, bi wo shi bin, shou kao wan nian 疆場翼翼,黍稷彧 

彧,曾孫之穡以為酒食,畀我尸賓,壽考萬年). 84 

17. 裕國利民 Dụ quốc lợi dân 

Ch. Yu guo li min // Enrich the state, benefi t the people. 

Inscription found on coins of the Thiệu Trị85 era. The reverse illustrated by Schroeder, 

no. 167, and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is a coin of the Thiệu Trị era. 

This is a variant of the phrase ‘make the country rich, benefi t the people’ (fu guo li 

min 富國利民) found in Chapter 8 of Wenzi 文子. It encapsulates the meaning of the 

full quote: ‘The ancient kings chose their time well and used it wisely, that is the way 

to enrich the state and benefi t the people’ (xian wang zhi suoyi ying shi xiubei, fu guo 

li min zhi dao ye 先王之所以應時脩備,富國利民之道也). 86 

79 AS, III, p. 18; CMVS, no. 422. 


81 Zhongyong, XXVI, p. 56. Legge, (Four Books, p. 405) translates this as ‘So far-reaching and long- 

continuing, it makes him infi nite.’ 

82 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 218, CMV, no. 1602; Barker, Historical cash coins 

of Viêt Nam, no. 177. 

83 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 471; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 195. 

84 Shijing, Xiaoya-VI-6, p. 281. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 212, no. 200) translates this as ‘The 

boundaries and balks are strictly drawn;/The wine-millet and cooking-millet give good yield,/To be 

harvested by the descendant;/That he may have wine and food/To supply the Dead One and the guests,/ 

And so get life long-lasting.’ 


86 Wenzi, Shangren-X, Chinese Text Project. The Wenzi was a Taoist work, long considered a later 

fake, until a version written on bamboo slips (the old Wenzi) was discovered in 1973 in the tomb of 

Prince Huai of Zhongshan (55 BC); the old Wenzi was perceptibly different from the canonical Wenzi 

(the modern Wenzi) which seems to have been compiled from the original text and from passages taken 

from other ancient works, in particular the Huainanzi (c.139 BC), see Le Blanc, pp. x–xii, 8–9.

380 


3. The four-character moral maxims on coins of the Tự Đức era 

18. 九功惟敘 Cửu công duy tự 

Ch. Jiu gong wei xu // The Nine Meritorious Acts must be carried out in order. 

Inscription found on coins of the Tự Đức87 era. 

These four characters are taken from The Counsels of Yu the Great. 88 The ‘Nine 

Actions’ or ‘Nine Meritorious Acts’ (Ch. Jiu gong 九功) are the good administration 

of the Six Treasuries, (Ch. Liu fu 六府: water, fi re, metal, wood, earth and grain) and 

the realisation of the Three Occupations (Ch. San shi 三事: acquiring the necessary 

goods, assuring the well-being of the people, and maintaining virtue). See also types 

12 and 30. 

19. 經綸天下 Kinh luân thiên hạ 

Ch. Jing lun tian xia // To weave (the immutable law) across the empire. 

Inscription found on coins of the Tự Đức89era. (Fig. 5). 

These four characters are taken from The Doctrine of the Mean: ‘Only when there 

is someone in the empire with the utmost sincerity, can he weave the immutable law 

across the empire’, (Wei Tianxia zhi cheng, wei neng jinglun Tianxia zhi dajing 唯天 

下至誠,為能經綸天下之大經). 90 

Fig. 5: Type 19, Tự Đức thông bảo, diameter 52 mm, 35.49 g., BnF, CMV no. 1778 

20. Trị công đỉnh thịnh 治功鼎盛 

Ch. Zhi gong ding sheng // Rule according to the [Nine] Meritorious Acts, and 

imperial power will fl ourish. 

87 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 319; AMM, no. V216; CMV, no. 1787. 

88 Shujing, I-3, p. 35. 

89 AS, III, p. 22; CMV, no. 1772. 

90 Zhongyong, XXXII, p. 64. Legge (Four Books, p. 420) translates this as ‘It is only the individual 

possessed of the most entire sincerity that can exist under heaven, who can adjust the great invariable 

relations of mankind.’



The expression zhi gong 治功 is found in the Zhouli 周禮 92 and many other texts, 

and has the general meaning ‘to apply oneself to render service unto one’s country’. 

But it is essentially an abbreviation of zhi jiu gong 治九功, ‘to rule according to 

the Nine Meritorious Acts’, which defi ne the action and practice of the good ruler. 

The third character 鼎 (Ch. ding; Viet. đỉnh) refers to a physical object: the ancient 

Chinese bronze vessel known as ding, but is used here as a metaphor for the essence 

of imperial power. In ancient times the emperor Yu cast nine ding-vessels (Ch. jiu 

ding 九鼎), the possession of which was seen as proof of the legitimacy of the power 

of the Son of Heaven (i.e. the Zhou king). When in 255 BC King Zhaoxiang of Qin 

brought the Zhou dynasty to an end, he seized the nine ding, but as they were being 

transported to the capital of Qin, one of the ding fell into the river Si, thereby proving 

his illegitimacy for the role of Son of Heaven. Some years later, in 219, when his 

grandson Shihuangdi unifi ed all of the Warring States and became the First Emperor 

of China, he set about recovering the missing ding, but in spite of engaging hundreds 

of divers, he proved incapable of retrieving it, and was thus unable to prove his 

legitimacy in this way. See also types 18 and 30. 

21. 兆民允懷 Triệu dân duẫn hoài 

Ch. Zhao min yun huai // All the people have sincere affection for him. 


This expression is taken from the Book of Shang, in the Book of Documents, and 

refers to King Shang Tang 商湯 who overthrew the tyrannical King Jie Gui 桀癸 

of the Xia dynasty: ‘It is our King Shang who spread brilliantly his wisdom and 

military valour, replacing tyranny with magnanimity. All the people have sincere 

affection for him’ (wei wo Shang wang bu zhao sheng wu, dai nue yi kuan. Zhao min 

yun huai 惟我商王布昭聖武,代虐以寬。兆民允懷). 94 

22. 庶政惟和 Thứ chính duy hòa 

Ch. Shu zheng wei he // All the affairs of State in harmony. 

Inscription found on coins of the Tự Đức era. 95 

This expression is taken from The Offi cials of Zhou (Zhouguan 周官) in the Annals 

of Zhou (Zhoushu 周書) in the Book of Documents (Shujing): ‘When all the affairs of 

State are in harmony, all the principalities will be at peace’ (Shu zheng wei he, wan 

guo xian ning 庶正惟和,萬國咸寧). 96 The second character 政 is interchangeable 

with 正. Tự Đức was not the fi rst to make reference to this passage: Emperor 


92 Zhouli, p. 80. 


94 Shujing, III-4, p. 115. 


96 Shujing, IV-20, p. 332.

382 


Huizong (1101–25) of the Northern Song dynasty took two of the characters from 

this expression as the name of his fourth reign period (Ch. nianhao) Zheng He 政和 

(1111–18). By a terrible coincidence, both of these emperors, one Chinese, the other 

Vietnamese, found themselves in the position of having to cede part of the territory 

of their respective empires: Huizong to the Jurchen of the Jin dynasty, and Dực Tông 

to the French. 

23. 福祿來成 Phúc lộc lai thành 

Ch. Fu lu lai cheng // Happiness and wealth will come aplenty. 


This phrase is from the end of the poem Fuyi 鳧鷖 in the Book of Odes (Shijing): 

‘With wine so pure, with food so fragrant, the representative of the Duke Manes 

feasts and drinks, happiness and wealth will come aplenty.’ (er jiu ji qing, er yao ji 

xing, gong shi yan yin, fu lu lai cheng 爾酒既清,爾殽既馨,公尸燕飲,福祿來 

成). 98 

24. 公私富給 Công tư phú cấp 

Ch. Gong si fu ji // Public and private affairs, rich and well provided for. 


This is probably the type that Barker transcribes as Công tư phụ cấp with the characters 

功自阜給 (Viet. Công tự phụ cấp) but without illustration, merely stating ‘known 

to exist’. 100 Barker’s error originates with Đỗ Văn Ninh who gives the transcription 

Tự Đức thông bảo. Công tư phụ cấp without giving the characters, or illustrations 

and with an error in the transcription: phụ instead of phú. 101 It would seem that 

Barker started with Đỗ’s erroneous transcription, and attempted to reconstruct the 

inscription, introducing new errors of his own (自 is transcribed tự, not as tư, and 

therefore does not match Đỗ’s transcription). 

