Thinking Democratically: A Comprehensive Approach to Countering and Preventing Shrinking Space
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Ambiguous role<br />
While ruling parties may have incentives <strong>to</strong> change the rules of the game <strong>to</strong> retain their position, one<br />
would assume opposition parties actively defend democratic space. After all, it is only through<br />
democratic checks <strong>and</strong> balances that they can compete fairly in the political arena <strong>and</strong> st<strong>and</strong> a<br />
chance at challenging the incumbent. This seems <strong>to</strong> be true for smaller political parties, who<br />
defended constitutionalism <strong>and</strong> fought for a level playing field in different case studies. In Kenya,<br />
for instance, small parties have used dialogue mechanisms <strong>to</strong> lower the compliance threshold for<br />
competing in elections <strong>and</strong> qualifying for state funding. At the same time, the ruling party may also<br />
use the legitimacy of smaller political parties <strong>to</strong> create the illusion of contestation <strong>and</strong> inclusiveness,<br />
as was the case in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean ruling party set up its own platform for interparty<br />
dialogue, which lacks the participation of the main opposition party, thereby making it largely<br />
irrelevant as a platform of contestation.<br />
In other cases, a cross-party alliance of both the governing party <strong>and</strong> the main opposition parties<br />
joined forces <strong>to</strong> safeguard the level playing field. In Honduras, for instance, an alliance of political<br />
parties passed a much-needed political party regulation that would restrict their own campaign<br />
spending <strong>and</strong> require higher levels of transparency, as all parties acknowledged elec<strong>to</strong>ral violence<br />
was <strong>to</strong> be expected under another election with the same rules. However, in several case studies,<br />
large opposition parties have also actively restricted democratic space whenever they have spied an<br />
opportunity <strong>to</strong> gain political capital or perceive a direct threat <strong>to</strong> their interest. This happens<br />
sometimes in coordination with a governing party, showing that there is an elite party system, based<br />
on established parties that want <strong>to</strong> keep newcomers out.<br />
Commercialisation & polarisation<br />
The case studies highlight the importance of patronage <strong>and</strong> clientelist networks, which contribute <strong>to</strong><br />
the “commercialisation of political parties” who “act <strong>and</strong> function like they are corporations”. 62 A<br />
number of case studies stressed that politicians appreciate democracy not for its intrinsic value but<br />
as an instrument for accessing political office <strong>and</strong> the concomitant economic benefits. Through<br />
practices of patronage <strong>and</strong> clientelism, further fueled by private funding in election campaigns,<br />
democratic contestation is reduced <strong>to</strong> a set of transactions.<br />
As parties lose their ideological orientation <strong>and</strong> the commitment <strong>to</strong> the intrinsic value of democracy,<br />
the option <strong>to</strong> close democratic space becomes attractive as a way <strong>to</strong> limit the competition for power<br />
<strong>and</strong> resources. Zero-sum elections then further incentivise the pro-active shrinking of space for<br />
contestation <strong>and</strong> limit the capacity of opposition parties <strong>to</strong> push back on such restrictive measures<br />
<strong>and</strong> generate compromise. This was particularly obvious <strong>and</strong> harmful in the case of El Salvador <strong>and</strong><br />
62<br />
See Indonesia case study summary, Annex 6.3<br />
32