Thinking Democratically: A Comprehensive Approach to Countering and Preventing Shrinking Space
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6.3 Indonesia<br />
Many have praised Indonesia for the progress made in its first decade of democratic development<br />
after the 1998 reforms. But since the 2014 Presidential Election it has become increasingly clear that<br />
Indonesia’s democratic institutions have inherited corrupt <strong>and</strong> authoritarian ac<strong>to</strong>rs <strong>and</strong> practices<br />
from the old, highly centralised state apparatus, including widespread corruption <strong>and</strong> a party system<br />
driven by private economic interests. The key role of money in politics has led <strong>to</strong> the<br />
commercialisation of political parties, who now act <strong>and</strong> function largely like corporations.<br />
Against this backdrop, political parties in Indonesia eventually became a major fac<strong>to</strong>r behind the<br />
shrinking democratic space in the country, by creating an uneven political playing field between<br />
small <strong>and</strong> big political parties, young <strong>and</strong> old politicians, <strong>and</strong> between men <strong>and</strong> women. They have<br />
done so by tightening the requirements for party registration, increasing the elec<strong>to</strong>ral threshold, <strong>and</strong><br />
at the same time passing regulations that make illicit party finance more difficult <strong>to</strong> detect. In<br />
addition, laws such as the state secrecy bill <strong>and</strong> the bill <strong>to</strong> end direct local elections have also<br />
restricted space for political contestation, thereby limiting avenues for democratic participation <strong>and</strong><br />
accountability.<br />
Indonesia st<strong>and</strong>s out in the region for its vibrant civil society <strong>and</strong> diverse <strong>and</strong> critical press l<strong>and</strong>scape.<br />
While major gains have indeed been made in terms of fundamental freedoms in Indonesia, civic space<br />
has also come under attack from the government through political, administrative <strong>and</strong> legislative<br />
strategies in recent years. Some of these strategies include the criminalization, intimidation <strong>and</strong><br />
stigmatisation of civil society activists through laws, propag<strong>and</strong>a <strong>and</strong> intimidation, as well as<br />
complicated regulations for CSOs operations such as registration, licensing, reporting <strong>and</strong> accounting<br />
obligations. Press freedom has also been restricted through licensing rules, censorship <strong>and</strong> selfcensorship<br />
through laws on blasphemous content. While the constitution guarantees civic <strong>and</strong><br />
political rights for all, in practice minority groups such as religious minorities, atheists, LGBT groups<br />
<strong>and</strong> supporters of Papuan independence do not enjoy these freedoms.<br />
Overall, the primary strategy <strong>to</strong> restrict democratic space has been the creation of an unlevel playing<br />
field, followed by a secondary strategy of attacks on civic space. While impunity reigns regarding<br />
human rights violations in East Timor <strong>and</strong> the killing of HRDs, the rule of law <strong>and</strong> separation of powers<br />
have not been under attack by the government. Finally, the dwindling donor funds <strong>and</strong> shifting<br />
priorities of Western donors have not helped in the efforts of civil society <strong>to</strong> hold political parties<br />
<strong>and</strong> the ruling party <strong>to</strong> account.<br />
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