This expression is taken from the Zizhi tongjian 資治通鑑, and defi nes the results 

of the good government of the Tang dynasty emperor Taizong 太宗 (627–49) during 

the Zhen Guan 貞觀 reign period: ‘from then on for twenty years, customs were pure 

and sincere, clothes were without (excessive) brocades and embroidery, public and 

private affairs were rich and well provided for’ (youshi ershi nian jian, fengsu su 

pu, yi wu jinxiu, gongsi fuji 由是二十年見,風俗素朴,衣無錦繡,公私富給). 102 

The allusion to Taizong is interesting as it introduces a parallel which one assumes 

must be intentional, as this great Chinese emperor, like Tự Đức, killed his elder 


98 Shijing, Daya-II-4, p. 357. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 215, no. 203) translates this as ‘Your wine is 

clear,/Your food smells good./The Dead One quietly drinks;/Blessings are in the making.’ 


100 Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, p. 269. 

101 Đỗ, p. 235, no. 360. 

102 ZZTJ, CXCII, p. 6041.


brother. On 3 July 626, Li Shimin 李世民, prince of Qin and son of the Tang dynasty 

emperor Taizu (618–26), had his brother Li Jiancheng, who was prince and heir to 

the throne, assassinated at the Xuanwu Gate in Chang’an. He then headed for the 

palace where he made the emperor abdicate in his favour, and thereby earned himself 

the temple name Taizong. But it was Taizong, the true founder of the Tang dynasty, 

who had known how to rid the empire of the tyrant emperor Yangdi of the Sui 

dynasty, a monstrous ruler second only to Qin Shihuangdi, according to traditional 

Chinese historiography. The reference to the Zizhi tongjian is also intentional. Sima 

Guang 司馬光 (1019–86), the author of this historic work, was a minister during 

the Yingzong reign period (1064–7) of the Song dynasty. Bitterly opposed to the 

reforms of Wang Anshi carried out during the reign of Shenzong (1068–85), he 

was the leader of the conservative Confucian faction. After the death of Shenzong, 

he returned to power under Zhezong (1085–1100) and during the fi rst year of the 

Yuan You reign period (1086), he had all the reforms repealed. Sima Guang was 

therefore the model Confucian statesman, and his Zizhi tongjian was the model, 

moral historical compilation. 

A similar expression ‘public and private affairs, both with advantage’, gong si 

liang bian 公私兩便, is seen in a note by Yan Shigu 顏師古 (581–645) referring to 

a quote from the pseudo-prophet Zhen Feng. 103 

4. The eight-character moral maxims on coins of the Minh Mạng era 

25. 君君,臣臣,父父,子子 Quân quân, thần thần, phụ phụ, tử tử 

Ch. Jun jun, chen chen, fu fu, zi zi // May the Prince be like a prince, the subject like 

a subject, the father like a father, the son like a son. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng, 104 Thiệu Trị105 and Tự Đức106 eras. On 

the coins of the Minh Mạng era the inscription appears in the form 君ㄑ臣ㄑ父ㄑ子 

ㄑ, whereㄑ indicates that the previous character is repeated. 

This expression is a fundamental injunction of Confucianism. It is found in the 

Analects (Lunyu): ‘Duke Jing of Qi questioned Confucius on the art of governing. 

Confucius replied: The prince should behave like a prince, the subject like a subject, 

the father like a father, the son like a son’ (Qi Jing gong wen zheng yu Kongzi. 

Kongzi dui yue: jun jun, chen chen, fu fu, zi zi 齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰:君 

君,臣臣,父父,子子). 107 Variant forms also appear in The Doctrine of the Mean 

and The Great Learning (Daxue 大學), where it is used in reference to King Wen 

of Zhou: ‘as man and prince, his aim was benevolence; as man and subject, his aim 

103 Hanshu, XXIX, pp. 1697–8. 





107 Lunyu, VI-11, p. 204. Lau (Confucius, p. 166) translates this as ‘Let the ruler be a ruler, the subject 

a subject, the father a father, the son a son’. Legge (Four Books, p. 165) translates this as ‘The Duke 

Jing of Qi asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, ‘There is goverment, when the prince 

is prince, and the minister is minister; when the father is father, and the son is son.’

384 


was submission; as man and son, his aim was fi lial piety; as man and father, his aim 

was affection’ (wei ren jun zhi yu ren, wei ren chen zhi yu jing, wei ren zi zhi yu xiao, 

wei ren fu zhi yu ci 為人君止於仁,為人臣止於敬,為人子止於孝,為人父止 

於慈). 108 

26. 賢賢,親親,樂樂,利利 Hiền hiền, thân thân, lạc lạc, lợi lợi 

Ch. Xian xian, qin qin, le le, li li // Appreciate the wise, love one’s parents, enjoy 

pleasure, benefi t from gain. 


coins of the Minh Mạng era, the inscription appears in the form 賢ㄑ親ㄑ樂ㄑ利ㄑ. 

These eight characters are a contraction of a passage in The Great Learning citing 

the Shijing: ‘The Shi[jing] says: Oh! The old kings are not forgotten. The princes 

appreciate the wise, and love their parents; the lesser people enjoy their pleasures 

and benefi t from their gains’ (Shi yun. Yuxi! Qian wang bu wang. Junzi xian qi xian, 

er qin qi qin, xiaoren le qi le, er li qi li 詩云。於戲。前王不忘,君子賢其賢而 

親其親,小人樂其樂而利其利). 112 The fi rst two characters are found in the Lunyu 

in a more developed form: ‘appreciate wisdom over pleasure’ (xian xian yi se 賢賢 

易色); 113 and a similar version is found at the end of the fourth chapter of The Great 

Learning. 114 The expression ‘love one’s parents’ (qin qin) is found many times in the 

Doctrine of the Mean. See also type 35. 

27. 國泰民安,風調雨順 Quốc thái dân an, phong điều vũ thuận 

Ch. Guo tai min an, feng diao yu shun // The state calm, the people at peace, the 

wind gentle, the rain benefi cial. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng (Fig. 6) 115 and Thiệu Trị (Fig 7) 116 eras. 

This inscription is not found with the niên hiệu Tự Đức because the character An 安 

was made taboo in 1861 (see above). 

108 Daxue, III, p. 8. Legge (Four Books, p. 318) translates this as ‘As a sovereign, he rested in 

benevolence. As a minister, he rested in reverence. As a son, he rested in fi lial piety. As a father, he 

rested in kindness.’ 


AMM, no. V70; CMV, no. 1528; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 140. 

110 CMVS, no. 428. 

111 CMV, no. 1792. 

112 Daxue, III, pp. 9–10. Legge (Four Books, p. 320) translates this as ‘In the Book of Poetry, it is said, 

“Ah! The former kings are not forgotten.” Future princes deem worthy what they deemed worthy, and 

love what they loved. The common people delight in what delighted them, and are benefi ted by their 

benefi cial arrangements.’ 

113 Lunyu, I-7, p. 73. Legge (Four Books, p. 6) translates this as ‘If a man withdraws his mind from 

the love of beauty, and applies it as sincerely to the love of the virtuous…’ 

114 Daxue, IV, pp. 9–10. 

115 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 130; AS, III, p. 11; CMV, no. 1533. Barker, Historical 


116 CMV, no. 1629.


Fig. 6: Type 27, Minh Mạng thông bảo, diameter 51 mm, 26.64 g., BnF, 

CMV no. 1533 

Fig. 7: Type 27, Thiệu Trị thông bảo, diameter 51.3 mm, 34.94 g., BnF, 

CMV no. 1629 

This type is particularly relevant to Thánh Tổ because the Annals of the Đại Nam 

(Đại Nam thực lục 大南實錄) record that in the third moon of the fi rst year canhthìn 

庚辰 of the Minh Mạng era (1820), during an audience at court, a mandarin 

respectfully presented to the emperor an ‘old coin’ which had the inscription 國泰 

民安,風調雨順 The emperor had the coin passed around the mandarins who were 

present and sought their views on the date, but no one was able to say anything about 

it. The emperor then announced that although no one was able to determine the date 

of the coin, the inscription appeared to express a wish, and that if one was able to 

govern the empire in accordance with these eight characters, then it would surely 

be very rewarding indeed. 117 The piece shown to Thánh Tổ was probably a Chinese 

amulet: indeed there are several different types of amulet which have guo tai min an 

國泰民安 on the obverse, and feng diao yu shun 風調雨順on the reverse. 118 

117 DNTL, V, p.84. 

118 ZGHQ, nos 635, 639. During the reign of Renzong of the Qing dynasty, in the Jia Qing era (1796– 

1820) palace amulets were issued which had the inscription ‘May Jia Qing last 10,000 years’ Jia Qing 

wan nian 嘉慶萬年) on the obverse and Guo tai min an on the reverse (Lu ZH, p. 161); there are

