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<strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong>


<strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud: A Walk to the Office (no. 55 ), actual size


<strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong><br />

Paintings<br />

Sculptures<br />

Drawings<br />

<strong>2014</strong>


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS<br />

I am very grateful to Alexandra Chaldecott and Joanna Watson for their dedication in researching and<br />

writing this catalogue.<br />

Christopher Apostle, Francesca Baldassari, <strong>Jean</strong>-Marc <strong>Baroni</strong>, my son Pietro <strong>Baroni</strong>, Antonio Berni,<br />

Giuseppe Bertini, Anna Bozena Kowalczyk, Christina Buley-Uribe, Suzanna Caviglia, Hugo Chapman,<br />

Martin Clayton, Pierre Etienne, Chris Fischer, Saverio Fontini, Daniel Greiner, Neil Jeffares, Paul<br />

Joannides, Mattia Jona, Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, Neil Jeffares, William Jordan, Francesco Leone,<br />

Laurie and Emmanuel Marty de Cambiaire, Laetitia Masson, Alessandro Morandotti, Ekaterina Orekhova,<br />

Anna Ottani Cavina, Francesco Petrucci, Anna Reynolds, Aileen Ribeiro, Jane Roberts, Clare Robertson,<br />

Cristiana Romalli, Annalisa Scarpa, Paul Taylor and the Warburg Institute, Cinzia Virno, Emanuele Volpi,<br />

Joanna Woodall, Selina Woodruff-Van der Geest, Tiziana Zennaro.<br />

Last but not least, I am also very grateful to my wife Cristina for her unrelenting patience and for her<br />

continued help and support.<br />

<strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong><br />

All enquiries should be addressed to <strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong> at <strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong> Ltd., 7/8 Mason’s Yard, Duke<br />

Street, St. James’s, London, SW1Y 6BU.<br />

Tel: +44 (20) 7930-5347<br />

e-mail: jlbaroni@jlbaroni.com<br />

© Copyright <strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong> Ltd., <strong>2014</strong><br />

Designed by Saverio Fontini - Printed in Italy by Viol’Art – Florence – email: info@violart.firenze.it<br />

44


Paintings<br />

5


Master of The Female Half-Lengths<br />

Antwerp, first half of the 16 th Century<br />

1<br />

The Virgin and Child<br />

Oil on panel.<br />

38 x 30 cms. (15 x 11 ¾ in).<br />

This beautifully preserved panel painting is an exceptional example of the work of an artist or workshop<br />

so far not precisely identified but clearly recognisable on the basis of style and quality. Other examples<br />

can be seen in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, the Metropolitan Museum, New York, the National<br />

Gallery, London, the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam and the Art Institute, Chicago, amongst other collections.<br />

Max Friedlander, the historian of Netherlandish Art, believed the artist or artists to have been active in<br />

Antwerp or possibly Mechelen during the 1520s and 1530s; he analysed the figure style as being close<br />

to Bernart van Orley and where there are landscapes, likened them to Joachim Patinier’s 1 . More recently,<br />

the similarity has been noted with the works given to Ambrosius Benson, who is sometimes thought to<br />

have had workshops in two different cities, Antwerp and Bruges and who equally had a successful career<br />

producing refined panels on a domestic scale. The nomenclature is based on a specific group of panels<br />

depicting aristocratic ladies in half-length scenes, often interiors, reading, writing or playing musical<br />

instruments, while others shown with a jar, the attribute of Mary Magdalen. The present picture belongs<br />

to a group of representations of the Virgin and Child, some as here, focused entirely on the figures and<br />

others in broader, landscape settings. The artist shows great delicacy in the treatment of drapery and hair;<br />

here the voluminous folds of the red robe contrast with the minute and subtle detailing of the veil on the<br />

Virgin’s head and the border of fur at her neck, while rolling waves of hair flow over her shoulder towards<br />

the almost luminescent pallor of the Christ Child’s short curls and alabaster skin. Echoes and borrowings<br />

from other Netherlandish artists have been frequently noted and in the case of the Virgin and Child<br />

compositions, the inspiration often comes from Rogier van der Weyden. These references are deliberately<br />

sophisticated underlining the cultivated atmosphere of the paintings coming from this studio.<br />

Friedlander considered the so-called Master of the Female Half-Lengths to be one of the most successful<br />

of the generation working alongside the “giants” such as Quentin Massys and Joos van Cleve. He<br />

remarks, however, upon the total absence of clues to aid identification of the hand, neither signatures<br />

nor monograms, inscriptions nor recorded commissions, although the Madonnas have a trademark in the<br />

small round metal or gold button which secures the Virgin’s robe, as here. It would appear that much of<br />

the work - around one hundred paintings have been attributed to this workshop - was sent to Spain for<br />

the hungry market there 2 and given the relatively small scale of the panels and their refinement it may be<br />

presumed that they were made particularly for secular collectors and patrons of the arts.<br />

6


7


2<br />

Alonso Sanchez Coello<br />

Valencia 1531-1588 Madrid<br />

Portrait of a Young Noblewoman wearing Fine Jewels and a Black Dress with Gold<br />

Embroidery in the form of Wheatsheaves and a High White Ruff Collar.<br />

Oil on panel.<br />

35.2 x 25.3 cms. (13 ¾ x 10 in.)<br />

Provenance: The Farnese Collection of the Dukes of Parma and Piacenza, the panel bears the wax<br />

seal of Ranuccio II Farnese (1630-1694) and four inventory numbers, one in red wax: I55, the second<br />

in grey-white oil: 472, a third in black: LB #43 and the fourth: 265 in thinner black. Recorded in the<br />

circa 1680 inventory of the Farnese collections in the Palazzo del Giardino in Parma as being in the<br />

“Camera di Venere del Cantone”: Un quadro alto oncie otto, largo oncie cinque e tre quarti in tavola.<br />

Una testa di donna giovine con ornato di gioie e perle, frappa al collo, vestita di nero con ricamo, di<br />

Mano Fiamenga n.155 1 . Private collection, France, M. Pontremoli (according to a label on the back<br />

of the old frame), possibly Emanuel Pontremoli, (1865-1956), French architect and archeologist and<br />

director of the École Nationale Supérieure des Beaux Arts, married to Suzanne Hecht).<br />

Born near Valencia, Sánchez Coello was educated in Portugal under the care of his grandfather who<br />

worked in the service of King Joao III. At the age of about twenty, having attracted the attention of the<br />

King, he was sent to Flanders to train in the studio of Anthonis Mor. He returned to Portugal in 1552, with<br />

Mor, when the latter was commissioned by Charles V to paint the various members of the Portuguese<br />

Royal family. Sánchez Coello stayed on in Lisbon after Mor’s departure working for the court until, in<br />

1555, he moved to the old Castillan capital, Valladolid, in the service of Juana (1535-1573), sister to<br />

Philip II and widow of Joao, son and heir of Joao III, who had died after falling off his horse in 1554). In<br />

1551, Charles V had decreed the succession, passing the Habsburg monarchy to his brother Ferdinand<br />

and the Spanish throne to his son Philip II. Infanta Juana was made Regent of Spain by Philip II when he<br />

left to marry Mary Tudor in 1554, with whom he reigned jointly in England until her death in 1558. After<br />

Philip II returned and when Mor left Spain definitively in 1560, Sánchez Coello took his place as Court<br />

Painter, Pintor de Cámera, as recommended by the Infanta Juana. He followed the King from Toledo to<br />

Madrid, which he, Philip, was in the process of permanently establishing as the Spanish capital. Sánchez<br />

Coello lived in the Casa del Tesoro and enjoyed status and favour, as well as a considerable fortune.<br />

Philip II became godfather to two of his children and granted him a position and influence greater than<br />

that of any other contemporary artist. As well as being a portrait painter, he was responsible for many<br />

of the numerous religious paintings commissioned by the King for the various new Royal palaces and<br />

churches. Interestingly, as Jonathan Brown has pointed out, his religious work sometimes lacks “the<br />

immediacy and incisiveness of his images of individual persons…” but in his altarpieces for the basilica<br />

of the Escorial, he effected a “remarkable synthesis between the divine and the human” by appearing to<br />

use real or at least very naturalistic men for his saints clothed in rich vestments, “a striking departure” and<br />

one that would be “an inspiration to the next generation of Spanish artists” 2 . Philip II was an avid patron<br />

of the arts, who like his father had depended upon Mor for representations of himself and his family but<br />

had also adopted Titian as a form of Court painter abroad. Sánchez Coello easily inherited Mor’s mantle<br />

and brought his own distinctive qualities to royal portraiture. Coello studied the works of Titian, which he<br />

encountered in the collections of both Charles V and Philip II, and while his precision of technique and<br />

exceptional skill at representing faces, cloth and jewels came initially from Mor, he himself developed<br />

a greater realism and an intensity of colour, in part through appreciation of the Venetian master. As<br />

Alfonso E. Pérez Sánchez described, Sánchez Coello’s style is a “synthesis of the objectivity of the Flemish<br />

tradition .. with the sensuality of Venetian painting..” 3<br />

This refined and beautifully preserved portrait of a young woman in full court dress belongs to the central<br />

period in Sánchez Coello’s career, when he was entirely active as painter for the Portuguese and Spanish<br />

8


9


Royal families. This dating is borne out by the details of the costume. The high lace ruff, tight collar and<br />

richly embroidered black dress compare very closely with the costumes worn by other court figures<br />

painted by Coello during this time; for example, the 1571 portrait of Anna of Austria (1549-1580), niece<br />

and fourth wife of Philip II, in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna and the portrait in the Prado of<br />

Isabel de Valois (1546-1568), also known as Elizabeth, daughter of Henry II and Catherine de Medici<br />

and Philip II’s third wife. Interestingly the faces of both these sitters are given a high colour, as in the<br />

present work, which was a feature of the Spanish court fashion for women of that period, the use of rouge<br />

on cheeks and lips, being thought a homage to the Virgin Mary 5 . The sitter’s lavish jewellry, composed<br />

of groups of pearls and single, faceted precious stones in elaborate gold settings, as well the delicate<br />

headdress which combines precious stones and seed pearls with filigree gold mimicking hair, underline<br />

her status. The jewelled collar and necklace are parallel in sumptuousness and extremely close in design<br />

to those worn by queens and princesses of the Portuguese and Spanish court, see for example, the portrait<br />

of Infanta Juana by Anthonius Mor, prior to her being widowed, now in the Musée Royal des Beaux-Arts<br />

in Brussels, or the double portrait of the Princesses Isabel Clara Eugenia and Catalina Micaela (daughters<br />

of Philip II and Isabel de Valois) in the Royal Collection, London, dated to around 1571 6 . In terms of<br />

quality and style, the present portrait is particularly similar to two portraits by Sánchez Coello also in the<br />

Royal Collection at Buckingham Palace (previously listed as being at Hampton Court) of the Habsburg<br />

Archdukes Rudolph and Ernest of 1567, described by Alfonso Perez Sánchez in his list of notable works<br />

as “the two intense, half-length portraits .. both dated 1564”. 7<br />

Professor Giuseppe Bertini, who has published extensive studies of the Farnese collections, has kindly<br />

identified the present work in an inventory of circa 1680 as one of the pictures in the Camera di Venere<br />

del Cantone of the Palazzo del Giardino in Parma: the no. 155, written in red wax on the back of the<br />

panel is described in the inventory as “Un quadro alto oncie otto, largo oncie cinque e tre quarti in<br />

tavola. Una testa di donna giovine con ornato di gioie e perle, frappa al collo, vestita di nero con ricamo,<br />

di Mano Fiamenga no.155” 8 . These measurements when converted from the Parmese to the metric scale,<br />

correspond exactly to those of the present painting. As Bertini notes, it is not surprising that the identity<br />

of the young woman was unknown by the authors of the Farnese inventory; indeed a portrait of Charles<br />

V, now amongst the Farnese paintings in the Museo di Capodimonte, Naples, which hung in the same<br />

room and is of a similar scale, is described as “ritratto d’un giovane con berretta nera in capo, tosone<br />

al collo”. While noting that it has not been possible to connect the remaining numbers on the back of<br />

the panel to other inventories, Professor Bertini confirms that the number 472 written in white paint is<br />

consistent with the numbering on the back of Correggio’s Mystic Marriage of St. Catherine, which also<br />

hung in the Palazzo Giardino and is now in the Museo di Capodimonte 9 , while the letters LB followed by<br />

a number are found again on several other paintings in Naples and perhaps correspond to the initials of<br />

one of the curators of the Farnese collection 10 . Bertini further notes that in the course of the 17th century,<br />

the Palazzo del Giardino in Parma was where Ranuccio II exhibited his best paintings from the family<br />

collections 11 .<br />

It has not been possible either to determine in what circumstances the present portrait left the Farnese<br />

collection. The majority of the works belonging to the Farnese are now in Capodimonte, the Palazzo<br />

Reale also in Naples, or the Galleria Nazionale in Parma. For a number of paintings, however, some of<br />

which have wax seals and numbering similar to the present work, it has been possible to document the<br />

moment in which they left the collection. Certain paintings were sold from the collection by Francesco,<br />

the son of Ranuccio II, to raise funds to buy other works, such as the four panels by Jacopo Bertoia now<br />

in the Christ Church Picture Gallery, Oxford. 12 In 1735, the Bourbon King, Charles III, son of Philip V<br />

and his second wife, Elizabeth Farnese, transferred to Naples a considerable part of his inheritance of<br />

the Farnese collections in order to decorate his new palaces. Following the sack by French troops of the<br />

Palazzo di Capodimonte in 1799, a substantial number of paintings came on to the market, many of which<br />

entered important English collections 13 . Of the paintings which were not transferred to Naples a number<br />

remained in the Palazzo Ducale 14 in Parma and some of these were sold during the Napoleonic period<br />

(Parma was formally annexed to the French Empire in 1808). The present work was discovered in France.<br />

10


It had a late 19th century carved and gilded frame, which bore a cartouche inscribed in Gothic lettering:<br />

“1510 F. Clouet dit Jehannes 1572 Clouet”. This more recent provenance suggests that the picture may<br />

indeed have left the Italian Peninsula during Napoleonic times, thereafter entering collections in France,<br />

where at some point it was part of an unidentified exhibition, loaned from the Pontremoli collection and<br />

transported by the French company, Chenue (according to labels on the old frame).<br />

Although clearly a depiction of a member of a royal household and despite its fascinating provenance,<br />

the identity of this young woman remains tantalizingly unresolved. The Farnese family had extremely<br />

strong links with the court of Spain; Margaret of Parma, illegitimate daughter of Charles V, married<br />

Ottavio Farnese and their son Alessandro Farnese (1545-1592) was brought up in Spain and in 1565<br />

married the Portuguese princess, Maria d’Aviz (1538-1577), daughter of Prince Eduardo d’Aviz (brother<br />

of Jaoa III) and his cousin, Isabella de Braganza. Their lavish wedding took place in Brussels, according to<br />

the wishes of Filippo II and after long negotiations in Madrid. Identifying the sitter as Maria d’Aviz works<br />

well with the Farnese provenance, and with the presence of Sánchez Coello in Portugal and Madrid<br />

but Maria d’Aviz was 27 at the time of her marriage and the sitter is considerably younger. The painting<br />

would therefore need to have been painted in the period from 1552 to 1555, when Sánchez Coello<br />

was in Lisbon, painting members of the Portuguese royal family, and perhaps sent later to the Farnese<br />

court at the time when marriage negotiations began. For this dating, a stylistic comparison may be made<br />

with the painting on panel in the Belgian Embassy in Madrid generally accepted as by Sánchez Coello<br />

and recently identified as a likeness of Juana de Portugal of 1553 15 . The only two securely identified<br />

depictions of Maria d’Aviz, versions of the same image, both of which are in Parma, show a somewhat<br />

harsher looking face, considerably older, more elongated, with larger features, thinner, arched eyebrows<br />

and a more accentuated nose 16 . There is however a significant resemblance between the young woman<br />

in the present portrait and a painting in the Prado now definitively identified by Annemarie Jordan as<br />

being of the widowed Isabella di Braganza, mother of Maria d’Aviz 17 .<br />

That the portrait was intended as a nuptial image seems extremely likely. As suggested by Annemarie<br />

Jordan, the style of hair is that of an unmarried woman and the ears of wheat embroidered on her dress<br />

are most probably emblems of fertility while the tiny silver branches, can be regarded as symbols of<br />

strength and virtue. The painting is highly realistic, each eyelash delineated, the shading soft around the<br />

mouth and nose suggesting a slight down above her upper lip and her dark eyebrows and pale chestnut<br />

hair are unusual and striking. It is most clearly a painting taken from life 18 and it is worth noting that no<br />

other version of the likeness has so far been found. This is not the case for many of the other portraits of<br />

