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Thinking Democratically: A Comprehensive Approach to Countering and Preventing Shrinking Space

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Emblematic civil society successes<br />

Kenya<br />

Shelved amendments <strong>to</strong> the Public Benefits Organization Act<br />

(2013)<br />

Georgia<br />

Adoption of pre-election “must carry, must offer” package for<br />

media pluralism (2012)<br />

Honduras<br />

Guatemala<br />

S<strong>to</strong>pped adoption of reforms <strong>to</strong> the Penal Code which would<br />

safeguard political parties from being charged for elec<strong>to</strong>ral<br />

funding crimes (2015)<br />

Zimbabwe<br />

Built a wide <strong>and</strong> effective coalition encompassing various nonstate<br />

ac<strong>to</strong>rs (including the church) <strong>to</strong> broaden the basis <strong>and</strong><br />

inform constitutional reforms (2013).<br />

Installation of the Mission <strong>to</strong> Support against Corruption <strong>and</strong><br />

Impunity (2016)<br />

In success cases, civil society is generally empowered by a progressive constitution <strong>and</strong> somewhat<br />

independent judiciary <strong>to</strong> defend democratic space. However, when the judiciary is not independent,<br />

it cannot be used <strong>to</strong> defend constitutionalism <strong>and</strong> fundamental freedoms, thereby greatly limiting<br />

civil society’s ability <strong>to</strong> defend <strong>and</strong> open up democratic space. This is clearly reflected in the case<br />

studies of El Salvador <strong>and</strong> Guatemala, where citizens have resorted <strong>to</strong> other forms of influence<br />

instead, such as popular mobilisation on the streets <strong>and</strong> strikes. In Guatemala, a nation-wide strike<br />

forced the powerful Congress <strong>to</strong> withdraw their amendment <strong>to</strong> the Penal Code that weakened parties’<br />

responsibility regarding crimes in elec<strong>to</strong>ral funding. Social movements have also arisen in response<br />

<strong>to</strong> the inability of political parties <strong>and</strong> the judiciary <strong>to</strong> uphold the constitution. So even in cases<br />

where civil society is not backed up by an independent judiciary <strong>to</strong> uphold the constitution, civil<br />

society has been the champion when it comes <strong>to</strong> defending democratic space.<br />

At the same time, civil society mobilisation has not always been positive for democratic space.<br />

Conservative civil society groups have also grown stronger <strong>and</strong> more effective in actively closing<br />

democratic space. In Georgia, a new social movement managed <strong>to</strong> mobilise thous<strong>and</strong>s <strong>to</strong> demonstrate<br />

in the ‘Georgian March’, with dem<strong>and</strong>s that included a ban on foreign funding <strong>to</strong> Georgian NGOs <strong>and</strong><br />

exclusionary citizen <strong>and</strong> residence regulations. In Europe, certain political parties have thrived<br />

mobilising on similar conservative ideologies aiming <strong>to</strong> exclude particular groups of people, such as<br />

migrants or LGBTQ+. What is striking, is that these conservative voices – be it civil society or political<br />

parties – have more political space <strong>to</strong> push back against progressive agendas than they did before. 64<br />

5 years ago, these groups have now grown in<strong>to</strong> a part of the mainstream.<br />

64<br />

See Youngs, R. et al, (2018): The Mobilization of Conservative Civil Society. Available here.<br />

35

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