A01.031.0.pdf
A01.031.0.pdf A01.031.0.pdf
I. ROMAN NAMES IN THE GREEK-SPEAKING PROVINCES A name is not a neutral label. It is instead a marker of social identity, one's place within a social system. "On ne nomme (...) jamais, on classe l'autre ou on se classe soi-même", wrote Claude Lévi-Strauss, 1 suggesting that name-giving, an activity often linked with power, is a means of organizing and controlling social life, since the world that is named is one that is identified. That named world is indeed a kosmos, an ordered and clearly defined entity, in contrast with its opposite, chaos. 2 In an organized society, a name marks the individual's first and last appearance in history, and in some instances survives symbolically after the bearer's death thanks to the name's inscription upon a funerary monument, an object defined by Ulpian as "something which exists to preserve memory". 3 The recording and classifying of names can contribute valuable material for our understanding of social realities and of developments within evolving social systems. This is especially true for periods of major political and social change, such as that which witnessed the spread of Roman rule across the Mediterranean basin. 4 The study of onomastics progressed with great speed after the Second World War, especially with regard to the western part of the Roman empire, and drew the attention not only of specialists in onomastics, but also of political and social historians. In the western provinces, especially in Italy, Greek personal names - a significant and distinct manifestation of Hellenism in Italy - have been collected and 38 studied in the major work by H. Solin. 5 But the study of the presence, distribution and significance of Roman names in the East has not - with perhaps the sole exception of L. Robert 6 - attracted the same level of interest, and the problem has been approached "in a rather slapdash way", to borrow Solin's expression. 7 This is the case despite the subject's great potential importance and the light it could shed on our understanding of problems concerning the integration of peregrini into Roman society, but also more generally to the study of cultural currents and contexts, and to the phenomenon of Romanisation in the hellenophone eastern Mediterranean. The lack of significant interest in the Roman names of the Greek-speaking Roman East is due in part to the traditionally negative reaction of Hellenists, but most of all to the classic impediments and difficulties that go along with the pursuit, collection, study, and interpretation of epigraphic discoveries. The situation in the Péloponnèse, for example, is further complicated by the fact that, except for a few instances, the older systematic catalogues of inscriptions belong to the beginning of the twentieth century and the new material is frequently scattered among a variety of publications, some of them rather obscure. 8 The dearth of groundwork concerned with Roman onomastics is not filled by the fine prosopographical work of M. Mitsos on .Argos and that of A.S. Bradford on Laconia 9 , studies which, anyhow, are now outdated thanks primarily to new
discoveries. Nor is it filled by the recent monumental publication of the British Academy dedicated to the Greek personal names, 10 which does not systematically record Roman names, except when the bearer has a Greek cognomen. Obviously, an up-to-date and comprehensive onomasticum romanum of the eastern provinces is the precondition for the investigation of the various elements that make up a Roman name 11 , as also for the study of the adaptation and development of Roman names within Greek and Greek-speaking contexts. It has been established that, despite the principles and rules that govern Roman name-giving, actual everyday practice follows a variety of subtle but equally significant conventions. 12 The conclusion we may draw from this practice is that these conventions depend closely on the political regime prevailing in a given city, as also on local tradition and history, on general culture, and even on fashions dictated by the ruling social classes. 13 This fact helps to explain the differences in the formation of Roman names in the Péloponnèse that one observes between cities with diverging political situations (e.g. Roman colonies such as Corinth and Patrai or free cities such as Sparta and Messene), or even between social groups within the same city. In many cases there coexist even within the same family many different cultural traditions and influences, which explains why in some instances the father may have a Roman name, but his son carry a Greek proper name. 14 Besides this typological and philological approach, the wealth and diversity of the Peloponnesian material can also provide the basis for a variety of other onomastic and statistical analyses, 15 and even for a synthetic study of the region's social and cultural history. The reason for this is that, in contrast to the freer conventions of Greek name-giving, the Roman state determines the individual ele GENERAL INTRODUCTION 39 ments and the rules by which names are assigned, contributing in this way to the greater meaning latent in a Roman as opposed to a Greek name, and enabling the decipherment of the political and in some cases also the social status of the name-bearer. 16 For this reason Roman personal names are often the best source for the study of the integration of influential peregrini into Roman provincial society especially if their names reveal connections with the imperial family or individuals belonging to the higher social classes. 17 If the social origin of an isolated name is difficult to detect in the case of an individual belonging to the so-called lower classes, 18 collecting all the names in one city (or even better in one province) could facilitate the grouping of families and the study of family networks, together with the production of maps to illustrate the geographical distribution of certain nomina gentis. 19 Such maps could provide a foundation also for the study of the spread of Roman citizenship, which was only rarely granted until the reign of Caracalla. 20 Such a study might also contribute to our understanding of movements from lower into higher social classes 21 , as well as of the interesting career patterns of provincial elites and the many different bonds of kinship and self-interest that developed both at the local level and that of the province and the central government. Finally, the catalogue of Roman names is useful for reconstructing the cultural history of a city, since a Roman name is in part the expression or projection of romanitas. Naturally, this approach need not be either Romanocentric or Hellenocentric. The absence or presence of Roman names on its own does not provide a stable and absolute criterion for the investigation of Romanisation or of cultural resistance to Roman influences.