386 


The fi rst part of the inscription is a variant of the famous expression ‘May the 

state be rich and the people well’ (guo fu min kang 國富民康), which appears in 

the Seven Principles (Qi qi 七啟) by Cao Zhi. 119 In this text, Cao Zhi presents a 

Confucian who tries to convince a Taoist to abandon his retirement in order to put 

his high ideals into practice and thereby make his country powerful. The fi rst four 

characters on this coin are taken from a passage in Chapter 14 of Shanchuanshen 

山川神, in the Meng Liang lu 夢梁錄 (1214) by Wu Zimu 吳自牧 of the Southern 

Song dynasty: ‘First ask Heaven for the country to be calm, then keep the people at 

peace’ (shang qi guo tai, xia bao min an 上祈國泰,下保民安). 120 The second part 

is an extremely common phrase, taken from the Treatise on Rites and Ceremonies 

(Liyizhi 禮儀志) in the History of the Tang (Tangshu 唐書). 121 It is based on a passage 

in The Six Strategies (Liu Tao 六韜), a text from the Warring States period (fourth 

to third centuries BC) which became a classic of military strategy during the Three 

Kingdoms and during the Tang dynasty. When King Wu 武 of Zhou 周 questioned 

Prime Minister Jiang Taigong 姜太公 on military strategy and tactics, he replied: 

‘It is because the wind and rain arrived at a favourable moment that the fi ve grains 

matured in abundance and that the territory of the State is at peace’ (shi gu feng yu 

shijie, wu gu feng shu, sheji anning 是故風雨時節,五穀豐熟,社稷安寧). 122 The 

same phrase, albeit reversed, is also seen in the poem Ode on Lychees (Lizhi tan 荔 

枝嘆) by Su Shi 蘇軾 (a.k.a. Su Dongpo, 1037–1101): ‘with rain benefi cial and wind 

gentle all the grains matured, the people know not famine nor cold which is a happy 

omen for the ruler’ (Yu shun feng diao bai gu deng, min bu ji han wei shang rui 雨順 

風調百穀登,民不饑寒為上瑞). 

28. 華封三祝,天保九如 Hoa phong tam chúc, Thiên bảo cửu như 

Ch. Hua feng san zu, tian bao jiu ru // The three desires of Hua, the Nine Comparisons 

in [the poem] Tianbao. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng123 era. This type was dropped from the 

time of Thiệu Trị because it contained the taboo character Hoa 華 which was present 

in the personal name of the emperor’s mother (see above). 

The fi rst part of the inscription comes from Zhuangzi: ‘When Yao was inspecting the 

land of Hua, the offi cial appointed to this fi efdom said, ‘Longevity, wealth and many 

sons, these are what the people desire.’ (Yao guan hu Hua. Hua feng ren yue: […] 

shou fu duo nanzi, ren zhi suo yu ye 堯觀乎華。華封人曰:[…] 壽富多男子, 

also amulets which have just one of four-character phrases (ZGHQ, nos 365, 515), or one of them in 

association with another (ZGHQ, nos 675, 876; Lockhart, Glover collection, no. 1843). 

119 The poet Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) was the son of the warlord Cao Cao who was responsible for the 

foundation of the Wei kingdom, of the Three Kingdoms. 

120 Ciyuan, p. 454. 

121 Tangshu, XXI, p. 822. 

122 Long tao-IV, Chinese Text Project. See also type 34. 

123 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 418; Schroeder, no. 131; CMV, no. 1534; Barker, Historical 

cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 141.


人之所欲也). 124 The same four characters are also found on the obverse of Chinese 

amulets which have a reverse depicting the symbols of the Eight Immortals. 125 

The second part of the inscription is an allusion to the Nine Comparisons in the 

poem Tianbao in the Book of Odes (Shijing). See also type 37. 126 

29. 得位得祿得名得壽 Đắc vị đắc lộc đắc danh đắc thọ 

Ch. De wei de lu de ming de shou // Achieve status, achieve riches, achieve 

reputation, achieve longevity. 


This expression is taken from the description of the emperor Shun 舜, at the end of 

the seventeenth chapter of The Doctrine of the Mean: ‘Because of his great virtue, 

it was inevitable that he would achieve status, inevitable that he would achieve 

riches, inevitable that he would achieve reputation, inevitable that he would achieve 

longevity’ (Gu da de bi de qi wei, bi de qi lu, bi de qi ming, bi de qi shou 故大德必 

得其位,必得其祿,必得其名,必得其壽). 130 

30. 六府孔修,三事允治 Lục phủ khổng tu, tam sự duẫn trị 

Ch. Liu fu Kong xiu, san shi yun zhi // The Six Treasuries maintained perfectly, the 

Three Occupations performed correctly. 


The fi rst part of this inscription describes the results of Yu’s good agricultural and 

water-controlling policies, under emperor Shun, and comes from the Tribute of Yu 

in the Book of Documents (Shangshu); 134 the second was developed in The Counsels 

of Yu the Great. 135 The Six Treasuries are water, fi re, metal, wood, earth and grains; 

the Three Occupations are to acquire the necessary goods (liyong 利用), assure the 

well-being of the people (ximin 錫民), and to maintain virtue (zhengde 正德). See 

also types 12 and 18. 

124 Zhuangzi, XII-F, pp. 296–7. 

125 Lu ZH, p. 329. 

126 Shijing, Xiaoya-I-6, pp. 183–4. 

127 Lacroix, no. 428; Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 132; CMV, no. 1536; Barker, 

Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 143. 

128 AS, III, p.16. 


130 Zhongyong, XVII, p. 40. Legge (Four Books, p. 373) translates this as ‘Therefore having such 

virtue, it could not but be that he should obtain the throne, that he should obtain those riches, that he 

should obtain his fame, that he should attain to his long life.’ 




133 AS, III, p. 22. 

134 Shujing, II-1, p. 86. 

135 Shujing, I-3, p. 35.

388 


31. 至公至正,無黨無偏 Chí công chí chính, vô đảng vô thiên 

Ch. Zhi gong zhi zheng, wu dang wu pian // Impartiality and rectitude at their 

utmost, impartiality without favouritism. 


Impartiality (gong 公) and rectitude (zheng 正) are two of the principal virtues 

of an exemplary ruler exercising his power; and these two terms appear in all the 

Confucian works. Li Yuangang 李元綱 of the Song dynasty wrote in his Houdelu 

厚德錄: ‘When impartiality and rectitude are at their utmost, there is no need for 

private interests to harm public interests’ (Zhi gong zhi zheng, bu yi si hai gong 至 

公至正,不以私害公). The second part of the inscription comes from The Great 

Plan of the Book of Documents (Shujing): ‘The Way of the King is vast and wide, 

impartial and without favouritism’ (Wang dao dangdang, wu dang wu pian 王道蕩 

蕩,無黨無偏). See also type 42. 138 

32. 萬歲萬歲萬萬歲壽 Vạn tuế vạn tuế vạn vạn tuế thọ 

Ch. Wan sui wan sui wan wan sui shou // Ten thousand years, ten thousand years, 

ten thousand times ten thousand years, longevity. 


33. 穆穆,皇皇,濟濟,蹌蹌 Mục mục hoàng hoàng, tề tề thương thương 

Ch. Mu mu, huang huang, ji ji, qiang qiang // Admirable, majestic, solemn, 

dignifi ed. 


the coins of Minh Mạng, the inscription appears in the form 穆ㄑ皇ㄑ濟ㄑ蹌ㄑ. 

The fi rst four characters appear in the poem Jiale 假樂: ‘Admirable, majestic, 

bringing good to lords, and good to princes’ (mumu huanghuang, yi jun yi wang 穆 

穆皇皇,宜君宜王). 144 The last four characters come from the poem Chuci 楚茨: 

‘With serious manner and dignifi ed step, we go to choose the cow and sheep (for 


III, p. 12; AMM, no. V73; CMV, no. 1542; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 145. 

137 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 479; CMV, no. 1796; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt 

Nam, no. 189. 

138 Shujing, IV-IV, p. 201. 






142 CMV, no. 1610. 

143 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 468; CMV, no. 1793; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt 

Nam, no. 190. 