Spanish, Portuguese and Habsburg royalty, which exist, in some cases, in numerous examples, both as<br />

autograph works by the original artist, be that Mor or Sánchez Coello or Sophonisba Anguissola (who<br />

joined the court of Philip II as painter and lady-in-waiting to his wife Elizabeth de Valois) or copies<br />

by members of their workshops. As noted by Pérez Sánchez, comparatively few of Sánchez Coello’s<br />

paintings have survived although there is abundant documentation concerning the many works paid for<br />

by the King and portraits by him of people unconnected to the court are rarer still.<br />

We are extremely grateful to Annemarie Jordan Gschwend, Professor Clare Robertson, Professor Giuseppe<br />

Bertini, Bill Jordan, Professor Joanna Woodall, Aileen Ribeiro, <strong>Luc</strong>y Whitaker and Anna Reynolds for their<br />

generous assistance with this note.<br />

11


3<br />

Fede Galizia and Nunzio Galizia<br />

The former Milan 1578-1630 and the latter documented in Milan between 1573 and 1610<br />

A Double Portrait of Jacopo Menochio and Margherita Candiani, within an elaborate Trompe<br />

L’œil Frame, decorated with the figures of Justice and Prudence.<br />

The oval portraits, oil on copper, 10 x 8 cms. (4 x 3¼ in.), inserted into a walnut panel painted in brown,<br />

black, gold and silver oil.<br />

The panel: 25.5 x 31.3 cms. (10 x 12 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Alberigo XII D’Este (1725-1813), Principe di Barbiano e di Belgioioso (bears his label with<br />

crest on the the back of the panel); Private Collection.<br />

Literature: Alessandro Morandotti, Inventare in famiglia. Un pezzo di bravura nella Milano di Federico<br />

Borromeo, in “Nuovi Studi”, IX-X, 2004-5 (but 2006), 11, pp.213-224.<br />

This work is the result of a family collaboration between Nunzio Galizia, an illuminated manuscript painter,<br />

and versatile master in many fields of artistic production and his daughter, the painter Fede, whose work<br />

is better known. These are artists of particular importance in Milan in the period between mannerism and<br />

baroque when the city was under Spanish rule. A seventeenth century inscription on the back of the panel<br />

and transcribed onto a label provides details of the sitters, the artists and the date of the work: Jacobus<br />

I Menochius Senatus Mediolanensis / Praeses et Margarita Candiana Uxor. / Fides pinxit, cujus Nuntius<br />

Gallitius miniatura / exornavit 1606 (fig.1). The two oval portraits were executed by Fede Galizia and the<br />

lavishly decorated trompe l’œil frame was the work of her father Nunzio. Interestingly, the miniaturist has<br />

taken great care to specify the different dates of execution and the ages of the sitters: Jacopo Menochio was<br />

painted in September 1605 at the age of 74 and Margherita Candiana, in October 1606, aged 64.<br />

The framing decoration is conceived as an aedicule, decorated with exceptional attention to detail including<br />

putti as they tie together garlands of fruit and foliage, a coat of arms with a rampant deer and an eagle and<br />

highly convoluted strapwork, curtains and books, all given three dimensionality by the play of light and<br />

shade. The figures of Justice and Prudence flank the two portraits while a winged figure standing on a globe<br />

protectively rests her hands upon the egg and dart decoration around the portraits. Above each portrait<br />

is a small symbol finely painted in oxidised silver: above Jacopo is a crane, standing for Vigilance, as the<br />

inscription below confirms: VIGILAT UT IUVET and above Margherita Candiani is a dog with one paw<br />

resting on a fruit, symbol of Fidelity, over the inscription BONUM UNITATIS. On the cartouche below the<br />

portraits is a long inscription giving extracts from the Book of Ecclesiastes (25,1) and the Psalms (90,16), again<br />

celebrating harmony and matrimonial happiness.<br />

All these features are highly characteristic of the late<br />

International Mannerist style, which encompassed<br />

influences from the School of Fontainebleau to the<br />

work emanating from the Court of Rudolph II in<br />

Prague and was used for many types of decorative<br />

work such as engraved frontispieces and the<br />

ephemera decorations for civic events. It is possible,<br />

as is suggested by his great skill, that Nunzio<br />

Galizia himself worked as a book illustrator as did<br />

other important artists of the time such as Giovanni<br />

Battista Crespi, il Cerano or Giovanni Mauro della<br />

Rovere and indeed the engraver like technique<br />

with which the gold paint is applied with a very<br />

fine brush, producing the same effect as a burin<br />

1. Verso of the walnut panel, with labels, inscriptions and<br />

early provenance.<br />

on an engraver’s plate, supports this hypothesis.<br />

Nunzio Galizia’s contact with engravers is also<br />

12


13


documented by the existence of a print after this<br />

portrait of Jacopo Menochio, executed in 1606<br />

by the engraver Raphael Sadeler II.<br />

Although in artistic treatises and chronicles<br />

of Milan the achievements of both Fede and<br />

Nunzio are celebrated, until the discovery<br />

of this panel, the range of Nunzio’s work is<br />

only detailed in a letter of 1573 in which he<br />

describes himself as a miniaturist and requests<br />

the privilege to produce the decoration of fans<br />

in the Spanish style and in an etched map in<br />

perspective of the city of Milan dated 1578 and<br />

dedicated to Giuliano Goselini, the famous<br />

man of letters and secretary to the governor of<br />

Milan Ferrante Gonzaga.<br />

Fede Galizia, Nunzio’s daughter, is now<br />

much better known for her successful career<br />

as a still life painter and portraitist of official<br />

commissions. Her attention to detail, which<br />

was learned from her father, was particularly<br />

appreciated and it is thought that he introduced<br />

her to many of her patrons. Works by Fede in<br />

public collections can principally be seen in<br />

the Pinacoteca Ambrosiana, Milan, the Uffizi,<br />

Florence and the Metropolitan Museum, New<br />

York.<br />

Jacopo Menochio, who was born in Pavia,<br />

became a teacher and man of law whose skills as<br />

a diplomat and government official culminated<br />

in his nomination as a senator in Milan in 1592.<br />

As early as 1565, the Duke of Savoy, Emanuele<br />

Filiberto had given him the task of negotiating<br />

the repossession of the territory of Monferrato,<br />

following its annexation by the Gonzaga at<br />

the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis in 1559. The<br />

couple are shown in a formal style, both facing<br />

the viewer with their heads slightly turned. The<br />

details of their costumes are exceptionally well<br />

described: their linen ruffs and fur-trimmed<br />

robes are complimentary. Margherita is more<br />

elaborate in her dress, as would be expected,<br />

wearing a curious headdress of tiny flowers on<br />

a chain around a lace panel which attaches at<br />

the back of her head to a veil. Both are painted<br />

against a purple background, Margherita’s paler<br />

than Jacopo’s. Interestingly, this is the only<br />

example known of a female portrait by the artist.<br />

This note is adapted from the text kindly<br />

supplied by Alessandro Morandotti based on<br />

the article of 2005 in which he published this<br />

double portrait and trompe L’œil frame.<br />

actual size<br />

14


15


Guido Reni<br />

Calvenzano 1575-1642 Bologna<br />

4<br />

The Assumption of the Virgin Mary<br />

Oil on copper.<br />

58 x 44.4 cms. (22 ¾ x 17 5 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Sampieri Collection, Bologna, considered to have commissioned by the abbot and doctor<br />

of law, Astorre di Vincenzo Sampieri, shortly after 1595 and recorded in the Sampieri “museo” by<br />

Malvasia in 1678 (see below); by descent until 1811 when Marchese Francesco Sampieri sent a shipment<br />

of pictures including the present work to Milan, where purchased for the collection of Napoleon’s<br />

Vice-Regent, Eugène de Beauharnais, made Duke of Leuchtenberg in 1817 (see old label on verso:<br />

Herzoglich Leuchtenberg Majorats Fideicommiss. Matrikel II.3, Inventar Nr. 154); then by descent to<br />

Maximilian, 3 rd Duke of Leuchtenberg (Munich 1817-1852 St Petersburg), who married Grand Duchess<br />

Maria Nikolaevna of Russia; the painting was transferred to Russia as the Leuchtenberg family moved by<br />

degrees to St. Petersburg; recorded as being in the gallery of the Mariinsky Palace, St Petersburg, home to<br />

Grand Duchess, Maria Nicolaevna, Duchess of Leuchtenberg (1819-1876) 1 , where Waagen inspected the<br />

painting in 1864; by descent to either George, 5 th Duke of Leuchtenberg or his brother Nicolas; exported<br />

from Russia in 1917 by a Dr. Nyblom and acquired by the Stockholm dealer A.R. Nordiska; exhibited<br />

in Stockholm 1917 and then transferred to a sister company in Buenos Aires (district of Florida 101) and<br />

exhibited there in the mid 1920s; collection of Rudolph Poeschel from 1925, and later in Munich; sale,<br />

Berlin, Leo Messrs Spik, 12 th -13 th October 1961, lot 438, fig. 227; collection of Martin Schoenemann,<br />

Lugano and thereafter private collection, Switzerland for at least 40 years.<br />

Literature: Carlo Cesare Malvasia, Felsina Pittrice.<br />

Vite de Pittori Bolognesi, Bologna 1678, 2 nd ed. 1841,<br />

vol. 2, p. 7; catalogue of the Sampieri Galleria, Bologna,<br />

1795, p. 19; J. D Passavant, The Leuchtenberg Gallery,<br />

with engravings by J. N. Muxel, London 1852, fig. 81;<br />

Gustav Friedrich Waagen, Die Gemälde Sammlung<br />

in der Kaiserlichen Ermitage zu St. Petersburg nebst<br />

Bemerkungen über andere dortige Kunstsammlungen,<br />

Munich 1864, p. 379; A. B. Nordiska Kompaniet,<br />

Leuchtenbergska Tavelsamlingen, Stockholm 1917;<br />

K. Andrews, “An Early Guido Reni Drawing”, The<br />

Burlington Magazine, vol. 103, 1961, p. 466, fig.<br />

35; Stephen D. Pepper, “Guido Reni’s Early Style.<br />

His Activity in Bologna, 1595-1601”, The Burlington<br />

Magazine, vol. 111, no. 797, August 1969, pp. 475-<br />

476, fig. 3, p. 473; E. Baccheschi, L’Opera completa<br />

di Guido Reni, Milan 1971, no. 8; Stephen D. Pepper,<br />

Guido Reni, A Complete <strong>Catalogue</strong> of His Works With<br />

An Introductory Text, Oxford 1984, cat.3, fig.3 and<br />

under cat.14; Keith Christiansen, “Annibale Carracci’s<br />

Burial of Christ rediscovered”, The Burlington<br />

Magazine, vol.141, no.1156. (July 1999), p.416.<br />

Exhibited: Munich, the Leuchtenberg Palace; St.<br />

Petersburg, The Mariinsky Palace (seen in 1864);<br />

Stockholm, A.B. Nordiska Kompaniet, Leuchtenbergska<br />

Tavel Samlingen, 1917, cat.32.<br />

The first description of Reni’s fascinating and important<br />

1. N. Muxel after Guido Reni, The Assumption of the<br />

Virgin Mary, engraving.<br />

16


17


early copper, recently rediscovered but much recorded, is in the artist’s biography by Malvasia, published in<br />

1678, where it is noted as an Assumption on copper, today in the considerable museum of Signori Sampieri,<br />

listed fourth amongst a small group of early works 1 . A discussion written in 1999 by Keith Christiansen,<br />

which tells the history of a slightly earlier painting on copper by Reni, The Dead Christ, has, however, shed<br />

new light on the commission of the present work 2 . The Dead Christ is a copy after Annibale Carracci’s oil<br />

on copper, which was painted for Annibale’s old friend Abate Astore di Vincenzo Sampieri. The Abate, who<br />

had wanted a picture to send to an important person in Rome, to where Annibale was shortly to transfer (all<br />

these details are given by Malvasia in his life of Reni 3 ), so loved Annibale’s work that he asked for a copy<br />

to be made and sent to Rome in its place. Annibale in turn commissioned his new and already admired<br />

pupil Reni to do this work and according to Malvasia was disgruntled to find that nothing he could add<br />

would improve on this copy’s quality 4 . Annibale left for Rome in November 1595. Malvasia also records, in<br />

his life of the Carracci, that the Abate Sampieri asked to Ludovico which of the two painters would prove<br />

most successful, Guido or Albani; Ludovico replied “Guido fears God more” 5 , an answer which might have<br />

pleased the aging Abbot who, it can safely be surmised, went on to commission from Reni this spectacular<br />

devotional Assumption. Reni’s own devotion to the Virgin Mary was also attested to by Malvasia: in his<br />

youth he went every Saturday to gaze with reverence on her image in Monte della Guardia 6 ) and his first<br />

public work was the Coronation of the Virgin with Four Saints, painted in 1594-5 for the monks of the<br />

Church of S. Bernardo in Bologna and now in the Pinacoteca Nazionale there. This was followed by the<br />

several smaller works listed by Malvasia. The present work, which is nevertheless of considerable scale for<br />

a copper, is Reni’s first painting to concentrate entirely on a golden and celestial heavenly realm and might<br />

more properly be called the Virgin amongst an Angelic Assembly. Despite its early date, it already exhibits<br />

all the perfection of technique and refined, ethereal elegance for which Guido Reni has been so admired,<br />

both by his contemporaries and later eyes.<br />

More than four decades before its reemergence from a private collection in Switzerland, this copper was<br />

published by Stephen Pepper, using an image from the 1961 Berlin sale and establishing a narrative for<br />

its distinguished provenance 7 . Discussing the evolution of Reni’s early style based on an examination of<br />

the paintings listed chronologically by Malvasia, and comparison with related drawings, Pepper describes<br />

the particular combination of influences visible in the copper. Noting the gesture to Calvaert, Reni’s<br />

first teacher, in the Virgin’s idealised expression, he sees as primary amongst these influences, the two<br />

Assumptions painted by Annibale and Agostino Carracci in the early 1590s, both now in the Pinacoteca<br />

in Bologna. Pepper considers that there is a particularly close dialogue between Agostino and Guido’s<br />

depictions of the figure of the Virgin but in fact Reni’s imagining of the hierarchical tiers of music-making<br />

angels surrounding the very central but slightly-built figure of Mary has a grace and delicacy quite remote<br />

from the more earthbound naturalism of Agostino’s world, in which the Virgin is supported by a naked and<br />

muscular angels and gazed up at by hefty saints. Summing up ”the fluctuations of Reni’s style during his<br />

early activity in Bologna”, Pepper notes that “following his departure from the Carracci Academy, he briefly<br />

expanded the significance of elongated and sinuous proportions, perhaps deriving inspiration directly<br />

from Parmigianino” 8 ; this comment seems extremely relevant here where the often profiled, increasingly<br />

evanescent figures of the angelic host have much of Parmigianino’s grace and charm and show the greatest<br />

similarity with the aesthetic of Ludovico Carracci, whose drawings can be particularly Parmigianinesque 9 .<br />

One specifically naturalistic touch can nevertheless be seen, in the delightful detail of the heavenwards<br />

Virgin Mary resting her right foot upon the head of a self-sacrificing but reasonably strong looking angel.<br />

Most precocious for this young artist, perhaps 21 or 22 years old, and signaling the future direction of his<br />

art, is the enameled surface and highly sophisticated interplay of colour and form, a suitably musical or<br />

rhythmic dance of colour: echoing pinks, delicate variations of blue, porcelain clear skin tones, and a play<br />

of highly ornate drapery folds set against the grey and rounded clouds.<br />

Reni returned to the subject of the Virgin in Heaven repeatedly in his career, most tellingly, in relation<br />

to the present work, for two closely comparable paintings, one on panel and the other again on copper.<br />

The panel is in the Museo del Prado (fig.2), measures 77 x 51cms and has been dated to 1602-3 10 . The<br />

copper is in the National Gallery in London (fig.3); it is slightly larger than the present work (66 x 48cms)<br />

and dates from around 1607 11 . Both these later versions create compositions very similar to this first<br />

18


2. Guido Reni, The Assumption of the Virgin,<br />

Museo del Prado, Madrid.<br />

3. Guido Reni, The Assumption of theVirgin, The<br />

National Gallery, London.<br />

depiction (although the Virgin is being crowned in both), but show Reni revisiting his decade earlier<br />

model, with a slightly darker palette and a different range of facial types, and in the National Gallery<br />

version, with more ample forms and variegated, two tone draperies. The earliest provenance for both<br />

pictures is not known though the Prado version was in the Royal Collection in the Alcazar by 1666. It<br />

may be presumed, however, by their subject and scale that these were also private commissions, again<br />

for perfectly executed and highly devotional pictures, Reni’s first having been successfully received by<br />

the Sampieri family, famous for the extent and quality of their collection which, displayed in the Sampieri<br />

palace, was described by Malvasia as “a compendium of everything beautiful in painting” 12 .<br />

