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Thinking Democratically: A Comprehensive Approach to Countering and Preventing Shrinking Space

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A third finding is that space is being eroded gradually through subtle attacks or a protection of<br />

the status quo. It is the sum of both the blatant <strong>and</strong> the subtle restrictive actions that are<br />

detrimental <strong>to</strong> democratic space in the long run. Yet gradual erosion is harder <strong>to</strong> detect <strong>and</strong> call out<br />

than a singular attack, <strong>and</strong> the sum of such gradual erosive tactics seems <strong>to</strong> be harder <strong>to</strong> respond <strong>to</strong><br />

in the long term. In addition, the prevention of change <strong>and</strong> a state of generalised impunity also<br />

greatly limit democratic space.<br />

Taken <strong>to</strong>gether the research points <strong>to</strong> a fourth finding that the different manifestations of closing<br />

space have no geographical limitations. Closing democratic space is a global phenomenon, fuelled<br />

by authoritarian learning <strong>and</strong> au<strong>to</strong>cratic influencing strategies. This implies that global coordination<br />

is necessary for an effective response.<br />

When it comes <strong>to</strong> the roles of different ac<strong>to</strong>rs, the fifth finding underlines that the judiciary,<br />

political parties <strong>and</strong> civil society play a particularly important role in defending democratic<br />

space. In many cases, civil society was able <strong>to</strong> push back on repressive tactics through advocacy,<br />

public litigation, demonstrations, <strong>and</strong> the building of strategic alliances. In other cases, civil society<br />

even managed <strong>to</strong> exp<strong>and</strong> space for contestation. Generally, civil society was much stronger in its<br />

defence of democratic space when the judiciary was still capable of upholding constitutionalism.<br />

Opposition parties can also be an important ally for civil society, for instance in countering legislative<br />

proposals, or in frustrating political processes aimed at closing space – this is especially true of<br />

smaller political parties who have played an important role in cases where larger opposition parties<br />

contributed <strong>to</strong> the closing of democratic space.<br />

Closing democratic space has a differentiated impact on different population groups, particularly<br />

women, youth, or people belonging <strong>to</strong> minorities. This means that people who are already facing<br />

barriers in participating in decision-making processes are even more affected <strong>and</strong> further excluded<br />

when democratic space is being closed. This has important implications for how <strong>to</strong> best support these<br />

underrepresented groups in a closing space context.<br />

Finally, a variety of ac<strong>to</strong>rs – including criminal networks, business elites <strong>and</strong> political parties –<br />

play a key role in closing democratic space. While the ruling government is often the main<br />

perpetra<strong>to</strong>r of au<strong>to</strong>cratisation, the case studies illustrate the powerful role of criminal networks,<br />

business interests or corrupt political parties in breaking down democratic space. Civil society, on<br />

the contrary, is the main target as well as defender of democratic space.<br />

This paper is designed <strong>to</strong> provide an accessible framework of analysis for closing democratic space<br />

at a time of increasing policy <strong>and</strong> scholarly focus on the <strong>to</strong>pic. It also provides new insights in<strong>to</strong> the<br />

roles of often overlooked ac<strong>to</strong>rs within the political system <strong>and</strong> the role they play in protecting or<br />

undermining space for contestation.<br />

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