144 Shijing, Daya-II-5, p. 359. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 181, no. 172) translates this as ‘Solemn and 

majestic,/bringing good to lords and princes.’


sacrifi ce)’ (jiji qiangqiang, xie er niu yang 濟濟蹌蹌,絜爾牛羊). 145 The fi fth and 

sixth characters (ji ji 濟濟) appear in the poem Yupu 棫樸, where the second verse 

reads: ‘Solemn is our lord, all sides turn to him’ (jiji bi wang, zuo you qu zhi 濟濟 

辟王,左右趣之). 146 In this poem, Zhou gong 周公, duke of Zhou, the youngest 

son of King Wen, reminds his nephew Cheng (for whom he was acting as regent) 

of the meritorious achievements of his grandfather: ‘King Wen was admirable, for 

his perfect self-discipline’ (Mumu Wen wang, yu qi xi jing zhi 穆穆文王,於緝熙敬 

止; 147 this passage also appears in The Great Learning 148 and in the Ziyi in the Book 

of Rites (Liji). 149 

34. 河流順軌,年穀豐登 Hà lưu thuận quĩ, niên cốc phong đăng 

Ch. He liu shun gui, nian gu feng deng // When the rivers follow their course, the 

annual harvest is abundant. 


The fi rst part is a construction which derives from various phrases which appear 

in the Chinese dynastic histories, indicating that a particular wandering river has 

been dammed and brought under control, 153 for example, ‘the Huai River follows its 

course’ (Huai liu shun gui 淮流順軌), and ‘the Yellow River (Huang He) follows its 

course’ (Huanghe shun gui 黃河順軌).There is also the expression ‘May mountains 

and earth be calm for a long time, may rivers follow their course’ (shan di jiu an, he 

liu shun gui 山地久安,河流順軌), a wish for no earthquakes and no fl oods. 

The second part is a slightly modifi ed version of the passage in the Long tao 

(see also type 27); and there is the similar expression ‘the fi ve grains abundant 

and magnifi cent’ (wu gu feng chang五穀豐昌) in the Huainanzi: ‘The fi ve grains 

abundant and magnifi cent, the winds and the rain coming at the right time. Battles 

victorious abroad, happiness is born at home’ (wu gu feng chang, feng yu shijie, zhan 

sheng yu wai, fu sheng yu nei 五穀豐昌,風雨時節戰勝於外,福生於內). 154 

In the Yijing, the commentary of the hexagram dayou reads: ‘great abundance, a 

year in which grain is in abundance’. There is a similar text in the Hou Hanshu, 

which reports that the ninth year of the reign of Mingdi of the Eastern Han was a 

145 Shijing, Xiaoya-VI-5, p. 276. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 209, no. 199) translates this as ‘In due 

order, treading cautiously,/We purify your oxen and sheep [for sacrifi ce].’ 

146 Shijing, Daya-I-4, p. 330. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 266, no. 249) translates this as ‘Great is the 

magnifi cence of the lord king;/On either hand are those that speed for him.’ 

147 Shijing, Daya-I-1, p. 321. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 250, no. 241) translates this as ‘August is Wên 

the King;/Oh, to be reverenced in his glittering light!’ 

148 Daxue, III, p. 8. 

149 Liji, XXXIII, p. 509. 


III, p. 10; CMV, no. 1546; Barker, no. Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, 148. 

151 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 453; AMM, no. V132. 

152 CMV, no. 1800. 

153 Gui 軌 means ‘conforming to the rule’, ‘following its normal course’. 

154 Huainanzi, XV, p. 269. The expression appears in the chapter Jingcheng in the Wenzi in the inverted 

form: feng yu shijie, wu gu feng chang (Wenzi-II, Chinese Text Project).

390 


‘year of great abundance’ (dayou nian 大有年), with the description ‘last year the 

fi ve grains matured to perfection’ (xi sui wu gu deng yan 昔歲五穀登衍) and the 

annotation reading ‘when the fi ve cereals all reach maturity, one writes of a year of 

great abundance’ (wu gu jie shu, shu dayou nian 五穀皆熟,書大有年). 155 

The combination of these expressions pays homage to the harmony that exists 

between Heaven and a good ruler. Heaven provides the peasants with a good climate, 

and the ruler fulfi ls his obligations to his people. It also makes reference to the 

fundamental role of agriculture in Confucian ideology. 

35. 親親,長長,老老,幼幼 Thân thân, trưởng trưởng, lão lão, ấu ấu 

Ch. Qin qin, chang chang, lao lao, you you // Love one’s parents, respect one’s 

superiors, honour the old, cherish the children. 


coins of the Minh Mạng era, the inscription appears in the form 親ㄑ長ㄑ老ㄑ幼ㄑ. 

In the Doctrine of the Mean, we fi nd the phrase ‘the principal requirement is to love 

one’s parents’ (qin qin wei da 親親為大). 159 In The Great Learning, it says: ‘If the 

ruler honours his parents, the people will cultivate fi lial piety. If the ruler respects his 

elders, the people will cultivate submission’ (shang lao lao er min xing xiao, shang 

zhang zhang er min xing ti 上老老而民興孝,上長長而民興弟). 160 We have here 

one of the central themes of Confucian philosophy: the social relations between 

parents and children, and between superiors and inferiors. 

36. 國富兵彊,內安外靜 Quốc phú binh cường, nội an ngoại tĩnh 

Ch. Guo fu bing qiang, nei an wai jing // When the state is rich and the army is 

strong, there is peace at home, and calm abroad. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng 161 and Thiệu Trị 162 eras. This type 

was dropped during the Tự Đức era, because the character An had become a taboo 

character (see type 20). 

155 HHS, II, p. 113. The list of the fi ve grains, wu gu, was not an established list and varies according 

to the text. According to the Zhouli (Zhouli, IV-58, pp. 91–2), they were glutinous millet (shu 黍), nonglutinous 

millet (ji 稷), wheat (mai 麥), sesame (ma 麻) and soya (shu 菽). 



157 CMV, no. 1609. 

158 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 475; Schroeder, no. 311; CMV, no. 1794. 

159 Zhongyong, XX, p. 45. Legge (Four Books, p. 383) translates this as ‘[Benevolence is the 

characteristic element of humanity, and] the great exercise of it is in loving relatives.’ 

160 Daxue, X, p. 18. 


AS, III, p. 9; CMVS, no. 394; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 150. Legge (Four Books, p. 

334) translates this as ‘When the sovereign behaves to his aged, as the aged should be behaved to, the 

people become fi lial; when the sovereign behaves to his elders, as the elders should be behaved to, the 

people learn brotherly submission.’ 

162 Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 170.


The fi rst four characters are a neat summary of the view expressed by the Legalists 

Shang Yang and Han Fei: 163 ‘When ruling a state, it is essential to maintain one’s 

force, to make the state rich and keep the army strong’ (gu zhi guo zhe, qi bo li ye, 

yi fu guo jiang bing 故治國者,其搏力也,以富國彊兵). 164 In the biography of 

Mengzi in the Shiji, it says that when Mengzi went to offer his services to the Kings 

of Qi and Wei, they did not listen to him because his advice was not relevant to the 

political situation, at a time when the other kings, in particular the King of Qin, 

were seeking advice from much more concrete counsellers: ‘Qin used the Shang 

lord (i.e. Shang Yang) to enrich his state and strengthen his army’ (Qin yong Shang 

jun, fu guo qiang bing 秦用商君,富國強兵). 165 We should not be surprised to fi nd 

a maxim with Legalist connotations amongst all the Confucian ones. From the time 

of Emperor Wudi of the Han dynasty, some Legalist elements were incorporated into 

the state’s Confucian ideology; 166 the Yantie lun demonstrates very well the confl ict 

at the highest level of state between the orthodox Confucians and those who took a 

more pragmatic line. 

37. 如山,如川,如岡,如阜 Như sơn, như xuyên, như cương, như phụ 

Ch. Ru shan, ru chuan, ru gang, ru fu // Like a mountain, like a river, like a ridge, 

like a mound. 


the coins of the Thiệu Trị and Tự Đức eras, the character 岡 is written 崗. 

This inscription is an abbreviated version of the poem Tianbao in the Book of Odes 

(Shijing). The Nine Comparisons (jiu ru 九如), reduced here to four, are given in 

no particular order. The original poem is addressed to the King of Zhou, and says 

‘May Heaven protect you and assure you of constant prosperity, may it compare with 

mountain, hillock, crest, peak, and continue to rise, like the river that continues to 

fl ow. May it wax like the moon, and rise like the sun. May it have the longevity of 

the Southern Mountains, so slow and steady, may it have the evergreen luxuriance 

of the pine and the cypress. May it fl ourish without end.’ (Tian bao ding er, yi mu bu 

xing, ru shan, ru fu, ru gang, ru ling, ru chuan zhi fang zhi, yi mo bu zeng. […] Ru 

yue zhi heng, ru ri zhi sheng, ru Nanshan zhi shou bu qian bu beng, ru song bai zhi 

mao, wu bu er huo cheng 天保定爾,以莫不興,如山,如阜,如岡,如陵,如 

163 The Legalist school, fajia 法家, was one of the philosophical schools of ancient China. Its thinkers 

believed that human nature being essentially bad, thus social organisation and stability of power 

should be based on law, rewards and punishments. The law was the same for everyone, and it had 

precedence over morality. The Legalists were rationalists, without religion, and anti-tradition. Their 

main adversaries were the Confucians, see Balázs, La Bureaucratie céleste, pp. 26–7. 