For more than two hundred years, this first depiction of The Assumption of the Virgin remained in situ,<br />

in the Sampieri palace, from 1595-6 until 1817, at which point a descendant of the Abate needed funds<br />

and a sale was arranged to the Viceroy of Italy, Eugène de Beauharnais, Napoleon’s adopted son. In 1806,<br />

Eugène married Princess Augusta, eldest daughter of Napoleon’s ally, Maximilian I of Bavaria and was<br />

subsequently given the title of Duke of Leuchtenberg. On his elder brother’s death in 1835, their second<br />

son, Maximilian Joseph, inherited the Dukedom as 3 rd Duke of Leuchtenberg, as well as the art collection,<br />

and in July 1839 in the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg, he married Grand Duchess Maria Nicolaevna eldest<br />

daughter of Nicolas I, Tsar of Russia. Over the next five years, the Tsar built a palace for the couple opposite<br />

the cathedral of St. Isaac, their marriage having been approved on condition that they live in Russia. The<br />

Leuchtenberg art collection had earlier been placed on public display in Munich and catalogued and<br />

published in French and German editions. An illustrated English edition was published in London in 1852,<br />

with engraved copies of the paintings by the artist J. N. Muxel, the present work being figure 81 (fig.1). The<br />

Duke and Duchess were well known for their highly cultivated taste in art and they filled the Mariinsky<br />

Palace with their collection, a significant part of which, including the present copper, had been transferred<br />

from the Ducal collections in Munich at various moments, the gallery finally being closed on the 3 rd Duke’s<br />

death in 1852 13 . It was in the Mariinsky Palace that this copper was seen and again published, this time by<br />

Gustav Friedrich Waagen in his 1864 description of the Hermitage and other collections in St. Petersburg 14 .<br />

It is described as a masterful composition and, interestingly, considered by Waagen to be in the artist’s “later<br />

style”, surely a misinterpretation of its precociously sophisticated technique and the jewel-like beauty of<br />

this, Reni’s first depiction of the heavenly realm.<br />

19


actual size detail<br />

20


21


Lorenzo Lippi<br />

Florence 1606-1665)<br />

5<br />

Moses before the Pharaoh turning the Water of the River Nile into Blood<br />

Oil on canvas.<br />

127.6 x 186.7 cms. (50 ¼ x 73 ¾)<br />

Provenance: The Late John Appleby, Jersey, Channel Islands.<br />

Literature: C.d’Afflitto. Lorenzo Lippi, Florence 2002, pp.146-7, 149 and 294, cat.120, illustrated (as<br />

Biblical Scene); F. Baldassari, La Pittura del Seicento a Firenze, Indice degli artisti e delle loro opere,<br />

Turin, 2009, pp.451 and 461, fig.244; G. Cantelli, Repertorio della pittura fiorentina del Seicento<br />

Aggiornamento, vol.I, Pontedera 2009, p.124 (as Biblical Scene); S. Bellesi, Catalogo dei pittori fiorentini<br />

del ‘600 e ‘700. Biographie e opere, vol.I, Florence 2009, p.181, (as Biblical Scene).<br />

Baldinucci describes Lorenzo Lippi as a precociously talented artist who showed a natural brilliance<br />

as a draughtsman as well as being a talented horseman, dancer and writer. He recounts tales of Matteo<br />

Rosselli, Lippi’s master, saying often in company: Lorenzo, you draw better than I do (Lorenzo, tu disegni<br />

meglio di me) 1 . At the age of 40, Lorenzo married the daughter of the sculptor Giovanni Francesco<br />

Susini, and as a result of the latter’s connections, was invited to be court painter to Archduchess Claudia,<br />

the Florentine widow of Leopold V of Tyrol, at Innsbruck. A number of Lippi’s portraits, painted whilst<br />

he was in Austria, are in the Kunsthistorisches Museum in Vienna. In Innsbruck he also began the long,<br />

humourous poem Malmantile Raequistato, for which he became and remains well known. A burlesque<br />

love story employing folk tales and Florentine vernacular speech, the poem is evidence of Lippi’s wit and<br />

culture. Back in Florence, Lippi became a friend and supporter of Salvator Rosa with whom he attended<br />

literary academies and discussed the works of the classical writers. Lippi produced paintings for many of<br />

the noble families of the city, his most famous work being the Triumph of David painted for Agnolo Galli<br />

which depicts all of Galli’s seventeen children amongst the crowd celebrating David’s triumph. His aim<br />

in painting was to follow nature; Baldinucci criticised him for his lack of artfulness but the purity and<br />

refinement of his style were admired by Rosa in particular.<br />

Despite having been acknowledged for its grandeur and fine quality by Academics, this painting was<br />

only known from an old photograph until its recent re-appearance, as Consul Gaius Popillius drawing<br />

a Circle around King Antiochus IV. Chiara d’Afflitto (see literature) described it as being one of the best<br />

examples of his artistic achievement, on par with the Erminia and the Shepherds in the Museo Rospigliosi<br />

in Pistoia 2 and dated it to the artist’s mature period in the second half of the 1660s. Particularly admirable<br />

are the fusion between the grand and eloquent protagonists in the foreground and the details of the three<br />

gracefully poised figures in the background, as well as the rich colours and subtle lighting. A preparatory<br />

drawing for the young man standing by the river in the background is in the Kunst Museum, Copenhagen 3<br />

(fig.1).<br />

Francesca Baldassari has recently recognised that the subject is in fact a biblical episode taken from<br />

Exodus, Chapter 7: Moses and his brother Aaron come before the Pharaoh to ask that the tribes of Israel<br />

be allowed to leave Egypt, the Pharaoh challenges them to work a miracle to prove themselves. God had<br />

told Moses to command Aaron to put his staff at the Pharaoh’s feet where it would transform into a snake.<br />

The Pharaoh’s own magicians and wise men looked on but the Pharaoh’s heart remained hardened and<br />

the next day God told Moses to command Aaron to touch the waters of the Nile with his staff and the river<br />

would turn to blood. On the left of the composition, the arrogant figure of the Pharaoh and his attendants,<br />

with their richly decorated and colourful garments, make a strong contrast with the austerely dressed and<br />

sombre figure of Moses at the right edge of the scene. While the Pharaoh frames the reddening waters<br />

22


23


Lorenzo Lippi, Moses before the Pharaohturning the<br />

Water of the River Nile into Blood (detail).<br />

1. Lorenzo Lippi, Man Bending to the Left, Kunst<br />

Museum, Copenhagen.<br />

with his crimson, Moses stands with a classical solemnity, casting his gaze downwards disdainfullywhile,<br />

in the background, a man warns his fellow bathers of the horrible transformation.<br />

Lippi depicts the scene with a fascinating freedom of interpretation: the Pharoah wears a form of<br />

Roman tunic and sandals while his pageboy is clothed in a 16 th century jerkin with slashed sleeves and<br />

pantaloons, Moses is given an otherworldly quality by virtue of his statuesque pose and the three faces<br />

of the Pharoah’s followers have the immediacy of actual likenesses.<br />

24


25


Giuseppe Assereto<br />

Genoa 1626?-1657?<br />

6<br />

Portraits of Three Children, One Playing a Flute<br />

Oil on pine panel. Bears initials in brown ink on the verso: G.A.N.P. and an inscription: Procacin.<br />

27.8 x 41.3 cms. (11 x 16 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: Bears wax seal with a 19 th century Gothic stryle monogram.<br />

The biography of Giuseppe Assereto, son of Gioacchino (1600-1650) was recorded by Raffaele Soprani<br />

in his collection of the Lives of Genovese artists: “Giuseppe Axereto [sic] his son learnt the principles<br />

to follow a profession as a painter from his father and in fact showed an extraordinary ability to follow<br />

his father’s style. He drew very accurately …” 1 . In the inventory taken on Gioacchino’s death, a few of<br />

Giuseppe’s own works were also present and from other archival records it appears that he inherited his<br />

father’s studio as well as some incomplete projects. His dates of birth and death are not recorded but<br />

can be deduced from documents and he probably died from the plague which swept through Genoa<br />

in 1657. Until recent years, his artistic personality was completely unknown. The first reconstruction<br />

of his activity was made by the author of the present entry in 2009 2 and this was added to by the same<br />

author’s monograph on Gioacchino Assereto and his school 3 , where a corpus of around fifty paintings<br />

was established, of which the most important is the large Preaching of St. James, in the oratory of San<br />

Giacomo alla Marina in Genoa, probably installed in place of the Last Supper commissioned from<br />

Gioacchino, which remained unfinished on his death. Evidently, Giuseppe was considered as the most<br />

suitable of Gioacchino’s pupils and contemporaries to receive such an important commission, for an<br />

oratory in which many of the best Genoese artists of the time had worked, such as Valerio Castello,<br />

Domenico Piola and Giovanni Benedetto Castiglione. A gifted painter, Giuseppe absorbed the naturalistic<br />

style of his father and other contemporary masters but in an absolutely personal manner and with a<br />

particularly successful expressivity.<br />

The three children are captured with a vivid spontaneity and naturalism typical of Gioacchino Assereto<br />

and his studio 4 . This sketch is painted on a panel with a thin preparation which is left visible, as part of<br />

the construction of the heads, between the areas of thicker impasto executed in rapid brushstrokes - a<br />

lively technique which adds to the vitality of the work.<br />

Newly identified, the present picture is a significant addition to the artist’s œuvre, and its particular<br />

quality reasserts the creative talent of this until recently forgotten artist. Giuseppe’s fine draughtsmanship,<br />

lauded by Soprani, is visible in the dark outline brushstrokes used to define the faces. Particularly typical<br />

of Assereto’s style is the manner in which he builds up a vibrant surface with small but rapid brushstrokes,<br />

in an almost ‘impressionistic’ style. The head of the young boy playing the flute is stylistically similar<br />

to the youth in the background of the Ecce Homo in the parish church of Santa Maria della Neve in<br />

Genova-Bolzaneto 4 and to the figure of Christ in the Christ and the Adulteress 5 in the church of the<br />

Cappuccini in Voltaggio, as well as to the the angel in the Saint Francis of Assisi in Ecstasy 6 , also in<br />

Voltaggio. Furthermore, the young adulteress in the latter work is painted in a manner very similar to the<br />

young girl on the left of this panel. The rich impasto formed from tightly meshed brushstrokes, is here<br />

more reminiscent of il Grechetto than Gioacchino as can be seen in a substantial number of works which<br />

have now been reattributed to Giuseppe from Gioacchino. The physiognomy of the three children is also<br />

consistent with Giuseppe Assereto’s facial types: the child in profile harks back to Gioacchino while the<br />

other two faces are of a type in Giuseppe’s work closer to Giovanni Andrea de Ferrari. Although only<br />

one of Giuseppe Assereto’s paintings can be dated, the present work would seem to belong to the same<br />

period as the Preaching of Saint James, around 1650.<br />

Tiziana Zennaro<br />

26


27


Govaert Flinck<br />

Cleves 1615-1660 Amsterdam<br />

7<br />

An Old Man in a Velvet Hat leaning on a Window Sill<br />

Oil on panel. Signed and dated G. Flinck f.1646 and inscribed with the Imperial Hermitage inventory<br />

number 3654 at lower left.<br />

70.5 x 60 cms. (27 ½ x 23 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: Johann Ernst Gotzkowsky (1710-1775), merchant, financier, art dealer and collecting<br />

advisor to Frederick the Great, Berlin, by 1764, when recorded as “Rembrand”, 1. alter Mann, der mit<br />

dem Kopf auf der linken hand ruht. Extra fein gemahlt”, (28 x 23 inches), priced at 600 Reichstaler; by<br />

whom sold in 1764 en bloc with 316 other paintings to Catherine II the Great, Empress of Russia (1729-<br />

1796), founder of the Hermitage, Saint Petersburg, as Rembrandt; recorded in an inventory made after<br />

her death, in 1797, no. 3654, and by descent to her grandson, Nicholas I, Emperor of Russia (1796-<br />

1855), the Imperial Collection at the Winter Palace, Saint Petersburg; possibly sold in 1854 (Prevot,<br />

Saint Petersburg, 6 th June 1854 and following days, lot 636, as (“Flinck. Head of an old man.”), the<br />

dimensions incorrectly given as 6.3 x 5 vershki, or, by descent to his son, Alexander II, Emperor of Russia<br />

(1818-1881), by whom possibly sent to Moscow in 1862 with 200 other pictures from The Hermitage,<br />

for the picture gallery of the newly-established Moscow Public and Rumyantsev Museums; Acquired by<br />

Wilhelm Friedrich Mertens (circa 1870-1957) or by his son, Wilhelm Mertens (1899-1938), certainly by<br />

1932, both Saint Petersburg until 1917-1918, and subsequently Leipzig, and then by descent.<br />

Literature: J.E. Gotzkowsky, “Specification meiner allerbesten und schönsten Original Gemählden<br />

bestehen in 317 Stück nebst den allergenauesten Preißen”, circa 1764, MS, Berlin, Geheimes Staatsarchiv<br />

Preussischer Kulturbesitz, I. HA., Rep. 11, no. 171-175, Russland D, Interzessionalia 1751-1765, fol. 253<br />

recto, no. 18, as “Rembrand, 1. alter Mann, der mit dem Kopf auf der linken hand ruht Extra fein gemahlt”,<br />

2 feet 4 inches by 1 foot 11 inches, 600 “Rthlr”; J. von Stählin, “Vornehmste Stücke aus dem an Ihren<br />

Kays. Maj. Verkauften Gotzkowsky Cabinet aus Berlin”, circa 1764, MS, Saint Petersburg Branch of the<br />

Archive of the Russian Federation Academy of Sciences, Fund 170, opis’ 1, delo 68, ff. 1a-4, reprinted in<br />

A.I. Uspensky, “The Imperial Palaces”, Notes of the Imperial Nicholas II Moscow Archoeological Institute,<br />

XXIII, 1913, part 2, p. lii, and in K. Malinovsky, ed., The Writings of Jacob Stählin on the Fine Arts in<br />

Russia, Moscow, 1990, II, p. 99, as “Rembrandt. An old man, whose head is resting on his left hand”, 2<br />

feet 4 inches by 1 foot 11 inches, 600 Thalers. Count J.E. Münnich, <strong>Catalogue</strong> raisonné des tableaux qui<br />

se trouvent dans les Galeries, Salons et Cabinets du Palais Impérial de S.Pétersbourg, commencé en 1773<br />

et continué jusqu’en 1785, 1773-1785, MS, Saint Petersburg, Hermitage Archives, Fund I, opis’ VI-A,<br />

delo 85; Possibly Count J.E. Münnich, <strong>Catalogue</strong> des tableaux qui se trouvent dans les Galeries et dans<br />

les Cabinets du Palais Impérial de Saint Pétersbourg, Saint Petersburg, 1774 (reprinted P. Lacroix, “Musée<br />

du Palais de l’Ermitage sous le règne de Catherine II”, in Revue universelle des arts, XIII, pp. 164-179,<br />

244-258, XIV, 212-225, XV, 47-53, 107-123), as one of nos. 57, “Rembrand. Le Portrait d’un vieillard”,<br />

88, “Rembrand. La Tête d’un vieillard”, 914, “Rembrand. Portrait d’un vieillard”, 1882, “Rembrand.<br />

Portrait d’un vieillard” or 1887, “Govaert Flinck. Portrait d’homme”; F.I. Labynsky et al., <strong>Catalogue</strong> of<br />

the Paintings Kept in the Imperial Hermitage Gallery, the Tauride and Marble Palaces..., 1797, MS, Saint<br />

Petersburg, Hermitage Archives, Fund 1, opis’ VI-A, delo 87, no. 3645, the dimensions given as 15.34<br />

x 13.12 vershki (68.2 x 58.3 cms.); Probably Notice sur les principaux tableaux du Musée Impérial de<br />

l’Ermitage à Saint-Pétersbourg, Saint Petersburg and Berlin, 1828, pp. 56 and 136, in room no. 11, the<br />

“Salle de Rembrandt”, as Rembrandt, “un rabbin juif qui se résigne à payer”; Possibly Livret de la Galerie<br />

Impériale de l’Ermitage de Saint-Pétersbourg: contenant l’explication des tableaux qui la composent,<br />

avec de courtes notices sur les autres objets d’art ou de curiosité qui y sont exposés, Saint Petersburg,<br />

1838, p. 127, in “Salle XI”, as Rembrandt; Possibly Baron N.E. Wrangel, ”L’Empereur Nicolas I et les<br />

arts”, (Starye gody), VI, September-November 1913, p. 124, no. 636 under the 1854 sale, “Flinck. Head<br />

of an old man”, the dimensions incorrectly given as 6.3 x 5 vershki and the inventory number incorrectly<br />

28


29


given as 3121, or as one of the other 1,217 lots; C. Frank, “Die Gemäldesammlungen Gotzkowsky,<br />

Eimbke und Stein: Zur Berliner Sammlungsgeschichte während des Siebenjährigen Krieges”, in M. North,<br />

ed., Kunstsammeln und Geschmack im 18. Jahrhundert, Berlin, 2002, pp. 189-190, note 221, as ”Ehem.<br />