- Page 1 and 2: ÌUIVAIIIUAUUUHÌ'JI tili •m'. T
- Page 6 and 7: Cover illustration: "L'Arcadie", Ν
- Page 8 and 9: ΚΕΝΤΡΟΝ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ
- Page 10 and 11: ι PATRAI: ancient city settlement
- Page 12 and 13: ROMAN PELOPONNESE I bers' pre-exist
- Page 15 and 16: TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE 9 ABBREVI
- Page 17 and 18: LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BullÉpigr Bu
- Page 19 and 20: LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Le Bas-Foucar
- Page 21 and 22: LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS Rizakis, Acha
- Page 23 and 24: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Accame, S., Il
- Page 25 and 26: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Burnett, Α. M.
- Page 27 and 28: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Eck, W., "Die L
- Page 29 and 30: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Kaibel, G., Epi
- Page 31 and 32: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Martin, T. R.,
- Page 33 and 34: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Pariente, A. an
- Page 35 and 36: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY — "Épigramme
- Page 37 and 38: SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY Stefanis, L, Α
- Page 39: Α. GENERAL INTRODUCTION
- Page 43 and 44: placed in the appendices given the
- Page 45 and 46: ities. Discussion embraces the date
- Page 47 and 48: και Κορινθίας", ΑΕ 19
- Page 49: province d'Achaïe", in: O. Salomie
- Page 53 and 54: CHAPTER I ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN A
- Page 55 and 56: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA cert
- Page 57 and 58: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA v.'.
- Page 59 and 60: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA 22.
- Page 61 and 62: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA is t
- Page 63 and 64: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA Patr
- Page 65 and 66: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA Rema
- Page 67 and 68: 57. L(UCIUS) CAECILIUS Rizakis, Ach
- Page 69 and 70: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA Aige
- Page 71 and 72: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA 73.
- Page 73 and 74: erected by the named person: ΦύΙ
- Page 75 and 76: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA [lst
- Page 77 and 78: 107. FESTUS ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN
- Page 79 and 80: 118. Q(UINTUS) (FULVIUS) f. P(ubliu
- Page 81 and 82: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA 130.
- Page 83 and 84: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA Patr
- Page 85 and 86: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA 152.
- Page 87 and 88: ROMAN PERSONAL NAMES IN ACHAIA 161-
- Page 89 and 90: 171. ΜΟΥΤΙΟΣ ROMAN PERSONAL
I. ROMAN NAMES IN THE GREEK-SPEAKING PROVINCES<br />
A name is not a neutral label. It is instead a<br />
marker of social identity, one's place within a<br />
social system. "On ne nomme (...) jamais, on<br />
classe l'autre ou on se classe soi-même", wrote<br />
Claude Lévi-Strauss, 1 suggesting that name-giving,<br />
an activity often linked with power, is a<br />
means of organizing and controlling social life,<br />
since the world that is named is one that is identified.<br />
That named world is indeed a kosmos, an<br />
ordered and clearly defined entity, in contrast<br />
with its opposite, chaos. 2 In an organized society,<br />
a name marks the individual's first and last<br />
appearance in history, and in some instances<br />
survives symbolically after the bearer's death<br />
thanks to the name's inscription upon a funerary<br />
monument, an object defined by Ulpian as<br />
"something which exists to preserve memory". 3<br />
The recording and classifying of names can<br />
contribute valuable material for our understanding<br />
of social realities and of developments<br />
within evolving social systems. This is especially<br />
true for periods of major political and social<br />
change, such as that which witnessed the spread<br />
of Roman rule across the Mediterranean<br />
basin. 4 The study of onomastics progressed<br />
with great speed after the Second World War,<br />
especially with regard to the western part of the<br />
Roman empire, and drew the attention not<br />
only of specialists in onomastics, but also of<br />
political and social historians. In the western<br />
provinces, especially in Italy, Greek personal<br />
names - a significant and distinct manifestation<br />
of Hellenism in Italy - have been collected and<br />
38<br />
studied in the major work by H. Solin. 5 But the<br />
study of the presence, distribution and significance<br />
of Roman names in the East has not -<br />
with perhaps the sole exception of L. Robert 6 -<br />
attracted the same level of interest, and the<br />
problem has been approached "in a rather slapdash<br />
way", to borrow Solin's expression. 7 This<br />
is the case despite the subject's great potential<br />
importance and the light it could shed on our<br />
understanding of problems concerning the integration<br />
of peregrini into Roman society, but<br />
also more generally to the study of cultural currents<br />
and contexts, and to the phenomenon of<br />
Romanisation in the hellenophone eastern<br />
Mediterranean. The lack of significant interest<br />
in the Roman names of the Greek-speaking<br />
Roman East is due in part to the traditionally<br />
negative reaction of Hellenists, but most of all<br />
to the classic impediments and difficulties that<br />
go along with the pursuit, collection, study, and<br />
interpretation of epigraphic discoveries. The<br />
situation in the Péloponnèse, for example, is<br />
further complicated by the fact that, except for<br />
a few instances, the older systematic catalogues<br />
of inscriptions belong to the beginning of the<br />
twentieth century and the new material is frequently<br />
scattered among a variety of publications,<br />
some of them rather obscure. 8 The dearth<br />
of groundwork concerned with Roman onomastics<br />
is not filled by the fine prosopographical<br />
work of M. Mitsos on .Argos and that of<br />
A.S. Bradford on Laconia 9 , studies which, anyhow,<br />
are now outdated thanks primarily to new