164 Shangjun shu, VIII, p. 18. 

165 Shiji, LXXIV, p. 2343. 

166 Balázs, La Bureaucratie céleste, pp. 27–31. 



168 CMV, no. 1622. 

169 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 478.

392 


川之方至,以莫不增 […] 如月之恆,如日之升,如南山之壽不騫不崩,如松 

柏之茂,無不爾或承). 170 See also type 28. 

38. 福如東海,壽比南山 Phúc như Đông Hải, thọ bỉ Nam Sơn 

Ch. Fu ru dong hai, shou bi nan shan // Happiness [as vast] as the Eastern Sea, 

longevity [as old] as the Southern Mountains. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng 171 and Tự Đức 172 eras. 

The fi rst part compares the wished for happiness with the vastness of the Eastern 

Sea. The second part is taken from the poem Tianbao in the Shijing (see also type 

37). 173 Many Chinese amulets have this eight-character inscription, arranged with 

four characters on the obverse, and four on the reverse. 174 

39. 萬壽攸酢,萬福攸同 Vạn thọ du tạc, vạn phúc du đồng 

Ch. Wan shou you cuo, wan fu you tong // Ten thousand [years of] longevity as the 

[fi tting] reward, ten thousand happinesses gather upon them. 


The fi rst four characters are taken from the poem Chuci 楚茨 in the Book of 

Odes (Shijing) and are the result of perfect ritual organisation by high offi cials of 

ceremonies in honour of the ancestors; 177 the following four characters are the last 

characters in the poem Luxiao 蓼蕭 in same work, in which the emperor praised the 

princes for their wisdom as an omen for great happiness. 178 

40. 天不愛道,地不愛寶 Thiên bất ái đạo, địa bất ái bảo 

Ch. Tian bu ai dao, di bu ai bao // Heaven does not care too much about its rules, 

Earth does not care too much about its treasures. 

170 Shijing, Xiaoya-I-6, pp. 183–4. Waley (Book of Songs, pp. 175–6, no. 167) translates this as 

‘May Heaven guard and keep you,/Cause there to be nothing in which you do not rise higher,/Like the 

mountains, like the uplands,/Like the ridges, the great ranges,/Like a stream coming down in fl ood;’ … 

‘To be like the moon advancing to its full,/Like the sun climbing the sky,/Like the everlastingness of 

the southern hills,/Without failing or falling,/Like the pine-tree, the cypress in their verdure–/All these 

blessings may you receive!’ 

171 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 416; Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 141; 

Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 152. 

172 CMV, no. 1810. 

173 Shijing, II-I, p. 6. 

174 ZGHQ, nos 521, 823; CAC, nos 225–227. 



176 AMM, no. V215; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 191. 

177 Shijing, Xiaoya-VI-5, p. 278. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 210, no. 199) translates this as ‘Countless 

years of life as our reward.’ 

178 Shijing, Xiaoya-II-9, p. 197. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 84, no. 90) translates this as ‘In whom all 

blessings meet.’



This text is taken from the chapter Li yun in the Book of Rites (Liji) which says that 

owing to the good government of the sage kings (sheng wang 聖王), ‘Heaven does 

not care too much about its rules, Earth does not care too much about its treasures, 

man does not care too much about his attachment [to the prince]’ (gu tian bu ai qi dao, 

di bu ai qi bao, ren bu ai qi qing 故天不愛道,地不愛其寶,人不愛其情). 181 

41. 追琢其章,金玉其相 Truy trác kỳ chương, kim ngọc kỳ tương 

Ch. Zhui zhuo qi zhang, jin yu qi xiang // His emblems are chiselled in metal and 

stone, they are made of gold and of jade. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng 182 and Thiệu Trị 183 eras. 

This is a quote from the poem Yupu in the Book of Odes (Shijing) which says, referring 

to King Wen of Zhou, ‘His emblems are chiselled in metal and stone, they are made 

of gold and of jade. Our king is ceaseless in his activity, he establishes rules for all 

the empire.’ (zhui zhuo qi zhang, jin yu qi xiang, mianmian wo wang, gang ji si fang 

追琢其章,金玉其相,勉勉我王,綱紀四方). 184 A variant of this is found in the 

chapter Fu guo 富國 by Xunzi 荀子 in the form diao zhuo qi zhang 調琢其章,金 

玉其相 which has the same meaning. 185 

42. 王道蕩蕩,聖謨洋洋 Vương đạo đãng đãng, Thánh mô dương dương 

Ch. Wang dao dang dang, shen mo yang yang // The Way of the King is vast, the 

teachings of the Wise man are immense. 

Inscription found on coins of the Minh Mạng 186 and Thiệu Trị 187 eras. 

The fi rst part comes from The Great Plan 188 (see type 31) and the second from The 

Instructions of Yi (Yi Xun 伊訓), both in the Book of Documents (Shujing). 189 The 

same idea is also found in The Doctrine of the Mean in the form ‘How vast is the 

179 Schroeder, no. 143; AS, III, p. 11; CMV, no. 1552; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 154. 


181 Liji, IX, p. 373. 


III, p. 12; WXZ, no. 1470; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 156. 

183 Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt Nam, no. 171. 

184 Shijing, Daya-I-4, p. 331. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 266, no. 249) translates this as ‘Chiselled 

and carved are his emblems,/Of bronze and jade are they made./Ceaseless are the labours of our king/ 

Fashioning the network of all the lands.’ 

185 Xunzi, X, p. 116. 


AMM, no. V76; CMV, no. 1554. 

187 CMV, no. 1620. 

188 Shujing, IV-4, p. 201. 

189 Shujing, III-4, p. 117.

394 


Way of the Wise man, as vast as the ocean!’ (Da zai sheng ren zhi dao yangyang hu 

大哉聖人之道洋洋乎). 190 

43. 一人有慶,萬壽無疆 Nhất nhân hữu khánh, vạn thọ vô cương 

Ch. Yi ren you qing, wan shou wu jiang // The Unique Man [the King] is blessed by 

heaven, ten thousand [years] of longevity without limit. 


The fi rst part comes from the Lü Code (Lü xing 呂刑), in the Annals of Zhou in the 

Book of Documents (Shujing). 194 The second is a set phrase found in many old texts, 

including the poem Tianbao in the Shijing, 195 and the poem Chongqiu 崇丘. 196 This 

eight-character inscription appears on many Chinese amulets. 197 

44. 五辰順撫,庶績其凝 Ngũ thần thuận phủ, thứ tích kỳ ngưng 

Ch. Wu zhen shun fu, shu ji qi ning // Observe the propitious [movement] of the Five 

Planets, and all works will be achieved perfectly. 


The inscription is a variant of a passage in the Counsels of Gao Tao (Gao Tao mo 皋 

陶謨), in the Book of Documents (Shujing): ‘when observing the [Movement] of the 

Five Planets, all works will be achieved perfectly’ (fu yu wu chen, shu ji qi ning 撫 

于五辰,庶績其凝). 201 

5. The eight-character moral maxims on coins of the Thiệu Trị era 

45. 自天祐之,吉無不利 Tự thiên hựu chi, cát vô bất lợi 

Ch. Zi tian you zhi, ji wu bu li // With heavenly blessing, there is nothing that is not 

benefi cial. 

190 Zhongyong, XXVII, p. 57. Legge (Four Books, p. 408) translates this as ‘How great is the part 

proper to the Sage! Like overfl owing water [it sends forth and nourishes all things, and rises up to the 

height of heaven].’ 

191 bis Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 407 ; Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatiques, no. 146; 


192 AS, III, p. 17; CMVS, no. 429. 

193 AMM, no. V211; CMVS, no. 491. 

194 Shujing, IV-27, p. 383; see type 48. 

195 Shijing, Xiaoya-I-6, p. 183. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 176, no. 167) translates this verse as ‘Lucky 

and pure are your viands of sacrifi ce/That you use in fi lial offering,/Offerings of invocation, giftofferings, 

offering in dishes and offering of fi rst-fruits/To dukes and former kings./Those sovereigns 

say: ‘We give you/Myriad years of life, days unending.’ 