Ermitage, 1862 nach Moskau abgegeben”; T. Ketelsen and T. von Stockhausen, The Provenance Index of<br />

the Getty Research Institute: Verzeichnis der verkauften Gemälde in deutschsprachigen Raum vor 1800,<br />

Munich, II, p. 1305, under 1764/00/00; N. Schepkowski, Johann Ernst Gotzkowsky: Kunstagent und<br />

Gemäldesammler im friderizianischen Berlin, Berlin, 2009, pp. 462 and 577, “Laut Prof. Gotzkowsky<br />

wurde das “Bildnis eines alten Mannes” 1862 nach Moskau verkauft”.<br />

The present picture is to be included in T. van der Molen’s forthcoming <strong>Catalogue</strong> raisonné of the paintings<br />

of Govaert Flinck.<br />

Exhibited: Berlin, Galerie Dr. Schäffer, Hundert Seltene Holländer, April-May 1932, no. 39, “Flinck,<br />

Govaert - Bildnis eines alten Mannes - Bez. und datiert 1646”, lent by the great-grandfather or grandfather<br />

of the previous owners.<br />

Acquired by Catherine the Great as part of her first and perhaps most sensational en bloc art purchase,<br />

An old man at a casement is a rediscovered work by Govaert Flinck which can now be seen as one of<br />

his most significant and powerful paintings. First documented in 1764 as by Rembrandt, the picture may<br />

have remained under this attribution in the Russian Imperial collection until into the nineteenth century.<br />

It was not until 1928, in a certificate made in Berlin by the scholar Wilhelm von Bode, that the painting<br />

was formally recognized for the first time as by Flinck.<br />

Notwithstanding this, and the painting’s subsequent appearance in an exhibition in Berlin in 1932, the<br />

composition appears to have been known to a wider circle of scholars only by virtue of several copies (all<br />

on canvas 1 ), so that neither Joachim von Moltke nor Werner Sumowski were aware of the present work at<br />

the time of their respective publications on Flinck, in 1965 and 1983. However, Von Moltke did later get<br />

to see the painting in person and described it in a letter to the late owner (14 February 1973) as: “ganz<br />

ungewöhnlich gut and sehr charakteristisch” (“extraordinarily good and very characteristic”). Recently,<br />

the attribution has kindly been confirmed on the basis of photographs by Tom van der Molen, who will<br />

include An old man at a casement in his forthcoming catalogue raisonné of Flinck’s paintings.<br />

Govaert Flinck was one of Rembrandt’s most talented pupils. His biographer Arnold Houbraken records<br />

that he worked in Rembrandt’s Amsterdam studio for just a year - probably 1635-6 - and in this short time<br />

became so adept at painting in Rembrandt’s manner that several of his pictures were sold as works by<br />

Rembrandt’s own hand 2 . By the mid 1640s Flinck had built up a flourishing career in his own right, to the<br />

extent that he had become one of Rembrandt’s chief rivals in Amsterdam, both as a history painter and as<br />

a fashionable portraitist. He had also by this time become independently wealthy by virtue of his marriage<br />

in 1645 to Ingeltje Thoveling (1619-1655), the daughter of a director of the East India Company. In May<br />

1644 he paid 10,000 guilders to acquire two adjoining houses on the Lauriersgracht (now numbers 76<br />

and 78) and converted the top two floors into a studio and gallery. Houbraken describes a visit to the<br />

studio in which he found a Rembrandt-like array of items including exotic textiles, costumes, jewellery,<br />

armour and sculptures, for use in paintings of exactly this kind. Rembrandt’s tronies - imaginary portraits<br />

based on live models - which he had been painting regularly since the 1630s, were clearly influential<br />

on Flinck’s own work in this area. These frequently featured old, bearded men in antique costume, are<br />

referred to generically as philosophers or prophets, with emphasis given to their perceived wisdom in old<br />

age. Flinck’s sitter here wears a red velvet cap, a gold chain, a black fur-trimmed coat, and a lace shirt<br />

with elaborately frilled cuffs, and is depicted leaning on a richly embroidered cushion. Like Rembrandt,<br />

Flinck uses this style of costume in a deliberate effort to transplant his subject into a timeless past, redolent<br />

with Biblical, classical and medieval associations. Similar attire and probably the same model were used<br />

by Flinck a year earlier for the Bearded man in a velvet cap now in The Metropolitan Museumin New<br />

York. However, while the sitter for the New York picture is evenly lit and observed bust-length in much<br />

30


the same manner that Flinck might employ for a standard portrait, in the present work the lighting is<br />

more dramatic, distinctly Rembrandtesque and the pose more naturalistic and expressive. The man is<br />

seen leaning forward, resting his head on his clenched left hand in an everyday gesture that suggests<br />

contemplation and perhaps a degree of world-weary resignation. The pictorial origins of this gesture may<br />

be traced back to Albrecht Dürer’s Melancholia engraving of 1514 (Bartsch 74), in which Melancholy<br />

is personified by a winged woman, seated with her head in her hand, surrounded by instruments of<br />

learning yet paralysed by idleness. Although Rembrandt seems never to have committed this particular<br />

pose to paint, he did experiment with it in a number of drawings executed around the time that Flinck<br />

was operating in his studio. These include the sheet in the Museum Boymans van Beuningen, Rotterdam,<br />

showing Saskia at a Window in which she supports her head with her left hand. <br />

The support used for the present painting has been examined by Professor Peter Klein, who has confirmed<br />

that it is a single-plank poplar panel. The use of poplar is unusual in the context of North Netherlandish<br />

panel painting. However, in the mid-1630s and the 1640s, Rembrandt and artists in his circle started<br />

to experiment with panels made using a variety of exotic imported woods such as cordia, walnut and<br />

mahogany as well as poplar, rather than just oak 3 .<br />

The foundation of the Imperial Hermitage and of its successor, the State Hermitage Museum, Saint<br />

Petersburg, is traditionally traced to 1764. Catherine the Great, crowned Empress of All the Russias<br />

made her first purchase of pictures in opportunistic circumstances 4 when she acquired the collection<br />

formed by a fascinating figure from Berlin, the entrepreneur and investor Johann Ernst Gotzkowsky.<br />

Alongside works by Rembrandt, Frans Hals, Gerrit van Honthorst, Hans von Aachen, Bartholomeus van<br />

der Helst and Hendrick Goltzius, this group included Govaert Flinck’s An old man at a casement, which<br />

is therefore documented in the Imperial Collection at the Winter Palace from its very origins, into the<br />

nineteenth-century. This founding acquisition was to unleash a passion for collecting which saw, over<br />

ensuing decades, the purchase en bloc of some of Europe’s greatest private collections, including those of<br />

Sir Robert Walpole at Houghton Hall, Crozat de Thiers in Paris, Tronchin in Geneva and Count Heinrich<br />

Brühl in Dresden, and was to leave Saint Petersburg with a picture gallery rivaled by few others to this<br />

day. We are grateful to Svetlana Borisovna Adaksina, Head Curator of the State Hermitage Museum, and<br />

her office, for confirming verbally that in the manuscript catalogue of the Imperial Collection compiled<br />

in 1797, the year after Catherine’s death, An old man at a casement is listed under the inventory number<br />

3654, with the dimensions recorded as 15.34 x 13.12 vershki - 68.2 x 58.3 cm. This inventory number is<br />

visible in an old photograph of the picture, which carries the Bode certificate of 1928 on its verso. 5 and 6<br />

31


Sebastiano Ricci<br />

Belluno 1659-1734 Venice<br />

8<br />

The Head of a Bearded Man Looking Down<br />

Oil on canvas.<br />

60.5 x 51.4 cms. (23 ¾ x 20 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: Private Collection, France.<br />

An enormous variation in the quality and degree of finish in Ricci’s work is often remarked upon.<br />

Gregarious and popular as a character, he seems to have been sharp in negotiating commissions,<br />

demanding high prices which, if they were not achieved, resulted in hastily executed work. Critically,<br />

despite being admired for his innovations, Ricci has also been held up for his self-confessed practice<br />

of borrowing other artists’ ideas, but in his lifetime it was also this ability to imitate the style of other<br />

painters, particularly Veronese, Carracci and Magnasco, which impressed. Interestingly, his own method<br />

of outlining his figures in brown as a way to make them stand out in a large composition was followed<br />

by Giambattista Tiepolo and his son, Domenico, and Ricci is now considered absolutely key to the<br />

emergence of the Rococo style in Venice, particularly in the field of history painting.<br />

Exceptionally refined amongst Ricci’s surviving head studies, this beautifully painted and powerful work<br />

dates from the late 1690s as has been kindly confirmed by Annalisa Scarpa Sonino. Though the handling<br />

is absolutely typical of Sebastiano, the picture is rather unique amongst his identified works. A wellknown<br />

series of head-studies, from the Consul Smith collection, purchased by George III and now at<br />

Hampton Court, all record figures from Veronese’s painting now in the Gallerie dell’ Accademia, The<br />

Feast in the House of Levi. Apart from these, an imposing self-portrait painted for the collection of the<br />

Medici Grand Dukes 2 and an elegant, though clearly classicised profile study of a woman seem to be<br />

the only other works by Ricci done in portrait format. Dignified and profoundly thoughtful, this figure<br />

is swathed in a blue coat with a brown silk stripe, the style of which is strongly reminiscent of the robes<br />

worn by Veronese’s sitters. The long beard also gives the man a senatorial air but his hair is tousled and<br />

the effect is informal. It is tempting to think of the picture as a portrait of a fellow artist, friend or relation.<br />

As a prototype, and with its rich painterliness and strong contrasts of light and shade, this painting<br />

prefigures the splendid series of philosophers and Orientalists painted by Giovanni Battista Tiepolo and<br />

his sons Giandomenico and Lorenzo.<br />

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33


Donato Creti<br />

Cremona 1671-1749 Bologna<br />

9<br />

A Sleeping Child Holding an Apple: “Bozzetto” for the painting of “La Carità”<br />

Oil on canvas.<br />

29 x 40.3 cms. (11 3 /8 x 15 7 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Possibly Galleria Sampieri, Bologna 1841, sold as part of the Sampieri collection by Francesco<br />

Giovanni Sampieri (1790-1863); P & D Colnaghi & Co. Ltd; David Rust Collection.<br />

Literature: Possibly Catalogo dei quadri ed altri oggetti d’arte esistenti nella Galleria Sampieri posta in<br />

Bologna, 1841, cat.39, “puttino coricato con pomo in mano di Donato Creti”.<br />

This gentle and spontaneous painting, most probably executed from life, served as a model, with slight differences,<br />

for the motif of a sleeping child in Creti’s circular allegory on copper, La Carità (fig.1), one of a group of four<br />

paintings executed prior to 1721 for his most important Bolognese patron, Marcantonio Collina Sbaraglia. These<br />

form part of the total group of sixteen works, commissioned by Collina Sbaraglia from the artist and left as a<br />

legacy to the Collezioni Comunali d’Arte di Bologna in 1744. 2 Sbaraglia was a major figure in the city, heir to a<br />

professor of medicine and anatomy and representative of a new class of generous and enlightened patrons who<br />

aimed at bringing deeper culture to a city previously dominated by the church and aristocracy. Creti’s refined and<br />

highly educated style with its sophisticated and luminous colouring was ideal for this purpose.<br />

Of the four roundels dedicated to the Virtues, La Carità has the most complex and interesting composition. Where<br />

the other three are hierarchical images clearly inspired by Renaissance archetypes, La Carità is voluminous<br />

and naturalistic, indeed apart from the stylistic differences, the early documentation of the series suggests that<br />

La Carità may have been executed independently as a slightly later addition 3 . The sleeping child, seen here,<br />

is curled into the drapery of the generous, reclining figure of Charity, his feet balanced at the picture’s edge,<br />

symbolic of repletion and comfort. Renato Rolli published a replica of similar dimensions (24 x 37cms), from a<br />

Bolognese private collection 4 , giving to it the Sampieri provenance and catalogue reference as the only example<br />

then known. That one, however, is identical to the figure as seen in the copper whereas the present picture has<br />

various small differences suggesting that it could well be the prime and preparatory version. Here the child’s<br />

face is seen in profile whereas the other sketch and the final work show the face in three quarters profile. The<br />

positioning of the fingers around the apple is also<br />

noticeably different in the present work as are the<br />

arrangement of the boy’s tunic and the folds of the<br />

drapery. Further evidence that the present study was<br />

made in preparation for the Sbariglia commission is<br />

that part of a column is visible at the left edge of the<br />

canvas which is very much in keeping with the other<br />

roundels in the series, all of which have acolumn but<br />

which Creti removed for the final compostion of La<br />

Carità. A further version of this study, was recorded<br />

by F. Sacchi in 1872 as being in the Louvre, but was<br />

subsequently lost and is known only through an<br />

engraving 5 . The Bolognese historian Giovann Pietro<br />

Zanotti asserted in 1739 that the roundel portrayed<br />

Creti’s beautiful wife, Francesca Zani (died 1719),<br />

along with the couple’s three sons; if this is the case,<br />

it may explain why, apart from the charm of the<br />

depiction, Creti made this tender oil study and all<br />

additional replicas of the little boy asleep against his<br />

mother’s skirts 6 .<br />

1. Donato Creti, La Carità, Palazzo d’Accursio, Bologna.<br />

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35


Giambattista Pittoni<br />

Venice 1687-1767<br />

10<br />

St. Peter<br />

Oil on canvas.<br />

47 x 37 cms. (18 ½ x 14 ½ in.)<br />

Giambattista Pittoni is considered, alongside Tiepolo and Piazzetta, as the most representative history<br />

painter of the Venetian Rococo. The details of his early career are scarce other than that he studied painting<br />

under his uncle Francesco Pittoni and later possibly with Antonio Balestra, joining the Venetian painters<br />

guild in 1716. A decade later he was appointed honorary Academician of the Accademia Clementina in<br />

Bologna and he went on to become a founding member of the Venetian Academy, the Accademia di Belle<br />

Arti, succeeding Tiepolo as its President in 1758. Pittoni worked almost entirely from Venice with short<br />

forays to Verona, but he received significant commissions from German, Russian and Polish collectors<br />

including Marshal Schulenburg, who owned nine paintings by Pittoni and consulted him on restoration<br />

matters and before buying works by other artists; Frederich Augustus, Elector of Saxony and later King of<br />

Poland was one of his first patrons, displaying several works by the artist in his palace as early as 1722.<br />

The discernable influence of the French School, in both his drawings and his paintings, is thought to have<br />

been the result of a stay in Paris in 1720 in the company of Rosalba Carriera and Zanetti. Pittoni’s work<br />

divides almost equally between secular and religious paintings, the latter comprising around thirty largescale<br />

altarpieces and considerable numbers of smaller devotional pictures. Celebrated in his lifetime for<br />

his handsome draperies Pittoni was also an exceptional colourist and though his reputation waned in the<br />

19 th century, his influence had a lasting effect in Central Europe where his style was imported through the<br />

work of Anton Kern, his most dedicated pupil.<br />

Like Piazzetta, Pittoni executed a small number of devotional easel paintings of this type at different times<br />

in his career. The present work, which was first recognised as the work of Pittoni by Annalisa Scarpa, has<br />

the luminosity and solidity of his early period and may be compared with two versions of a St. Jerome, one<br />

in the Museo Civico in Rimini and the other formerly in the Cecconi Collection, Florence, both dating to<br />

the early 1720s 1 . The intensity of colours seen here is also a feature of his early work, with the particular<br />

combination of sky blue and ochre yellow creating an almost electric effect. Other features of the 1720s<br />

are the dry impasto and the structure of the drapery formed of long stripes; an identical technique is seen<br />

in another painting of St. Peter, half-length and almost twice the size, now in the Kunstalle in Hamburg. 2<br />

In the Rimini St. Jerome we see the right hand in exactly the same position as here except that he holds<br />

a stone and a crucifix rather than the key to the Kingdom of Heaven.<br />

Pittoni already seems to be at the height of his powers here; his use of paint is extraordinarily confident as<br />

is the powerful rendering of light. Despite the humility expressed in the pose of the saint, who inclines his<br />

head to hide his eyes, there is a strength and radiance in the depiction which reflects St. Peter’s position<br />

as the keyholder to Heaven.<br />

36


37


Attributed to Francesco Guardi<br />

Venice 1712-1793<br />

11<br />

Venetian Acrobats forming a Pyramid known as “Le Forze d’Ercole”<br />

Oil on canvas.<br />

72.3 x 88 cms. (28 ½ x 34 5 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Ferruccio Asta, Venice, 1980; Private Collection, Paris.<br />

Literature: Bianca Tamassia Marzarotto, Le feste Veneziane, Sansoni Editori, Florence, 1961, p. 36,<br />

illustrated as Francesco Guardi (?).<br />

Guardi began his career in the family studio, which had been established by his father, who died in 1716.<br />