196 Shijing, Xiaoya-II-6, p. 194. 

197 Lockhart, Glover collection, nos 1850, 1895; ZGHQ, no. 566; CAC, no. 7. 





201 Shujing, I-4, p. 47.


Inscription found on coins of the Thiệu Trị 202 and Tự Đức 203 eras. The reverse 

illustrated by Schroeder (no. 148) and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is a coin of 

the Thiệu Trị era. 

This inscription corresponds with the explanation of the Uppermost Nine (or line, 

undivided, shangjiu 上九) of the hexagram Da you 大有. 204 

46. 四海共之,萬世傳之 Tứ hải cộng chi, vạn thế truyền chi 

Ch. Si hai gong zhi, wan shi chuan zhi // The Four Seas pay homage, ten thousand 

generations transmit it. 


by Schroeder (no. 149) and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is not genuine. 

The ‘Four Seas’ refers to all space and the ‘ten thousand generations’ to a long period 

of time. Thus, this expression means ‘Throughout the universe and eternity, [the 

virtue of the wise man (the emperor)] will be honoured and transmitted.’ 

47. 澤及當時,恩垂萬世 Trạch cập đang thì, ân thùy vạn thế 

Ch. Ze ji dang shi, en chui wan shi // Act now, the time is right to benefi t 10,000 

generations! 

Inscription found on coins of the Thiệu Trị207 era. The reverse illustrated by Schroeder 

(no. 150) and attributed to the Minh Mạng era is a coin of the Thiệu Trị era. 

On some examples the character ân 恩 (Ch. en) is written in the usual way, but on 

others the the inner element in the square upper part is written not as 大, but as 士. 

This type was, of course, abandonned during the Tự Đức era, because when prince 

Nguyễn Hồng Nậm came to the throne he received the offi cial name Thì 時, which 

immediately rendered this character a taboo (see above). 

In the ‘Biography of Wudi’ (Wudi shiji 武帝世紀), we fi nd the phrase ‘Yandi 

beseeches the people, ‘Act now, the time is right, benefi t 10,000 generations!’ (Yandi 

jiu min, ze ji dangshi, en chui wan shi, he xiuzai !, 炎帝求民,澤及當時,恩垂萬 

世,何休哉). Yandi was the name of Shennong, the second of the Five Emperors 

and the god of agriculture. The expression Ze ji dangshi 澤及當時 became a set 

phrase as uttered by Zhuge Liang in Chapter 43 of Romance of the Three Kingdoms 

(San Guo yanyi 三國演義), by Luo Guanzhong (fourteenth century). 208 

202 Schroeder, Annam. Etudes numismatique, no. 217; CMV, no. 1623. 

203 CMV, no. 1804. 

204 Yijing, XIV, p. 175; Sung punctuates this as 自天祐之。吉。無不利, Sung DZ, Da you, p. 69. 

205 Lacroix, Numismatique annamite, no. 451; AMM, no. V145; Barker, Historical cash coins of Viêt 

Nam, no. 173. 

206 CMV, no. 1811. 


208 San Guo yanyi, Chinese Text Project.

396 


48. 一人有慶,兆民賴之 Nhất nhân hữu khánh, triệu dân lại chi 

Ch. Yi ren you qing, zhao min lai zhi // The Unique Man [the King] is blessed by 

heaven, all the people turn to him. 

Inscription found on coins of the Thiệu Trị 209 and Tự Đức 210 eras. 

This expression comes from the Lü Code in the Zhoushu in the Book of Documents 

(Shujing) 211 and is also seen in the chapter Ziyi 緇衣 in the Book of Rites (Liji). 212 The 

last four characters appear frequently on the gold and silver coinage of Thiệu Trị and 

Tự Đức. 

6. The eight-character moral maxims on coins of the Tự Đức era 

49. 高明配天,搏厚配地 Cao minh phối thiên, bạc hậu phối địa 

Ch. Gao ming pei tian, bo hou pei di // As high and bright as the sky, as vast and 

deep as the earth. 


This expression, with the two halves reversed, is taken from the Doctrine of the 

Mean: ‘as vast and deep as the earth, as high and bright as the sky’ (bo hou pei di, gao 

ming pei tian 搏厚配地,高明配天). 214 The subject here is sincerity (Ch. cheng). 

See also type 15. 

50. 範圍天地,曲成萬物 Phạm vi thiên địa, khúc thành vạn vật 

Ch. Fan wei tian di, qu cheng wan wu // Moulded and enclosed by Heaven and 

Earth, taking meticulous care of all living things. 


These eight characters are a contraction of a passage in the Great Appendix (Xici 繫辭) 

in the Book of Changes (Yijing): ‘It moulds and encloses that which is transformed by 

Heaven and Earth, without error, taking meticulous care of all living things, without 

neglect’ (fanwei tian di zhi hua er bu guo qucheng wan wu er bu yi 範圍天地之化 

而不過,曲成萬物而不遺). 216 The subject here is uncertain; some consider it to be 

‘the change’ (yi 易), others consider it to be the ‘wise man’ (shengren 聖人). 

209 AS, III, p. 16; CMV, no. 1621. 

210 CMV, no. 1803. 

211 Shujing, IV-27, p. 383. 

212 Liji, XXXIII, p. 508. 


214 Zhongyong, XXVI, pp. 55–6. Legge (Four Books, p. 405) translates this as ‘So large and substantial, 

the individual possessing it is the co-equal of Earth. So high and brilliant, it makes him the co-equal 

of Heaven.’ 


216 Yijing, Xici-I-4, p. 513.


51. 顯顯令德,宜民宜人 Hiển Hiển lệnh Đức, nghi dân nghi nhân 

Ch. Xuan xuan ling de, yi min yi ren // So brilliant is his virtue, good for the people, 

good for mankind. 


The expression describes King Cheng of Zhou; it is a verse from the poem Jiale in 

the Book of Odes (Shijing); 218 it is cited in a variant form in the Doctrine of the Mean 

(xianxian ling de yi min yi ren 憲憲令德,宜民宜人). 219 

52. 受祿于天,保佑命之 Thụ lộc vu thiên, bảo hựu mạng chi 

Ch. Shou lu yu tian, bao you ming zhi // With honours from heaven, he preserves 

the Mandate. 


This maxim is taken directly from the poem Jiale in the Book of Odes (Shijing) 221 

and is reproduced in The Doctrine of the Mean. 222 In the poem these eight characters 

follow the eight characters of type 51, to give ‘So brilliant is his virtue, good for the 

people, good for mankind. With honours from heaven, he preserves the Mandate.’ 

53. 於萬斯年,受天之祐 Ư vạn tư niên, thụ thiên chi hựu 

Ch. Yu wan si nian, shou tian zhi you // In all places and all times, [may you] receive 

the blessing of heaven. 


This maxim is taken from the poem Xia Wu 下武 in the Book of Odes (Shijing), and 

refers to King Wen: ‘And thus he appeared, and his descendants will follow the line 

of their ancestor Wu, in all places and all times, [may you] receive the blessing of 

heaven.’ (Zhao zi lai xu, sheng qi zhu Wu. Yu wan si nian, shou Tian zhi you 昭茲來 

許,繩其祖武。於萬斯年,受天之祐). 224 

217 AMM, no. V210. 

218 Shijing, Daya-II-V, p. 359. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 181, no. 172) translates this as ‘[All happiness 

to our lord !/]May he show forth his inward power,/Bring good to the common people and to the men 

of Zhou.’ 

219 Zhongyong, XVII, p. 41. Legge (Four Books, p. 374) translates this as ‘[In the Book of Poetry, 

it is said, ‘The admirable, amiable prince] displayed conspicuously his excelling virtue, adjusting his 

people, and adjusting his offi cers’. 


221 Shijing, Daya-II-5, p. 359. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 181, no. 172) translates this as ‘He shall get 

rewards from Heaven ;/Safety, succour are ordained for him,/From heaven held out to him.’ 

222 Zhongyong, XVII, p. 41. Legge (Four Books, p. 374) translates this as ‘Therefore, he received from 

Heaven the emoluments of dignity. It protected him, assisted him, decreed him the throne.’ 


224 Shijing, Daya-I-9, p. 344. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 265, no. 248) translates this as ‘Yes, gloriously 

he steps forward/Continuing in the footsteps of his ancestors./’For myriads of years/May you receive 

Heaven’s blessing!’

398 


54. 國家無虞,利及後世 Quốc gia vô ngu, lợi cập hậu thế 

Ch. Guo jia wu yu, li ji hou shi // A state without fear, [such] benefi t reaches later 

generations. 