Gianantonio, the eldest brother born in 1699, ran the workshop over the following years, until his death<br />

in 1760. Early works by Francesco are rarely documented and often the literature disputes the authorship<br />

between Francesco and his brother. Annalisa Scarpa Sonnino kindly pointed out that the attribution<br />

to Francesco Guardi of this painting had been suggested as long ago as 1961 and she considers that<br />

attribution to be extremely plausible, although the scarcity of material clearly accepted as early work by<br />

Francesco makes this hard to prove. Characteristic of Francesco’s handling however is the treatment of<br />

the costumes, the dark lines of draughtsmanship picking out the details of the dress and the richly varied<br />

and shimmering tones of the cloths. The dark tonality and the rich textures of this painting compare<br />

with a series of Turkish scenes, depicting court life, commissioned from the Guardis by Marshal von<br />

Schulenburg in the early 1740s and also with the two scenes of Venetian life in the Ca’Rezzonico, L’Arte<br />

dei Coroneri and Il convegno diplomatico, which were recently exhibited in the monographic exhibition<br />

at the Museo Correr. 1 A version of one of the Turquerie scenes, A Greek Favourite in the Harem, has<br />

recently been given firmly to Francesco Guardi by Giuseppe Maria Pilo. The colour scheme and the<br />

handling and of the depiction of the different cloths, with short and vibrant brushstrokes giving accents<br />

of light and definition in the latter painting, are entirely comparable with the present work. 2<br />

The “Forze d’Ercole” (strength of Hercules) was a competitive acrobatic display held between Venetian<br />

neighbourhoods, divided into two rival factions of the Castellani partisans (the inhabitants of Castello,<br />

San Marco and Dorsoduro) on one side, and the Nicolotti partisans (the parishioners of San Nicolò, San<br />

Polo, Santa Croce and Cannaregio). It took place annually on the Thursday before Lent in front of the<br />

Doge’s palace, in the presence of the Doge, the Signoria and the Ambassadors. The “Forze d’Ercole”<br />

replaced the “Guerra dei Pugni” (War of Fists), a fierce and bloody fight which had become established<br />

in 1303 and commemorated the feud which followed the assassination of a prelate of the Castellani<br />

faction by a Niccolodi partisan. In 1705, the monastery of St. Gerome was let to burn and destroyed by<br />

a fire because the two factions were too busy fighting to help put the fire out. As a result, the Serenissima<br />

forbade the practice of these fights, which were replaced with the “Forze d’Ercole”. In preparation, a<br />

wooden planking was constructed, to be placed on barrels if the game took place on solid ground, or on<br />

two barges if it happened on the water; on this unstable base, the athletes had to build human pyramids<br />

which could reach eight floors in height. The pyramids could be either figurative, such as, for example,<br />

the “Colossus of Rhodes”, “The Venetian Beauty” or ”The Lion”, or allegorical, such as “Unity”, “Glory”<br />

or “Fame”. The present picture is an allegory of Fame, as the Latin inscription on the scroll ‘Fama volat’<br />

(fame flies) states. In 1798, when Venice was occupied by Napoleon first and by the Austrians after, the<br />

Carnival festivities were suppressed in fear that such celebrations could trigger insurrections against the<br />

occupiers.<br />

38


39


actual size detail<br />

40


41


François Boucher<br />

Paris 1703-1770<br />

12<br />

Le Peintre de Paysage (The Landscape Painter)<br />

Oil on canvas. Monogrammed on the bench: f. B<br />

39 x 30 cms. (15 ¼ x 11 ¾ in.)<br />

Provenance: Collection <strong>Jean</strong>-Baptiste Lemoyne, his posthumous sale, 10 th August 1778, lot 18, 1220<br />

pounds, sold together with its apparent pendant, Le sculpteur dans son atelier, in fact by <strong>Jean</strong> Baptiste<br />

Marie Pierre; Pierre-Hippolyte Lemoyne, architect, his sale, 19 th May 1828, lot 74, 120 francs; Comte de<br />

Pourtalès-Gorgier, his posthumous sale, 27 th March-4 h April 1865, lot 228, 7.000 francs; S.E. Khalil-Bey,<br />

his sale, 16 h -18 h January 1868, n°72, 14.000 francs; A. Hulot, his sale G.G.P., 9 h -10 h May 1892, lot 80,<br />

25.000 francs; Baron Edmond de Rothschild, Château de Prégny.<br />

Exhibited: L’Art au XVIIIe siècle, Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, 1883-1884, cat 17, collection de Mr Hulot.<br />

Literature: Ed. and J. de Goncourt, L’Art du XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1880, Vol. I, third edition, p.199, “Vte<br />

Collet”; A. Michel, François Boucher, “Les Artistes célèbres”, Paris, 1889, p.96; G. Kahn, Boucher,<br />

Biographie critique, Paris, 1904, rep. p.44 (with location mistakenly given as the Louvre); A. Michel,<br />

François Boucher, catalogue by L. Suillé and Ch. Masson, Paris, 1906, cat. 1129 et 1230; P. de Nolhac,<br />

François Boucher, catalogue by Georges Pannier, Goupil & Cie, Paris, 1907, p.37, ill. opp. p.10, cat.<br />

p.143; H. MacFall, “Boucher, the man, his time, his art and his significance 1703-1770”, The Connoisseur,<br />

special edition, 1908, ill. p.144; P. de Nolhac, Boucher, premier peintre du roi, Paris, 1925, p.76, ill. opp.<br />

p.76; A. Ananoff, “Attributions et identifications nouvelles de quelques dessins de François Boucher et de<br />

Gabriel de Saint Aubin”, (communication of 16 octobre 1965) Bulletin de la Société d’Histoire de l’Art<br />

français, 1965, pp. 175-176; Regina Shoolman Slatkin, François Boucher in North American Collections,<br />

100 Drawings, exhibition catalogue, Washington and Chicago, 1974, under cat.33; A. Ananoff, François<br />

Boucher, Lausanne, 1976, vol.I, p. 209, cat.76, fig.338 (as by Boucher and Pierre); exhibition catalogue,<br />

François Boucher 1703-1770, Paris, New York and Detroit, 1986-1987, under cat. 22, pp.150-151.<br />

Described in the <strong>Jean</strong>-Baptiste Lemoyne sale as “un joli morceau<br />

plein de gaîté et d’agrément”, this remarkable canvas depicts a<br />

painter’s studio, one which the Goncourts, André Michel and<br />

Nolhac were all pleased to describe as Boucher’s own, with the<br />

artist dressed “in a dressing gown and cotton cap à la Chardin,<br />

seated in front of an easel, with all the clutter of work around him,<br />

his wife, a child in arms, looking over his shoulder and two young<br />

boys, one mixing colours and the other holding a portfolio” 1 . The<br />

1828 sale catalogue of the architect Pierre-Hippolyte Lemoyne<br />

had first proposed an autobiographical interpretation of the<br />

canvas: “the painter is François Boucher himself; the young<br />

pupil is Deshays …..the young woman is madame Boucher”,<br />

though this had been absent from the sale following the death<br />

of his father <strong>Jean</strong>-Baptiste Lemoyne in 1778 and Ananoff much<br />

later demonstrated that the age alone of the figures depicted<br />

precluded this delightful but fantastic description from being an<br />

accurate one.<br />

1. François Boucher, Study: Head of a<br />

Child and Two Hands, formerly in<br />

the J.P. Heseltine Collection.<br />

A tour de force of brushwork, concentrated onto a diminutive<br />

canvas, the picture demonstrates the exuberance of Boucher’s<br />

technique at this relatively early point in his career. Ananoff’s<br />

erroneous suggestion that it was the work of two hands, Boucher<br />

42


43


and <strong>Jean</strong>-Baptiste Marie Pierre, has been firmly dismissed by both Alastair Laing and Nicolas Lesur<br />

(co-author of <strong>Jean</strong>-Baptiste Marie Pierre 1714-1789 Premier peintre du roi, Paris, 2009), who separately<br />

explained that Ananoff’s mistake was based on a misunderstanding of the catalogue of the Lemoyne sales<br />

in which two paintings were placed in the same lot as Tableaux éxécutés par M. Pierre & M. François<br />

Boucher. Ananoff illustrated a poor quality reproduction of the work and it may be that he never saw<br />

the original, suggesting instead that the small blank space in the legend on the 1752 engraving of the<br />

composition: Peint par Boucher de l’Acad. R le de Peinture should have been filled with the name Pierre<br />

and an et, rather than the more logical François. As Alastair Laing also pointed out, by placing Le peintre<br />

de paysage in the year 1732, Ananoff was in any case ruling out the possibility of Pierre (1714-1789)<br />

being a co-author. A drawing of the little boy holding the portfolio was published as connected to the<br />

painting by Ananoff, provenance given as formerly in the J.P. Heseltine collection (where it was attributed<br />

to Watteau) 2 (fig.1).<br />

In a somewhat smaller painting on panel, now in the Musée du Louvre, again entitled The Landscape<br />

Painter 3 , Boucher depicts a younger and even more bohemian artist, painting alone in a garret. A drawing<br />

in the Los Angeles County Museum studies the composition of the Louvre painting but the artist is older<br />

than the one in that painting and the model is clearly the same as the young man in the present picture,<br />

though seated in reverse 4 (fig.2). These works all appear to belong to the early 1730s and show Boucher<br />

exploring the theme of the painter at work, using a playful but at the same time virtuoso manner. Boucher<br />

was also perhaps wishing to highlight the deprivations suffered by young artists, thereby prefiguring a<br />

theme which became much more common in the 19 th century. The Louvre panel, though small in scale,<br />

has the conceit of using the composition of an actual capriccio landscape by Boucher 5 , depicted in<br />

remarkable detail, for the canvas on the easel. The present work, again with its exceptional detail shows<br />

another clearly realised painting within a painting but also the wonderful elements of still-life which are<br />

gathered in the disorder of the studio: paints, jugs, baskets, onions hanging from the ceiling, candles and<br />

books; the studio is in fact, surely, a kitchen.<br />

2. François Boucher, The Artist in his Studio, Los Angeles<br />

County Museum.<br />

Anecdotal and picturesque, if not exactly realistic,<br />

this picture belongs with a small number of genre<br />

scenes all seemingly painted prior to 1735; these<br />

include La belle cuisinière in the Musée Cognacq-<br />

Jay, and the lost La belle villageoise known from a<br />

1738 engraving by Pierre Soubeyran. As the 1986<br />

catalogue to the François Boucher exhibition writes<br />

of these aforementioned compositions, “It is in the<br />

teeming detail of the setting and the prominence<br />

accorded to the still life that these pictures appear<br />

most Dutch” and yet whereas Dutch genre scenes<br />

tend to show the protagonists as “exemplifications of<br />

a social type, in Boucher the purely human interest<br />

of the scene comes first.” Pointing out the mastery<br />

of these scenes the catalogue also remarks upon<br />

the puzzling fact that Boucher abandoned genre<br />

so rapidly even though it gave him the chance to<br />

display his virtuosity. Two chief reasons for this are<br />

proposed: that Boucher was unwilling to compete<br />

against Chardin in such a field and also that the<br />

quality of his artistry and technique would not be<br />

appreciated by the habitual collectors of Dutch<br />

art and genre subjects. Meanwhile, he made this<br />

exceptional example, which for its subject matter<br />

and for the level of attention he gave to it must surely<br />

have been close to his heart.<br />

44


45


Hubert Robert<br />

Paris 1733-1808<br />

13<br />

The Sack of an Ancient Pyramid<br />

Oil on canvas. Oval. Unlined.<br />

52.7 x 63.8 cms. (20 3 /4 x 25 1 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Collection of a Spanish Noblewoman.<br />

This unusual work from Robert’s later years represents an unrecorded example of the artist’s life-long<br />

fascination with Egypt and the pyramids. During his first months in prison at Sainte-Pélagie when he<br />

could not paint, Robert whiled away the time by rereading Claude-Étienne Savary’s Lettres sur l’ Égypte<br />

(1788-89), celebrated at the time for its picturesque descriptions and brilliant style. He wrote a charming<br />

letter to the daughter of a fellow captive - the minor poet <strong>Jean</strong>-Antoine Roucher (1745-1794) - who had<br />

sent him the book, expressing his pleasure at being able to “visit” again that land where the ancient monuments<br />

had defied the ravages of time and nature. He concluded by saying that, when he had finished<br />

“his race round the pyramids”, he collapsed in her father’s cell where the talk turned to the loved ones<br />

beyond the prison walls 2 .<br />

Early in his career, Robert turned his back on a Rococo depiction of Egyptian motifs in Rome, like the<br />

Pyramid of Caio Cestio, for a more visionary approach to this subject-matter that has been said to anticipate<br />

Étienne-Louis Boulée’s 3 . This is best seen in the Egyptian Fantasy (signed and dated Rome, 1760)<br />

in a private collection, where the artist united Fischer von Erlach’s images of cloud-wreathed immensity<br />

with Piranesi’s bold foreshortening to produce what is one of his most singular works 4 . However, not all<br />

of Robert’s depictions of pyramids, like, for example, that of 1779 at Arkhangelskoïe 5 , near Moscow, are<br />

of the same intensity.<br />

Interestingly, the present picture, however, may hide a more serious meaning under its seemingly<br />

light-hearted and amusing subject, as can be seen by comparing it to a related drawing from the late 1790s,<br />

horizontal in format, with the pyramid, one column and the fallen sarcophagus but with the scene of pillage<br />

located in the Roman campagna (fig.1) 6 . More important than Robert’s changes to staffage (though<br />

the figures are still dressed as Italian country people) and shape are those to place and atmosphere. There<br />

are now two pyramids with the main<br />

one sited in the middle distance to<br />

increase its monumentality, the foreground<br />

being littered with Robert’s<br />

“débris imposants” of broken obelisks<br />

and columns, while the leafly,<br />

bucolic setting has disappeared to<br />

be replaced by a vast, desert waste.<br />

1. Hubert Robert, The Sack of an Anciant Pyramid, Private Collection.<br />

It is well known that Robert often<br />

responded to events after 1789 in<br />

an oblique fashion, coding his characteristic<br />

subject-matter with messages<br />

about his own plight and that<br />

of his friends. Emblematic of this is<br />

the pair of paintings with birds imprisoned<br />

and freed from their cages<br />

which he gave to Madame de Tourzel<br />

(1749-1832) who was gaoled<br />

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47


several times for her loyalty to the family of Louis XVI 7 , narrowly escaping death on each occasion, or the<br />

picture commemorating the return to France of Madame de Genlis (1746-1830) in 1801 8 . What incident<br />

could have lead Robert to do something similar in the present Sack of an Ancient Pyramid?<br />

Napoleon invaded Egypt in July 1798, issuing a proclamation that he had come to restore liberty and<br />

uphold Islam. After an easy capture of Alexandria, the French advanced up the Nile, destroyed the Mameluke<br />

army at the Battle of the Pyramids on 21 st July, and entered Cairo. Always ambivalent to the new<br />

order and its considerable achievements, which he judged to be as ignorant as it was opulent 9 , Robert<br />

was not above hunting with the hounds and running with the hares. A large canvas (signed and dated<br />

1798) with a diminishing vista of pyramids and obelisks and surrounded by dancing and singing figures,<br />

in The Museum of Fine Arts, Montreal, may represent his “official” view of the Egyptian campaign, while<br />

the present canvas may be a more private meditation on the pernicious effects of marauding armies -<br />

expressed anachronistically by the Roman sarcophagus cascading from the hands of grave-robbers - on<br />

those “ossuaries of Antiquity” that he loved so much. 10<br />

The group of figures with a man trying to restrain a rearing horse in the middle foreground was most<br />

probably inspired by Guillaume Coustou’s acclaimed two monumental marbles of a rearing horse of<br />

1743-45, which were originally executed for Marly, but moved in 1794 to the Place de la Concorde in<br />

Paris, and now in the Louvre (fig.2).<br />

2. Guillaume Coustou, Rearing Horse,<br />

Musée du Louvre, Paris.<br />

actual size detail<br />

48


49


Francesco Guardi<br />

Venice 1712-1793<br />

14<br />

Lagoon Capriccio with a Bridge<br />

Oil on canvas.<br />

26.2 x 39.2 cms. (10 ¼ x 15 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Private Collection, France.<br />

Few documentary records exist to record the events of Francesco’s life apart from his birth and death and the<br />

marriage of his sister to Giovanni Battista Tiepolo in 1719. He was briefly inscribed into the Painters Guild of<br />

Venice in the early 1760s and only became a member of the Venetian Academy in 1784, nine years before<br />

his death. It has been a matter of dispute as to whether Francesco actually became Canaletto’s pupil as was<br />

asserted by the 18 th century diarist Pietro Gradenigo. In 1923 Giuseppe Fiocco established from documentary<br />

evidence that Francesco trained in his elder brother Gianantonio’s studio and that he collaborated on history<br />

paintings. However, as James Byam Shaw suggested, it is likely that on his brother’s death, Francesco quickly<br />

responded to the increasing popularity of view-painting and would most surely have had the chance to study<br />