A similar expression is found in the chapter The Charge to the Duke of Bi (Bi ming 

畢命) in the Book of Zhou, in the Book of Documents: ‘the four directions are without 

fear, and I, the Unique Man, am at peace’ (sifang wu yu, yu yiren yi ning 四方無虞, 

予一人以寧). 226 Later, in the biography of Yang Zhen 楊震 in the Hou Hanshu, we 

fi nd: ‘he ordered that the universe be without fear, that the people enjoy peace’ (ling 

Tianxia wu yu, baixing yao an 令天下無虞,百姓樂安). 227 

55. 如圭如璋,令聞令望 Như khuê như chương, lệnh văn lệnh vọng 

Ch. Ru gui ru zhang, ling wen ling wang // Like the [jade] gui, like the [jade] zhang, 

let everyone know [of him], let everyone think [of him]. 

Inscription found on coins of the Tự Đức era228 (Fig. 8). 

The maxim is taken from a verse in the poem Juan’a 卷阿 in the Book of Odes 

(Shijing): Honourable and majestic, like the [jade] gui, like the [jade] zhang, let 

everyone know [of him], let everyone think [of him]. Our lord, well-liked and good, 

you are the model for all the empire.’ (yongyong maomao, ru gui ru zhang ling wen 

ling wang, kaiti junzi, sifang wei gang 顒顒卯卯,如圭如璋令聞令望,豈弟君 

子,四方為綱). 229 It concerns Minister Jun Shi’s address to King Cheng of Zhou; 

this verse follows that contracted on the reverse of type 7. 

Fig. 8: Type 55, Tự Đức thông bảo, diameter 52 mm, 41 g., BnF, MMA-2011-40 


226 Shujing, IV-24, p. 364. 

227 Hou Hanshu, LIV, p. 1787. 

228 Thierry, ‘Une monnaie inconnue de Tự Đức’. 

229 Shijing, Daya-II-8, p. 366. Waley (Book of Songs, p. 183, no. 174) translates this as ‘Raised aloft, 

exalted./Like a jade sceptre, like a token of jade,/Of good repute, of good fame./All happiness to our 

lord,/Chain-string of all the lands.’


7. The Nguyễn dynasty and Confucian ideology 

If one looks at the themes that appear on these coins, one sees the basic ideas advocated 

by Confucian scholars: the idealised image of the wise ruler who works for the good 

of his people, the importance of an ancestor cult beautifully respected to ensure 

happiness and longevity, harmony between heaven and earth, the fundamental place 

of fi lial piety and respect for hierarchy in social relations, the prominent position 

of agriculture for the stability of the empire. These ideas are conveyed by means 

of constant reference to the canonical scriptures. According to tradition, Confucian 

philosophy is based on nine texts: the Five Canons (Wu jing 五經) and the Four 

Books (Si shu 四書). 230 The Canons are the Book of Changes (Yijing 易經), the Book 

of Odes (Shijing 詩經), the Book of Documents (Shujing 書經), the Book of Rites 

(Liji 禮記), and the Spring and Autumn with their commentary (Chunqiu 春秋 and 

Zuozhuan 左傳). The Four Books are The Analects (Lunyu 論語), The Doctrine of 

the Mean (Zhongyong 中庸), The Great Learning (Daxue 大學) 231 and the work of 

Mencius (Mengzi 孟子). The 55 moral maxims presented above are principally from 

the Five Canons, in particular the Book of Odes (Shijing) (18 quotes) and the Book 

of Documents (Shujing) (16 quotes). The Book of Changes (Yijing) is the source of 5 

maxims. It is curious that the two Confucian books that are most frequently consulted 

are The Doctrine of the Mean (6 quotes) and The Great Learning (2 quotes) as these 

were initially two chapters in the Book of Rites (Liji) (also one of the Canons) which 

means that the Book of Rites (Liji) was quoted 10 times. The works of the Confucian 

school were not consulted in the strictest sense: there is one citation from the Lunyu, 

one from the Zhouli, one from the Kongzi jiayu, one from the Xinyu, and one from 

the Houdelu. It is the same for the historical texts issued in this tradition, such as the 

Shiji, the Hou Hanshu, the Tangshu, and the Zizhi tongjian. There are two references 

to the Taoist school, one to Zhuangzi and one to Wenzi. The use of Wenzi in its 

canonical form232 by the Nguyễn dynasty can be explained, as this syncretic text 

is infl uenced by what is known as the Huang-Lao 黃老 tradition on the Taoism of 

Laozi: from the ‘purely’ philosophical, this Taoism evolved towards more concrete 

political, administrative and military preoccupations. 233 The Huang-Lao tradition 

reached its apogee during the Han dynasty, a dynasty marked by an ideology which 

incorporated Legalist and Taoist elements into Confucianism. In 742, the Tang 

dynasty emperor Xuanzong integrated Wenzi, as Tongxuan zhenjing 通玄真經, into 

the offi cial Taoist canons. 234 The syncretism is also represented by quotes from other 

works, such as the Huainanzi and the Liu Tao, in which Confucian-like ideas have 

been found. There is not a single quotation that can be called Buddhist; Confucian 

ideology was secular and the literati were always mistrustful of devout emperors 

who permitted religious clergy to involve themselves in the affairs of the State. 

230 As this is not an article on philosphy, the interested reader is referred to to Fung Yu-Lan, A History 

of Chinese Philosophy. 

231 The Doctrine of the Mean and The Great Learning are sometimes inserted in the text of the Liji, of 

which they were originally simple chapters. 

232 See footnote 86. 

233 Le Blanc, Le Wen zi, p. xii. 

234 The Taoist canons are the Daodejing, the Zhuangzi, the Liezi and the Wenzi.

400 


The form of the messages is that of the chengyu 成語, the four-character phrase, 

sometimes doubled to make an eight-character expression, as an integral part of 

education as conceived by the Confucians, both Chinese and Vietnamese. The 

chengyu is a functional unit of language composed of four characters in a set phrase, 

giving an immediate reference to a particular text that an educated Vietnamese would 

have learnt by heart as part of his schooling, from primary school to preparation 

for the civil service examinations. These four-character expressions were usually 

taken directly from the classics, or composed by a process of abbreviation keeping 

only the important semantic characters, to make them easy to remember. What 

distinguished the civilized state, be it Chinese or Vietnamese, from the ‘barbarians’, 

be they Mongol or French, was that it was managed and administered by educated 

offi cials who, as a general rule, owed their promotion not to arbitrariness nor to their 

birth (Ch. yin 廕, viet. ấm ‘[hereditary] protection’), but to their success in the civil 

service examinations (Ch. keju 科擧, Viet. khoa cử); 235 and all the examinations, 

from the local examinations to those held at the palace, relied on a knowledge of 

these texts. The fi rst composition (kinh nghĩa 經義) required the explanation of a 

passage drawn from the Five Canons and the Four Books; the candidates had to 

demonstrate a perfect knowledge of the texts and show their erudition and ability to 

quote also the commentaries by Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1131–1200), the great Neo-Confucian 

philosopher of the Southern Song. 236 

The overwhelming use of Confucian quotations and phrases, which is somewhat 

repetitive in this coinage, was not for intellectual convenience. It was not an easy 

option, but rather the mark of the clear political will of the second ruler of the Nguyễn 

dynasty and his two successors. 

In Vietnam, during the fi rst great national dynasty, the Lý dynasty (1010–1225), 

the dominant ideology was predominately infl uenced by Buddhism and monks 

played a very important role in the intellectual sphere. Under the Trần (1225–1400), 

a system of public schools was organised, and a civil service examination system 

was introduced in order to recruit offi cials. Thereafter Confucianism tended to 

replace Buddhism, and the authorities arranged to have the Four Books and Five 

Canons printed, so that they could be used as a basis for education. But it was during 

the Lê dynasty (1428–1789), and in particular during the reign of Lê Thánh Tông 

(1460–97), that Confucianism became the state ideology. It was during this dynasty 

that for the fi rst time in Vietnam the examination system was set up at regional 

(hương thí 鄉試), metropolitan (hội thí 會試) and palace (điện thí 殿試) levels, 

held regularly every three years. 237 In this intellectual and ideological movement, 

it was the Zhu Xi school of Neo-Confucianism that was dominant. A movement of 

235 Members of the imperial family, and some sons of high offi cials owing to the merits of their 

ancestors (ấm sinh 廕生), could be appointed to posts and administrative roles without taking the 

examinations, but these titles were not conferred by law, and were subject to success in a different type 

of examination (Laborde, pp. 397–8, 400–1; Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, p. 31). 