Canaletto’s paintings, such as those for Joseph Smith, the British Consul in Venice. Byam Shaw extrapolates<br />

further that Guardi, would not have been above apprenticing himself to the famed Canaletto even in midlife<br />

and numbers of his paintings are derived, often precisely, from drawings by Canaletto 1 . “Undoubtedly it<br />

was the success of Canaletto’s Vedute that inspired him to try his hand at the type of paintings in which his<br />

great natural gifts found a perfect medium of expression … But while Canaletto looked at Venice through<br />

the camera obscura and corrected perspectives by rule and lines and angles .. Guardi painted his immediate<br />

impression, the quivering air and the glittering lagoon” 1 . Unlike Canaletto and the Tiepolos, Guardi seems<br />

never to have sought fame abroad, preferring to work almost exclusively in and around his native Venice and<br />

creating a great reputation for himself as a master of skies and light and atmosphere, both in his depictions of<br />

his city, its buildings and events and in his fantastical inventions.<br />

In discussing the capricci, Alessandro Bettagno wrote of the extraordinary fertility of Francesco Guardi’s<br />

imagination, which was perhaps initially inspired by the views invented by his compatriots, <strong>Luc</strong>a Carlevarijs<br />

and Marco Ricci. A less obvious inspiration, but one relevant to the present painting, and in Bettagno’s view<br />

intrinsic to Guardi’s creative tissue, comes from that of another Venetian native, Giovanni Battista Piranesi 2 .<br />

The motif of a rustic bridge with a Roman memorial monument at its centre, spanning the low waters of<br />

the lagoon is one which appears in a small number of Guardi’s capricci, both horizontal and vertical in<br />

format. Those which have been published are the vertical Capriccio con ponte, ara Romane e cavaliere, from<br />

the collection of Vittorio Cini, Venice 3, and the so-called Capriccio rustico con ponte, a similar horizontal<br />

composition in the raccolta museale collection of G. Cagnola, in Gazzada, near Treviso which was dated to<br />

the 1780s in the recent exhibition at the Museo Correr 4 . Further examples are the one lost in 1943, formerly in<br />

the Kunsthalle, Hamburg and another described by Morassi as being damaged due to overcleaning, formerly<br />

with the Knoedler gallery in New York which appeared more recently at auction, where its poor state of<br />

preservation and overpaint was confirmed 5 . Part of the delightfulness of the composition, and common to<br />

all the versions mentioned, is in the Piranesian Roman monument which catches the sun and seems to perch<br />

uncertainly on the rustic, dilapidating bridge. This previously unknown and very well preserved canvas,<br />

is a new addition to the artist’s corpus of paintings of his mature style of the 1780s, which can be playful,<br />

delicate in tone and with a particularly atmospheric, strong and silvery light. In this instance the brilliance<br />

is partly created by Guardi’s innovative of a white base rather than the red base commonly used in 18 th<br />

century painting, and which appears in earlier pictures by the Venetian Master as well. Writing of a view of<br />

the Giudecca Canal and the Church of Santa Marta in the Gulbenkian Foundation, Lisbon, which dates from<br />

the same period, Daniele D’Anza describes the manner in which Guardi uses remarkably dilute paint to<br />

create a fusion of the elements of sky and water, which become almost monochromatic, creating a sense of<br />

liquidity which is highly atmospheric. Guardi was described as working with furious speed through the use<br />

of “colori molto ogliosi” and the effect is one which though not always understood by his contemporaries has<br />

enchanted painters and art lovers through successive centuries 6 .<br />

50


51


52


53


Johann Heinrich Fuseli R.a.<br />

Zurich 1741-1825 Putney-Heath<br />

15<br />

Macbeth’s Three Witches or the Weird Sisters<br />

Oil on canvas. Inscribed in Greek on the reverse of the relining canvas, probably a transcription of a now<br />

hidden text on the back of the original support: These are Women but I call them Gorgons (translation<br />

from Aeschylus’s Eumenides).<br />

62.8 x 76.9 cms. (24 ¾ x 30 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: H. Farrer, London; Brigg Price Fountaine (died 1825) Narford Hall, Norfolk; Sale, London,<br />

Sotheby’s, 4 th April 1973, lot 75 (withdrawn; sale, London, Sotheby’s, 14 th July 1976, lot 120; Donald<br />

Munson; sale, London, Christie’s, 4 th May 1995, lot 51; sale, New York, Christie’s, 24 th January 2003, lot<br />

135; Private Collection.<br />

Fuseli began his career in training for the priesthood and ended it in London as a Professor of Painting<br />

at the Royal Academy. He only began painting seriously at the age of 38. Known as the “wild Swiss”, he<br />

was highly respected despite his clear eccentricity. An autodidact as an artist, he had, however, received<br />

a thorough classical education and knew Greek, Latin, Hebrew, French, Italian, German, of course, and<br />

English. He was an admirer of Rousseau and a keen supporter of the abolition of slavery. Devoted to<br />

England which he saw as a country of liberty, he was also a passionate theatre-goer to whom Shakespeare<br />

was the “great instructor of mankind”. He spent 8 years in Rome before reaching England and his artistic<br />

models became Michelangelo, Rubens, Raphael and Piranesi. His tendency towards obsession is visible<br />

in the subjects of his drawings and paintings but spilt over into his fascination with visions of nightmare,<br />

sorcery, the demonic and the supernatural. A highly refined draughtsman, he used his drawings, in<br />

particular, to explore his taste for the erotic. In addition to the support of Sir Joshua Reynolds and the<br />

London Academy, he was elected in 1817 as a member of the Academy of St Luke in Rome, this time<br />

on the recommendation of the sculptor Antonio Canova. He taught John Constable, greatly inspired the<br />

poet-artist William Blake and lived to the age of 84.<br />

In this extraordinary painting dating from between 1783 and 1787, Fuseli illustrates the pivotal moment<br />

in Shakespeare’s Macbeth in Act 1, Scene 3, in which Macbeth encounters the Three Witches, who<br />

draw out of him his violent ambition. Fuseli painted at least three other versions of this subject: one<br />

now in the Kunsthaus, Zurich (fig.1), which was probably the basis of a mezzotint engraving by John<br />

“Raphael” Smith published in March 1785 as “The Weird Sisters/ each at once her choppy finger/laying<br />

upon her skinny lips”, one now in the collection of the Royal Shakespeare Theatre, Stratford-Upon-Avon,<br />

one formerly with the Kirchheimer-<br />

Bollag Gallery in Zurich as well as a<br />

fourth (possibly a copy) in the North<br />

Carolina Museum of Art. Many<br />

years later, Fuseli painted another<br />

version of the scene showing<br />

Macbeth and Banquo coming<br />

upon the witches who are shown<br />

facing to the right. 1 The present<br />

work, which is on a coarse and<br />

textured canvas, is very different<br />

from the other versions by virtue of<br />

its expressive and, indeed, highly<br />

naturalistic character. The paint<br />

surface is thick and full of impasto,<br />

the paint strokes are extremely<br />

1. Johann Heinrich Fuseli, the Weird Sisters, Kunsthaus, Zurich. varied and often very energetic. The<br />

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55


three strange, angular faces are more differentiated, as are their curiously elongated and contorted fingers<br />

and hands and unlike all the other versions, the cowls of the three witches are of loose cloth rather than<br />

a stiff headdress and the central witch has a crazed fringe of escaping white hair. It would seem likely<br />

that these figures are modeled on the male actors who would have played the parts of the witches on the<br />

stage. The order in which Fuseli painted the various versions of this composition is not known; while the<br />

Kunsthaus picture was conjectured by David Schiff as being the one exhibited at the Royal Academy in<br />

1783, the freedom and immediacy of the present work as well as the significant differences, do argue<br />

for its being the earliest and most experimental of the group. A further technical aspect of the painting<br />

also supports this order: Fuseli has here added a strip of canvas at the left edge of the picture in order<br />

to complete the composition more fully; if he had been reworking an established image, he would<br />

presumably have had a clear idea of how to place it in the space allowed, thus making the addition of<br />

the strip of canvas unnecessary.<br />

In 1786, Fuseli, in the company of other artists of the day, was invited to dinner by the print publisher<br />

John Boydell who was also Lord Mayor of London. During the evening the group conceived the idea<br />

of a “Shakespeare Gallery”, a means to establish the importance of historical painting in the country.<br />

Noteworthy artists were to produce depictions of scenes from Shakespeare to be circulated as engravings<br />

on the continent. The first exhibition of this work was held in 1789. As we see here, Fuseli had already<br />

embraced the intense poetry and drama of English literature of the 16 th and 17 th centuries and a number of<br />

his most fascinating paintings are representations of scenes from Shakespeare or Milton, mostly painted<br />

in the build up to and around these years.<br />

Recorded as being in the Billiard Room at Narford Hall in Norfolk, seat of the Fountaine family, in around<br />

1820. According to J.P. Neale’s Views of the Seats of Noblemen and Gentlemen in England, Wales,<br />

Scotland and Ireland, London 1818-1823) the picture remained in the Fountaine family at least until<br />

1894 when it was marked with the stencil numbering of Christie’s auction house. David H. Weinglass<br />

will include this painting in the forthcoming updated English language edition of David Schiff’s 1973<br />

catalogue raisonné of Fuseli’s works.<br />

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actual size detail<br />

57


Felice Giani<br />

San Sebastiano Curone 1758-1823 Rome<br />

16<br />

Pyramus and Thisbe<br />

Oil on canvas.<br />

37 x 43 cms. (14 ½ x 17 in.)<br />

Born near Genoa, Felice Giani studied in Pavia with the architect Antonio Galli Bibbiena before<br />

continuing his training in the studios of Ubaldo Gandolfi and Domenico Pedrini in Bologna. In 1780<br />

he enrolled at the Accademia di San <strong>Luc</strong>a in Rome, where he was a pupil of Pompeo Batoni. Soon<br />

thereafter he embarked on a career as a decorative fresco painter. In such projects as the decoration of<br />

the Palazzo Altieri in Rome, arguably his masterpiece as a mural painter, Giani developed a manner of<br />

ornamental decoration that incorporated classical elements inspired by Roman wall paintings, executed<br />

in fresco or tempera and often combined with stucco work. He also worked at the Palazzo Chigi and<br />

the Villa Borghese in Rome before returning to Bologna in 1784. For the next ten years he worked<br />

mainly in Faenza (Giani is sometimes known as “Il Faentino”) and Bologna, though he travelled widely<br />

throughout Northern Italy and continued to work in Rome. Between 1790 and 1796 Giani hosted a series<br />

of informal drawing sessions at his house in Rome, a “salon” open to both Italian and foreign artists that<br />

became known as the Accademia dei Pensieri, and which, among the many artists who attended the<br />

academy were Luigi Sabatelli, Vincenzo Camuccini, Giuseppe Bossi, Bartolomeo Pinelli and François-<br />

Xavier Fabre. Amongst Giani’s most important fresco commissions of the early years of the 19th century<br />

was the decoration of several rooms in the Palazzo Milzetti in Faenza, executed between 1802 and<br />

1805. Later Roman commissions included work in the Palazzo di Spagna and the Palazzo del Quirinale,<br />

the residence of the French Viceroy in Rome. In 1803 Giani visited Paris, where he is thought to have<br />

decorated rooms at the Tuileries and at Malmaison for the Empress Josephine. In 1813, he also completed<br />

the decoration of the Villa Aldini at Montmorency (near Paris), which was sadly destroyed five years later.<br />

While Giani travelled frequently between Paris and Italy, little of his French work survives today.<br />

The subject of this oil sketch is taken from Ovid’s Metamorphosis, in which he tells how the young couple<br />

from Babylon, being forbidden to marry by their parents, planned to meet in secret one night under a<br />

mulberry tree by a spring outside the city walls. Thisbe arrived first and found a lioness, fresh from a kill<br />

and with its jaws dripping with blood, quenching her thirst at the spring. She fled in such haste that she<br />

dropped her veil. The wild beast tore it to shreds, drenching it with its blood, and when Pyramus arrived,<br />

at the sight of the bloody garment, he assumed that the lioness has killed his lover. Pyramus then killed<br />

himself by falling on his sword, in proper Roman fashion, his spurting blood colouring the mulberries<br />

dark red. Upon her return, Thisbe, finding her lover lying dead, first mourns her loss and then stabs herself<br />

with her lover’s sword. In the end the Gods listen to Thisbe’s lament and in honour of the forbidden love,<br />

forever change the mulberry fruits into the stained colour.<br />

In the present oil, previously unknown and in excellent state of preservation, the lovers are shown lying<br />

dead on the ground by a fountain, while the formidable lioness walks slowly away into a background<br />

which, as Anna Ottani observes, is “so geometric, between Poussin, Domenichino and most of all David’s<br />

Belisarius, a very clear and beautiful mark of the artist” 1 .<br />

In her monographic study of the artist’s work, Anna Ottani Cavina points out that Giani considered<br />

painting in oil to be too time consuming and much preferred to measure his talent on frescoes, at which<br />

he excelled. As a consequence, his easel paintings are relatively rare, and in fact only about thirty small<br />

canvases are known, including both the finished works and the bozzetti, executed in oil or tempera 2 .<br />

In both style and handling, the present painting is comparable to works executed during the last decade<br />

of the 18 th century, and in particular to a small oil on paper of similar dimensions to the present work, in<br />

which Giani has chosen to illustrate another episode from Ovid’s Metamorphosis, the myth of Pan and<br />

Syrinx 3 .<br />

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59


Giuseppe Bernardino Bison<br />

Palmanova 1762-1844 Milan<br />

17 a<br />

17b<br />

The Departure of the Bucintoro<br />

The Return of the Bucintoro<br />

A pair. Oil on canvas.<br />

28.2 x 39.3 cms. (11 1 /8 x 15 1 /3 in.)<br />

Provenance: From a Genoese Noble family.<br />

One of the last exponents of the 18 th Century tradition of view painting, Giuseppe Bernardino Bison<br />

received his artistic training in the Venetian studio of Anton Maria Zanetti. Before he settled in Trieste in<br />

around 1800, he worked as a decorative fresco painter in a number of palaces and villas in the various<br />

towns of the Veneto. These included a series of frescoes in the Palazzo Manzoni in Padua, executed<br />

around 1790 and followed by other decorative projects for the Villa Tironi and Lancenigo, the Villa<br />

Spineda at Breda di Piave and the Casino Soderini in Treviso. Among Bison’s more important works<br />

after moving to Trieste are his decorations for the Palazzo Carciotti, completed in around 1805, and the<br />

Palazzo della Vecchia Borsa, executed three years later. In 1831, Bison moved to Milan, where he was<br />

established for the remainder of his career. Here he also worked as a scenographer, producing stage<br />

designs for the Teatro alla Scala in Milan, among others. Bison was a virtuoso draughtsman, and while his<br />

earliest works show the influence of Giambattista Tiepolo, his later drawings tend towards Neoclassicism.<br />

In this pair of exuberant and glittering oils, Bison, following in the steps of Carlevarijs, Canaletto and<br />

Guardi, celebrates a quintessentially Venetian tradition in all its hectic, picturesque glory, the Ascension<br />

Day ceremony of the Bucintoro, the state galley, carrying the Doge out to the Adriatic to perform the<br />

marriage of the city of Venice to the sea, the Sposalizio del Mare. The last Bucintoro built in 1729 was a<br />

magnificent gilded barge, 35 metres long and 8 metres high with a throne in the stern and figurehead of<br />

Justice with her sword and scales. It needed 168 oarsman and 40 sailors and she crossed the Grand Canal<br />

almost seventy times before being destroyed in 1798 on the orders of Napoleon, a cruel demonstration<br />

of his victory over the city. <strong>Luc</strong>a Carlevarijs’s magnificent depiction dates from 1710 (now in the Getty<br />

Museum), Canaletto’s last painting of the subject dates from around 1754 and Guardi’s metre long version,<br />

now in the Louvre, from 1766-70. Here, Bison, working on a more delicate but highly theatrical scale,<br />

using his characteristic palette of rich colours, meticulously but thickly applied with thin brushstrokes,<br />

has focused on the colour and choreography of the attendant gondolas, spectacularly decorated, with<br />

their splendid, costumed gondolieri, behind them, the city is rendered as a backdrop to the gaiety and<br />

flamboyance of the boats. The handling and technique of these two superbly preserved depictions of the<br />

Bucintoro at sea, suggest a date of execution in the first quarter of the 19 th century.<br />

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61


Filippo Palizzi<br />

Vasto 1818-1899 Naples<br />

18<br />

Il Corricolo Napoletano: The Carriage between Naples and Vietri<br />

Oil on cardboard, laid on board. Signed and dated lower right Fil. Palizzi / 1849 Vietri<br />

26.8 x 38 cms. (10 ½ x 15 in.)<br />

Provenance: Private Collection, Paris.<br />

Filippo Palizzi and his brother Giuseppe were early leaders in the move to realism in Italian art of the<br />

19 th Century. Filippo began his career in his home town on the Adriatic as a sculptor of crib figures. On<br />

moving to Naples in 1837, he apprenticed himself to the neoclassical painter Costanzo Angelini and<br />

Camillo Guerra, a professor of the Academy. His own inclination led him, however, towards landscape<br />

painting and the observation of real life. Filippo was an intense and serious minded character, increasingly<br />

political but averse to the limelight; he also disliked showing his work to fellow artists and generally<br />

avoided visits from painters travelling to Naples from abroad, such as Schedrin and Corot. In 1842 Palizzi<br />

first began travelling, initially to Moldavia; he then stayed in Naples whilst his brother moved to Paris,<br />

allying himself with the artists of the Barbizon<br />

School. But over a decade later, Filippo went<br />

to Paris himself, travelling through France,<br />

Belgium and Holland and returning to Naples<br />

via Rome and Florence. Palizzi was one of the<br />

very first painters in Italy to become interested<br />

in photography. Already in the 1850s, he was<br />

using photographic images as models for his<br />

paintings. He developed a very precise and<br />

highly detailed technique and became well<br />

known for his extremely accomplished views<br />

and depictions of the more rustic elements<br />

of Neapolitan life. Palizzi also developed a<br />

speciality in painting animals and continued<br />

to model figures and works in ceramic and<br />

maiolica. His paintings can be seen in the<br />

Galleria d’arte moderna, Rome, the Galleria<br />

Carruti, Milan and in the Instituto di Belle Arti<br />

and the Galleria d’arte moderna in Naples.<br />

actual size detail<br />

This skillfully and highly detailed oil by Filippo<br />

Palizzi is a splendid example of the artist’s<br />

realist approach. It appears to be an early<br />

example of a subject which he returned to<br />

repeatedly in drawings and in an engraving 1 ;<br />

a larger less hectic version of the scene, oil on<br />

canvas, dating from 1856, is in the collection<br />

of the Galleria d’Arte Moderna, Rome 2 . Here,<br />

in the present panel, we see the galloping<br />

horse, straining at the reins, the dust rising<br />

from the wheels, the passengers clinging on to<br />

any available post, a second driver brandishing<br />

a whip. In the distance, the bay of Naples can<br />

be glimpsed.<br />

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63


Eugenio Cecconi<br />

Leghorn 1842-1903 Florence<br />

19<br />

After the Hunt<br />

Oil on canvas. Signed E Cecconi at lower right.<br />

26.5 x 68 cms. (10 ½ x 26 ¾ in.)<br />

Provenance: Private collection, England.<br />

Eugenio Cecconi was born into a prosperous family. His father Carlo, a landowner, was an active patriot<br />

who helped conspirators in their dream of a unified Italy and in fact, following the 1848 Leghorn riots, the<br />

family had to flee and take refuge in the countryside. There Cecconi lived in close contact with nature in an<br />

almost wild and uncontaminated environment. He soon developed a love for animals, as well as a passion<br />

for hunting. At his father’s behest, Cecconi went to school in Turin and then moved to Pisa, where he took a<br />

degree in law at the University. While training with a lawyer in Florence, the young Cecconi also followed<br />

art lessons at the Accademia, and in 1865, his father died prematurely, enabling him to dedicate himself<br />

entirely to art. Moving back to Leghorn, Cecconi rented a studio and met Diego Martelli, the dedicated<br />

supporter of French Impressionism and the Italian Macchiaioli, who invited him to Castiglioncello, where<br />

he worked in close contact with Boldini, Signorini and Abbati. In 1879, Cecconi exhibited at the Turin<br />

Promotrice and in 1872 at the Milan National Exhibition, where his painting of Macchiaiole di Tombolo was<br />

well received by the critics. In 1875, he embarked on a trip to Tunisia, returning with numerous studies and<br />

impressions. In 1877 he moved to Torre del Lago, a small town in the Maremma region situated between<br />

Lake Massaciuccoli and the Tyrrenian Sea. He took part in large hunting parties, which he then painted.<br />

During the eighties, the artist reached his full artistic maturity and produced a number of masterpieces such<br />

as The Boar Shoot in the Burano Marsh (Modern Art Gallery of Palazzo Pitti, Florence) and Leaving for the<br />

Big Hunt (National Gallery of Modern Art, Rome). During those years, his exhibiting activities became<br />

frantic, participating in most of the exhibitions of the Florence and Turin Promotrice and in other important<br />

64


international shows such as the 1883 International Exhibition of Fine Arts in Rome. After the eighties, he<br />

exhibited more sporadically, at the Brera Triennale in Milan in 1900, and in 1901 in Turin. His talents were<br />

not limited to painting. Cecconi was also a writer and a poet, and composed articles and poems mainly<br />

dedicated to hunting and the Maremma. During the last years of his life, he collaborated on a translation of<br />

Rudyard Kipling’s The Jungle Book and Edmond de Rostand’s Cyrano de Bergerac and Les Romanesques.<br />

He died of a heart attack in 1903 in his Florence home, while writing an article on hare hunting.<br />

Eugenio Cecconi was a leading member of the Tuscan Macchiaioli painters, who, along with Fattori, Lega,<br />

Abbati, Sernesi, Signorini, and flanked by Neapolitan and Lombard artists, painted landscapes and animals<br />

such as oxen, sheep, horses, dogs and game en plein air in the countryside. He came to characterise this<br />

group of artists who, for the critics of the time, were the “bucolic cantors of pastureland and sheep”.<br />

The present picture is executed on the long and narrow horizontal canvas, a shape favoured by the<br />

Macchiaioli painters, and the scene takes place in the artist’s much loved Maremma. In the foreground, a<br />

group of now relaxed Butteri (cattle breeders) have just returned from the hunt and are letting their horses<br />

enjoy a well-deserved drink at a trough, while in the background, the braccaioli (beaters) are leading their<br />

dogs home. A few patches of blue show through the cloudy yet luminous sky as the light is just starting to<br />

fade in the Autumn afternoon; there is an overall sense of quietness and fulfilment following the hard day<br />

of galloping after wild boars in the wooded countryside. It is not raining, but the air is filled with water,<br />

and the ground is muddy and scattered with puddles around the trough where the horses have trampled<br />

on the grass. The artist has also included acutely observed details such as the reflection of the horses’<br />

heads and legs in the thin stripe of water in the trough, a rearing horse at the right, and the splash of water<br />

caused by the hoof of the dark horse flanked by the two bays in the centre of the composition. The overall<br />

rendering of this moment following the hunt is so effective that Cecconi succeeds in fully engaging the<br />

spectator in the emotions which he feels for “his” Maremma.<br />

A further painting of similar shape, of the same subject but different in composition, is illustrated in<br />

Giancarlo Daddi’s 1973 monograph on Eugenio Cecconi 1 .<br />

65


Charles Émile Auguste Durant called Carolus-Duran<br />

Lille 1837-1917 Paris<br />

20 Portrait of Marie-Anne Carolus-Duran, the Painter’s Eldest Daughter.<br />

Oil on canvas. Signed Carolus Duran upper left and dated 77 top right.<br />

32.5 x 24.5 cms. (12 ½ x 9 ¾ in).<br />

Provenance : Private collection, Bordeaux.<br />

Born in Lille to poor parents, Charles Auguste Emile Durant was befriended early on by Zacharie Astruc,<br />

the art critic and journalist. Thanks to his friend, he came to Paris, changed his name from simple Durant<br />

to the more glamorous, hyphenated Carolus-Duran and started attending the Académie Suisse. With a<br />

card from the Louvre to enable him to copy Old Masters in his pocket, he concentrated on studying his<br />

favourites, Velasquez and Goya as well as Raphael and Van Dyck. In 1862, having won the Prix Wicar<br />

in his native Lille, he was able to travel to Italy where he stayed for four years. In 1866, he achieved<br />

his ambition to travel to Spain and set up a studio in Toledo for the summer. From 1870, his career as a<br />

portraitist took off thanks to the success of La Dame au Gant, (Musée d’Orsay) a portrait of his wife. He<br />

opened two paying ateliers, one for men and one for women, which became extremely fashionable and<br />

attracted many interesting painters of the time. John Singer Sargent started attending the atelier in 1874<br />

(he was only eighteen) and Carolus later helped him to enter the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, admiring his great<br />

talent. They would remain lifelong friends and Sargent always acknowledged that Carolus had taught<br />

him two things: the importance of making numerous sketches before starting work on a painting and the<br />

mastery of loose brushwork. Sargent painted Carolus in 1879, a work now in the Stirling and Francine<br />

Clark Art Institute in Williamstown, and the dedication is telling: A mon cher maître M. Carolus Duran,<br />

son élève attentionné, John S. Sargent. It shows Carolus as a sturdy, humorous and self-assured artist with<br />

dark eyes and the Mediterranean colouring which his children all inherited.<br />

Although Carolus-Duran is often rather mistakenly associated with more academic portraitists like<br />

Cabanel, Hébert and Bonnat, he saw himself quite differently and in a letter to Felix Bracquemond dated<br />

1904, he confirmed: I was a Realist and absolutely detested the Academy of our youth. His “gods” were,<br />

in fact, Delacroix and especially Velasquez. He was also a great friend of Edouard Manet whom he met<br />

when he came to live in Paris in 1855 and remained close to until his untimely death in 1883. Manet’s<br />

biographer Adolphe Tabarant noted: Manet saw Carolus every day. He was one of his closest friends, one<br />

of the very rare ones, four or five at the most, he would address as “tu”. Carolus painted his friend’s portrait<br />

in 1877 - a work now in the , Musée d’Orsay - at the time when they both frequented the fashionable cafés,<br />

Café Caron and the Molière on the rue de l’Odéon where Carolus also met Alphonse Legros, Whistler and<br />

Fantin-Latour.<br />

The exhibition held at the Palais des Beaux-Arts, Lille in 2003 1 reassessed Carolus-Duran’s place in the world<br />

of late 19 th century French art. His reputation had suffered due to accusations that his work was insincere<br />

simply because it was fashionable and he made money. A review of the exhibition concludes that the artist’s<br />

portraits show his true strengths and “many of these are far removed from the static society images one would<br />

expect to find from consulting the earlier literature”. As Emile Zola understood, Carolus-Duran was “un élève<br />

de la nouvelle école” who leaned towards a modernist approach 2 . A remarkable study of the Paris training of<br />

American painters published in 1991 also documented that he had taught no less than eighty-one American<br />

painters in his studio, using the unorthodox method of both drawing and painting from the live model and<br />

thereby being a great source of inspiration to the movement of American impressionism 3 .<br />

On 30 th January 1868, he married the beautiful Pauline Marie Charlotte Croizette (1839-1912), also<br />

a painter. They had three children whom he used constantly as models, with Marie-Anne, his eldest,<br />

seemingly his favourite. He was particularly attracted by the spontaneity of his children of whom he made<br />

many informal drawings and oil sketches. In 1889, Marie-Anne, who had turned into a dark-haired beauty,<br />

married the playwright Georges Feydeau (1862-1921).<br />

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67


Antonio Mancini<br />

Rome 1852-1930<br />

21<br />

Portrait of Luigino Gianchetti as a Violin Player<br />

Oil on canvas. Inscribed, signed and dated: PARIS/ A. Mancini 78.<br />

92 x 73.5 cms. (36 x 29 in.)<br />

Provenance: Count Albert Cahen in 1881; probably then by descent.<br />

“I have met in Italy the greatest living painter: Antonio Mancini” so pronounced John Singer Sargent 1<br />

whose portrait of Mancini painted some years later is now in the Galleria Nazionale, Rome. Mancini’s<br />

talent was precocious and energetic. He studied in Naples and by 1872, was already exhibiting at the<br />

Paris Salon. Despite being recognised for his extraordinary brilliance, particularly by his fellow painters<br />

and a small number of connoisseurs, Mancini’s life was difficult and he never completely escaped the<br />

privations of his childhood, suffering periods of poverty and even madness. Gladly the last years of his<br />

life were easier, and following the end of the First World War, having settled in Rome, he worked steadily<br />

until his death in 1930.<br />

He is now considered to have been at the forefront of the Verismo movement as well as a supreme<br />

technician for his innovations in the use of thick impasto, an early manifestation of which can be seen in<br />

the treatment of brocade and fabric in the lower right corner of the present picture.<br />

This stunning painting is a portrait of Luigino Gianchetti, called “Luigiello”. Dated 1878, it was painted<br />

by Mancini during his second stay in Paris. The artist had arrived there in March 1877 and the following<br />

month, the young model joined him from Naples. The painter portrays him in the role of a violinist, as<br />

seen in the painting known as Piccolo savoiardo, executed a few years earlier.<br />

1. Antonio Mancini, Boy Playing with Lead Soldiers, the<br />

Philadelphia Museum of Art.<br />

Here the boy is dressed as a saltimbanco,<br />

with a costume in black and red, embellished<br />

with floral decorations. The Mancini archive<br />

holds some important documents which refer<br />

to this work, specifically the correspondence<br />

between the Belgian musician, Count Albert<br />

Cahen d’Anvers, a personal friend and the<br />

artist’s first real patron, who also introduced<br />

him to the Parisian art world and to the wellknown<br />

art dealer Goupil who was so crucial<br />

to the success of the Italian artists working in<br />

Paris. From these documents we learn that<br />

in 1880, two years after Mancini’s return to<br />

Naples, this picture, described as “una mezza<br />

figura di Saltimbanco nero” remained in Paris<br />

with this same Count Cahen. The painter asks<br />

his friend to deliver it to Rey, another fine art<br />

dealer in Paris, in order to pay back a debt for<br />

canvases and paints. Cahen, however, failed to<br />

carry out this request, since two years later he<br />

sent Mancini 500 francs for the sale of this work.<br />

The picture is unpublished and remained in<br />

France till now. Its refined brushwork and<br />

subtle air of introspection reveal it to be one<br />

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of the highest achievements of Mancini’s early period. The strong contrasts of light and shade show<br />

Mancini’s deep knowledge of 17 th century Neapolitan art which he gained from constant visits to the<br />

churches and museums of the city. Similarly, the quality of light also refers to Caravaggio and in particular<br />

to his David with the Head of Goliath in the Galleria Borghese in Rome, which Mancini could well have<br />

known from his frequent visits to Rome.<br />

The placement of the figure at the centre of the canvas, the dark background and the face bathed in light<br />

are aspects which recur in two other paintings of the same model: the Young Bacchus in the Museo della<br />

Scienza e della Tecnica Leonardo da Vinci in Milan and the Boy with Lead Soldiers in the Philadelphia<br />

Museum of Art (fig.1).<br />

Cinzia Virno<br />

Taken from Cinzia Virno’s forthcoming Catalogo Generale dei dipinti di Antonio Mancini, to be<br />

published by De <strong>Luc</strong>a editori d’arte, Rome.<br />

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71


Giovanni Boldini<br />

Ferrara 1842-1931 Paris<br />

22<br />

The Pianist<br />

Oil on panel. Signed, upper right: Boldini.<br />

35.8 x 27.5 cms. (14 1 /8 x 10 ¾ in.)<br />

Provenance: Sale, Paris, Galerie Charpentier, curated by J.L. Vaudoyer, 7 th -13 th May 1931, no.91;<br />

Sale, Milan, 7 th November 1985, lot 95.<br />

Literature: Ottocento, Catalogo dell’arte italiana dell’Ottocento, Milan 1986, p.166, no.15; Tiziano Panconi,<br />

Giovanni Boldini l’opera completa, Florence 2002, p.219; P. Dini, F. Dini, Giovanni Boldini Catalogo<br />

Ragionato della pittura a olio con un’ampia selezione di pastelli, acquarelli e disegni, Turin 2002, vol.IV,<br />

p.515, cat.992.<br />

Exhibited: Milan, Galleria d’arte internazionale di Milano, 1952, no.6.<br />

Born in Ferrara, Giovanni Boldini received his training from his father Antonio. His talent was soon recognised<br />

and, at the age of eighteen, he was already known as an accomplished portraitist. Boldini travelled to Florence<br />

in 1862, where he formed close friendships with artists of the revolutionary movement of the Macchiaioli,<br />

such as Giovanni Fattori, Telemaco Signorini and Silvestro Lega. An unabashed self-promoter, Boldini soon<br />

realized that, to reach a truly international audience he would have to relocate to Paris. After a trip to London<br />

in 1869, where he admired and assimilated the work of Gainsborough and Reynolds, in 1871, Boldini settled<br />

in Paris, primarily, though not exclusively working for the dealer Goupil, for whom he painted landscapes and<br />

minute, fanciful genre scenes in the manner of Meissonier. In 1874, Boldini exhibited for the first time to great<br />

public acclaim at the Salon du Champs-de-Mars, and in the following years he travelled to Germany, where<br />

he met Adolphe von Menzel and to Holland, further refining his style by studying the portraiture of Frans<br />