236 Tsuboi, pp. 180–9; Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 24–30. 

237 Eligibility for the national level examinations depended on success in the previous two 

examinations: the annual examinations (khảo khóa 考課) and the provincial level examinations (hạch 

thí 覈試) (Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 24–6).


refl ection developed around the ethical concepts of ‘moral rectitude’ (đạo nghĩa 道 

義), ‘loyalty’ (trung 忠) and of ‘fi lial piety’ (hiếu 孝). Nguyễn Binh Khiêm 阮秉謙 

(1491–1585) was a striking example of a supporter of moral rectitude, a position 

which guided his political choices: he denounced the moral decadence of the Lê 

emperors, allied himself with the Mạc, then retired from political life. 238 But Neo- 

Confucianism gave pre-eminence to the Four Books over the Five Canons, and 

this inspired the Vietnamese authorities to create the status of ‘Doctor of the Five 

Canons’ in order to promote specifi c study of these texts, from the concern that they 

might otherwise be neglected. 239 The authorities reprinted the Five Canons and their 

commentaries to meet the needs of the schools in the capital and in the provinces; 

and they re-edited the versions in Vietnamese (nôm). The Book of Changes (Yijing) 

was studied as a Confucian text at the Imperial College, but was also used as a 

manual for divination by the Ministry of Rites. 240 At the end of the Lê dynasty, under 

the infl uence of the kaozheng 考正 movement, 241 the great Neo-Confucian scholar 

Lê Quý Đôn (1726–84) made a critical text of the Canons in his publications: Tales 

from the Shujing (Thư kinh diễn nghĩa 書經演義) and Superfi cial remarks on the 

Yijing (Dịch Kinh phu thuyết 易經膚說). 

Furthermore in 1802, the new Nguyễn dynasty found itself, to a certain extent, 

lacking legitimacy in its intellectual plan when compared with the scholars in the 

North, those of the previous kingdom of the Lê. The principality in the South, 242 from 

where the new rulers came, was not renowned in the area of canonical studies, indeed 

it was better known for its Buddhist leanings. The fi rst emperors thus had a policy 

to strip Thăng Long, the former capital, of its cultural and intellectual supremacy. 

Fearing that the candidates from the North would be too successful, not a single 

238 Nguyễn Binh Khiêm entered public service late, receiving the rank of doctor in 1535 at the age 

of 45. He joined the new power of Mạc Đăng Dung (Emperor Thái Tổ of the Mạc, 1527–9, then 

Thái Thượng Hoàng 太上皇, 1530–41) because of the behaviour of emperors of the Lê dynasty at the 

beginning of the sixteenth century, then withdrew when the new power refused to demote the corrupt 

offi cials for whom he had proof of embezzlement, see Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 160–1. 

239 One cannot help drawing a parallel with what happened under the Han dynasty Emperor Xuandi 

in 51 BC, when the group known as Scholars of the Five Canons (Wujing boshi 五经博士) was set up. 

On the date of the creation of this group of scholars, generally attributed to Emperor Wudi, see Kern, 

‘Ritual, Text, and the formation of the Canon’, pp. 67–9. 

240 Ng WM, pp. 2–3. 

241 Kaozhengxue 考正學 (evidential scholarship) was an important Chinese intellectual movement, 

which became widespread in the eighteenth century, and which sought to re-examine historical and 

philosophical texts in the light of objective textual, philological and empirical criticism. 

242 During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Vietnam was divided into two principalities. 

In the north, the real power was in the hands of the ‘king’ (vương) from the Trịnh clan, which left the 

emperor from the Lê family with only a fi ctive power of a religious nature; to a certain extent, the 

Vietnamese vương was to the Vietnamese emperor what the shōgun was to the Japanese Tennō. In the 

south, the lords of the Nguyễn clan transformed the government of Quảng Nam into an independent 

principality which they ruled hereditarily; within two centuries this reached progressively towards the 

south absorbing the Khmer territories. In 1774, profi ting from the Tây Sơn peasant uprising, the Trịnh 

brought to an end the principality of the South. The Tây Sơn then overturned the Trịnh, unifi ed the 

country and founded a new dynasty (1789–1802). In 1774, the Nguyễn princes fl ed to the extreme south 

and thence to Siam.

402 


metropolitan examination was organised during the Gia Long era. 243 Indeed, they 

were not re-established until 1821 during the Minh Mạng era. In 1803 the Imperial 

College was moved from Thăng Long to Huê, and in 1821 this establishment was 

expanded. In 1824, to the dismay of scholars in the North, the Vice Minister of 

Rites, Hoàng Kim Hoán, was appointed rector of the College. He lacked formal 

qualifi cations, but was appointed because of his loyalty to the imperial family and 

because he came from the Huê region. Eventually, in 1827, most of the library of the 

Temple of Literature of Thăng Long, the former site of the College, was transferred 

to the new College in Huê. 244 It was therefore to assert himself ideologically and 

culturally that the fi rst emperor of this dynasty (and especially his successor) presented 

himself as an uncompromising promoter of the most rigorous form of Confucian 

orthodoxy, organised the civil service examination system modelled strictly on the 

Chinese system, built Confucian temples throughout the country, edited the classics 

writtten in Chinese and in nôm, and promoted studies of the Books and Canons, and 

of the commentaries by Zhu Xi and Zhen Yi in preparation for the examinations. 

In 1825, during the Minh Mạng era, for the fi rst and only time in Vietnamese 

history, the personal name of Confucius was affected by the ritual prohibition of 

taboo (Ch. Kong Qiu 孔丘, where Kong is the family name, and Qiu is the given 

name). Qiu now had to be pronounced in Vietnamese as kỳ and not as khâu, and it was 

to be written as 邱. The emperor declared ‘this prohibition demonstrates our respect 

for the Master and his way’. 245 It was in this context of ideological oneupmanship 

that the coins with moral maxims were produced. 

The coins issued during the Tự Đức era were made in clear response to a particular 

moment in the political history of the dynasty: that of the confl ict between the emperor 

and the educated class (văn thân 文紳), which formed the backbone of a society 

founded on Confucianism. The Tự Đức era, contrary to that of its predecessors, was 

marked by a serious crisis of legitimacy: in 1848 the emperor came to the throne 

thanks to the actions of the clan which had swept aside the oldest son of Thiệu 

Trị, the prince Hồng Bảo. Although they were brothers, in 1854 the emperor had 

Hồng Bảo executed. In 1862, when signing the Treaty of Saïgon with the French, the 

emperor committed a double fault by ceding to the demands favouring Christians 

and by agreeing to release some of his country’s land to the ‘barbarians’. 246 In 1866, 

the son of Hồng Bảo, prince Đinh Đạo, was also executed, after conspirators had 

243 The descendants of the loyal companions of Nguyễn Phúc Anh (the future emperor Gia Long) 

during his fl ight and his errancy during the Tây Sơn period, were, by imperial decree, awarded offi cial 

charges or positions over fi ve generations, see Laborde, ‘Les Titres et grades héréditaires à la cour 

d’Annam’, pp. 400–1. 

244 Poisson, Mandarins et subalternes, pp. 129–30. As a result of this policy, a number of private 

colleges were opened by literati in Thăng Long in the years 1820–35, the most well-known of which 

was that of Pham Quý Thích (1760–1825). 

245 Ngô DT, p. 325. 

246 The Vietnamese Court was clearly conscious of the enormity of the disaster because the clauses 

of the Treaty were kept secret; it was only two years later, during the 1864 examination session, that 

they became known by the candidates and the people, at which point a great surge of indignation swept 

over the country and especially through the North. Taking advantage of this situation, Prince Hồng Tât 

attempted a coup d’etat on 3 August 1864.


wanted to put him on the throne during the attempted coup of 6 August 1866. All 

the mandarins and scholars who had supported the prince were then dismissed. 247 No 

wonder that scholars saw him as being illegitimate, guilty of fratricide, and out to 

punish those who conformed to the fundamental teaching of Confucius that ‘The one 

who sees what is just and yet does not act, lacks courage’ (jian yi bu wei wu yong ye 

見義不為無勇也). 248 He thus became the illegitimate, fraticidal emperor of traitors 

and cowards. In these circumstances, of increasing pressure from the French and 

hesitation by the government, the moral maxims selected for the coins were a form 

of a self-justifi cation – or propaganda – as manifested in the references to Cheng of 

Zhou and to Taizong, founder of the Tang dynasty, to the Mandate of Heaven and 

to the virtue of sincerity (Ch. cheng; Viet. thành). Not all the maxims, however, can 

have been considered by the educated men to be a veritable homage from vice to 

virtue. 

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