Hals. The artist befriended society portrait painters such as Helleu and Whistler, and became a close friend<br />

of Degas, a true admirer of his work who once said of him: “Ce diable d’italien est un monstre de talent”.<br />

By the 1880s, Boldini had begun to paint his celebrated portraits of society beauties. With a sharp eye, bold,<br />

virtuoso brushstrokes and typically flamboyant style, Boldini captured not only the character and vitality of<br />

the sitter, but also the spontaneity and evanescent spirit of a magnificently decadent and sophisticated society<br />

that had gravitated towards Paris at the end of the nineteenth century. Among his numerous portraits, those of<br />

Giuseppe Verdi, Whistler, Consuelo Vanderbilt, the Duchess of Marlborough, Count Robert de Montesquiou,<br />

Princess Bibesco and the Marchesa Casati, are but a few of the artist’s most famous. Indeed, by the early years<br />

of the twentieth century, Boldini achieved the kind of success enjoyed by his friend John Singer Sargent in<br />

London. He was a prolific and tireless painter who remained active to the end of his long life.<br />

Tiziano Panconi dates this oil sketch to 1882-5 and makes reference to a finished depiction of Maestro<br />

Emanuele Muzio, painted in around 1882, which had belonged to Giuseppe Verdi. 1 Muzio, with whom<br />

Boldini was well-acquainted, acted as a link between the artist and Verdi who was both Muzio’s master and<br />

friend. Certainly the figure playing the piano in this lively sketch, has the same powerful features, strong nose<br />

and prominent moustache as Muzio and if him, it would make sense that the present work is a few years<br />

later than the painting as his hair is further receded. Boldini has used a highly characteristic small panel for<br />

this sketch, allowing the grain of the wood to show through the thin base layer of paint. An oil study of a<br />

Gentleman Reading, dated to the same period as the present work, is on an identical panel and shows the<br />

same treatment and technique 2 . The figures have a particularly vivid presence by virtue of the lively and<br />

substantial brushstrokes used to describe their forms against the textured backgrounds. The scene can be<br />

identified as having been painted in Boldini’s studio. The piano, with its large volute supporting the keyboard,<br />

is the same as that seen in a drawing of another, different pianist and there, as here, behind the piano, the<br />

neck of a cello is visible. An oil sketch, dated to around 1910, clearly of that same pianist, includes more of<br />

Boldini’s studio in the scene with a large portrait of a woman propped against the wall behind the piano and<br />

an easel in the foreground 3 .<br />

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73


Federico Zandomeneghi<br />

Venice 1841-1917 Paris<br />

23<br />

Still Life with Fruit.<br />

Oil on canvas. Signed Zandomeneghi upper left.<br />

27 x 34,5 cms. (10 5 /8 x 13 ½ in.)<br />

Literature: Federico Zandomeneghi, Catalogo Generale, New Edition, Fondazione Enrico Piceni,<br />

Scheiwiller Libri, Milan, 2006, described and reproduced in black and white under cat. 865, p. 383,<br />

reproduced in colour p. 184.<br />

A Venetian by birth, Federico Zandomeneghi associated with the Macchiaioli in Florence before moving<br />

to Paris in 1874 at the age of 33, never to return to Italy. By the late 1870s he had become a habitué<br />

of the Café de la Nouvelle-Athènes on the Place Pigalle in Montmartre, where he met and befriended<br />

Edgar Degas. The two artists, both difficult, ill-tempered characters, were to remain lifelong friends.<br />

Degas persuaded Zandomeneghi to exhibit at the fourth Impressionist exhibition in 1879, and the Italian<br />

also took part in the Impressionist exhibitions of 1880, 1881 and 1886. Zandomeneghi was represented<br />

in Paris by Paul Durand-Ruel, who showed his pastels to some acclaim in America, during the 1890s.<br />

But he remained largely unappreciated in Italy until after his death. Indeed, when the Italian art critic<br />

Diego Martelli visited Paris in 1878, he wrote to the painter Giovanni Fattori that Zandomeneghi’s work<br />

belonged to “a new kind of painting whose concept and aim those at home cannot comprehend.”<br />

Indeed, it was not until 1914 that Zandomeneghi was given his first one-man show in his native country,<br />

at the Venice Biennale of that year.<br />

Zandomeneghi is best known for his depiction of women; his favourite subjects were often portrayed in<br />

the intimacy of their daily activities: from waking up in the morning to trying on a fashionable hat, or<br />

having a conversation with a friend on a sofa. In a few of these works the colours of fabric and furnishings<br />

were echoed by flowers and fruit adorning the interiors of houses. There are women arranging bunches of<br />

wild flowers in vases and plates with fruit compositions in works of the 1880s and 1890s; for example in<br />

Al Caffè Nouvelle Athène 1 , dated 1885 now in a private Collection, the couple are seated at a table with<br />

a still life with oranges and a pear in front of them. However it was not until the first decades of the 20 th<br />

century that Zandomeneghi dedicated himself fully to this genre. The present work can be dated to those<br />

years and compared to a small number of still lives such as Pommes 2 , dated 1917 and now in the Traversi<br />

collection Milan, and another Still Life of apples 3 , also dated 1917. The present work has a bold spareness<br />

of composition which is almost severe; Zandomenighi appears to be concentrating on the volumes of the<br />

fruit almost exluding the decorative qualities of other of his still lives. Yet, closer inspection reveals an<br />

extremely subtle use of colour, the white tablecloth acts in strong contrast against the dark wall behind<br />

the fruit but both foreground and background are painted with a considerable range of tones and brush<br />

strokes thereby giving richness and luminosity to the composition.<br />

In a letter written by Zandomeneghi to his compatriot Vittorio Pica, dated 18 th April 1916, the artist<br />

declared: “You are right to say that in Italy, the so-called still life is considered as a frivolity and that this<br />

stupidity we must also blame on the conceited influence of Germany which for a long time has infiltrated<br />

the spirit and the pagan traditions of our race. Here at least the Courbets, Delacroixs, the prodigious<br />

Manet and a hundred others have left us enduring models of superb still lives …”. This comment serves<br />

to underline to what extent Zandomenighi was working within the hierarchy of French painting and<br />

felt himself in tune with French artistic sensibility. In turning to still-lives he was in some sense paying<br />

homage to the line of exceptional French painters who had devoted all or part of their careers to this<br />

genre: Chardin, Fantin-Latour and of course, Courbet and Manet also.<br />

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75


Edouard Vuillard<br />

Cuiseaux 1868-1940 La Baule<br />

24<br />

La Couture<br />

Oil on board. Signed in black: E. Vuillard. Laid down on card numbered in blue crayon A.3826. The<br />

number given again on a small printed label; further inscribed on a second label, probably an exhibition<br />

label Edouard Vuillard/ 27-La couture. A secondary backing bears the same number: A3826 in pencil and<br />

the inscription Les Couturières/ Vuillard in pen and ink<br />

24.4 x 17.8 cms. (9 ¾ x 7 in.)<br />

Literature: To be included in the forthcoming supplement to the catalogue raisonné by the<br />

Wildenstein Institute (certificate dated and numbered 12.01.2012/11549).<br />

This intimate and subtle interior scene is emblematic of Vuillard’s early work. Brought up in Paris in a<br />

modest apartment, Vuillard’s domestic world revolved around the dressmaking business his mother and<br />

sister ran from home. A school friendship with the artist Ker-Xavier Roussel led him to join the studio<br />

of Diogène Maillart from where Vuillard moved on to the Académie Julian and eventually to the Ecole<br />

des Beaux-Arts. Most of his free time was spent in the Louvre and a surviving journal of 1888 shows<br />

that he principally studied the works of Chardin and 17 th century Dutch interiors and still-lives. In 1889<br />

Vuillard, encouraged by his fellow-student Maurice Denis, joined a small group of dissident art students<br />

calling themselves the Nabis (meaning prophets in Hebrew). All impecunious and highly serious, they were<br />

inspired by the example of Gauguin and their aim was to rely on memory and imagination in their paintings<br />

rather than observation. Vuillard began to experiment using oils on small pieces of board, presumably<br />

the only supports he could afford, and taking his immediate environment as his subject. He developed a<br />

method of combining colour and hue to create a dense pattern-like surface. By 1892 Vuillard had turned<br />

to family themes, “intimiste” scenes which again and again featured his mother and sister, at work or still,<br />

and always in interior settings. Vuillard’s intense relationship with his family was heightened when he<br />

brought Xavier Roussel into their world encouraging his friend to court and then marry his sister Marie. The<br />

present work, which dates from exactly these years suggests a withdrawal from the real world, the figures<br />

have their faces turned from both the viewer and the artist. Another, similar work from the same period,<br />

known as La Causette - the chat - is in the National Gallery of Scotland. It shows Vuillard’s mother and sister<br />

seated against separate walls of a small, low ceilinged room and appears to suggest the moments before<br />

Marie’s marriage, as she is advised by her mother. Powerful in their concentration, these small paintings<br />

have an extraordinary atmosphere. In the present work, this intensity is underscored by Vuillard’s brilliant<br />

use of colour: he depicts a corner of the family apartment with its French windows, diminutive pictures,<br />

wallpapers, a jardinière on the corner of a bureau and on the table a sewing basket with a little spark<br />

of colour, as red fabric spills out. The subdued base colours, a green brown floor, brown dress and grey<br />

tablecloth are lit with splashes of acidic lemon yellow, the material Marie is sewing and the yellow skirting<br />

board. This colour appears to have been particularly important to the Nabis painters during these years.<br />

Marie herself has an evanescence leant by Vuillard’s use of a relief, empty of paint, around her outline<br />

Abstracted but also strangely precise, we understand the detail: the stripes in Mme. Vuillard’s dress and her<br />

voluminous, heavy skirt visible under the table, her silent concentration and behind her a net curtain across<br />

the French window and a dark-leaved tree outside. Works on a similar scale and comparable in subject,<br />

mood and tonality all date from the early 1890s: For example Mère et Fille à Table (private collection), La<br />

Ravaudeuse (Musée d’Orsay), Marie penchée sur son ouvrage, a painting in the Yale University Art Gallery,<br />

New Haven and La Ravaudeuse aux chiffons in the Indianapolis Museum of Art and, most similar in colour,<br />

the Repas de famille in the Metropolitan Museum of Art which is signed and dated: ev 93 1 .<br />

The numbering in blue on the old backing appears to be a form of systematic numbering. Another oil on<br />

board also titled La Couture, (catalogue raisonné IV-140), is numbered in the same manner, A-3690 and<br />

also dates from 1893.<br />

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actual size<br />

77


Giovanni Boldini<br />

Ferrara 1842-1931 Paris<br />

25<br />

Berthe Smoking (La sigarette)<br />

Oil on panel. signed and dated Boldini 74 at lower left.<br />

67 x 55 cms. (26 ¼ x 21 ¾ in.)<br />

Provenance: Galerie Georges Petit, sale <strong>Catalogue</strong> de tableaux modernes composant la collection de<br />

M. V., 3 rd May 1892, n°3, illustrated p. 7; Private Collection.<br />

Literature: Carlo L. Ragghianti & Ettore Camesasca, L’opera completa di Boldini, n° 19, illustrated p.<br />

91; Bianca Doria, Giovanni Boldini, Catalogo generale dagli Archivi Boldini, Rizzoli, Milano 2000, n°60;<br />

Francesca Dini, Piero Dini, Giovanni Boldini 1842-1931: catalogo ragionato, Allemandi, Torino, 2002,<br />

vol. 3, n° 175, p. 106, Illustrated.<br />

Born in Ferrara, Giovanni Boldini received his training from his father Antonio, a painter of religious<br />

subject. His talent was soon recognized and, at the age of eighteen, he was already known in his native<br />

town as an accomplished portraitist. Boldini travelled to Florence in 1862, where he formed close<br />

friendships with artists of the revolutionary movement of the Macchiaioli, such as Giovanni Fattori,<br />

Telemaco Signorini and Silvestro Lega. An astute businessman and unabashed self-promoter, Boldini<br />

soon realized that, to reach a truly international audience he would have to relocate to Paris, a city<br />

which was fast becoming the nucleus for the European artistic scene and also the economic focus for<br />

the leading dealers of the day. After a trip to London in 1869, where he asmired and assimilated the<br />

work of Gainsborough and Reynolds, in 1871, Boldini settled in the French capital, primarily though<br />

not exclusively for the dealer, Goupil, like several other Italian artists such as De Nittis, Zandomeneghi<br />

and Mancini, and for whom he painted landscapes and minute, essentially fanciful genre scenes in the<br />

manner of Meissonier. In 1874, Boldini exhibited for the first time to great public acclaim at the Salon du<br />

Champs-de-Mars, and in the following years he travelled to Germany, where he met Adolphe von Menzel<br />

and to Holland, further refining his style by studying the portraiture of Frans Hals. The artist befriended<br />

other society portrait painters such as Paul-César Helleu and James A. McNeill Whistler, and became a<br />

close friend of Degas who truly admired his work and once said of his friend: “Ce diable d’italien est un<br />

monstre de talent”. By the 1880’s, Boldini had begun to paint his celebrated portraits of society beauties.<br />

With a sharp eye, bold, virtuoso brushstrokes and typically flamboyant style, Boldini captured not only<br />

the character and vitality of the sitter, but also the spontaneity and evanescent spirit of a magnificently<br />

decadent and sophisticated society that had gravitated towards Paris in the last decade of the nineteenth<br />

century. Among his numerous portraits, those of Giuseppe Verdi, Whistler, Consuelo Vanderbilt, the<br />

Duchess of Marlborough, Count Robert de Montesquiou, Princess Bibesco and the Marchesa Casati, are<br />

but a few of the artist’s most famous sitters. Indeed, by the early years of the twentieth century, Boldini had<br />

become the most fashionable portrait painter of Belle Époque Paris, achieving the kind of success enjoyed<br />

by his friend, John Singer Sargent in London. He had a self confessed love of high society, champagne<br />

and elegant ladies but was a prolific and tireless painter who remained active to the end of his long life,<br />

though in the last few years, failing eyesight meant he restricted himself to working in charcoal. In 1929,<br />

aged 86, he married for the first time; at his wedding speech, with charismatic wit, he said: “It is not my<br />

fault if I am so old, its something which has happened to me all at once”. 1<br />

Until its recent reappearance from a private collection, this superb panel was only know through a black<br />

and white photograph. In pristine state of preservation, it can now be fully appreciated in its glittering<br />

colours and vibrant palette, so typical of Boldini’s great virtuosity. The sitter is Berthe, a young dressmaker,<br />

who became the artist’s first Parisian model, as well as his lover for over a decade. In Berthe, Boldini<br />

found the quintessential elements of the modern Parisian woman. She was an exquisite and beautifully<br />

dressed model, with a capricious personality. Her elegance was characterised by her gentle ways and her<br />

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light voice. She could be playful and lighthearted, energetic and enthusiastic, but never vulgar. Berthe<br />

was ideal for the artist’s descriptive yet nervous technique, all charm and sensuality, his dazzling colours<br />

and light brush strokes, and in fact Boldini portrayed her in numerous paintings, in interiors as well as in<br />

out-of-doors settings.<br />

The painting was executed in 1874, when the artist had a lucrative contract with the art dealer Adolphe<br />

Goupil, producing small-scale pictures on panel or canvas depicting elegantly dressed men and women<br />

in preciously and often overly decorated 18 th century and Empire interiors, comfortably seated on silk<br />

settees, reading a book or playing the piano, or simply in conversation, as well as out-of-doors, enjoying<br />

a stroll in a park or resting on a bench, smelling a flower in a garden or tasting an afternoon drink at<br />

a café terrace. In these 18 th century rocaille revivals of artists such as Watteau and Fragonard, Boldini,<br />

probably to please the commercial needs of the Maison Goupil, did not hesitate to seek inspiration<br />

from Mariano Fortuny and Meissonnier, whose works illustrated scenes from France’s past periods of<br />

wealth and prominence. These scenes were highly sought after by collectors who, faced with the harsher<br />

realities of modern 19 th century society, were eager to acquire works that suggested a gentler life style,<br />

expensive clothes and fine furnishings.<br />

In this painting, however, Boldini seems to have forsaken the richly decorated wallpapers of his interiors,<br />

and chosen a barren and almost rough wall. As a result, the spectator’s eye is concentrated on the<br />

protagonist of the painting, thew beautifully sensual Berthe. Her distracted look and relaxed posture,<br />

as she sits, smoking, such details as the folds of the carpet probably caused by the sudden motion of<br />

her feet, as well as the paint brush and the pieces of torn paper abandoned on the floor, give the scene<br />

a sense of familiarity and intimacy which is unusual and suggests that this panel fwas not intended for<br />

the Goupil market. In fact, this picture is not listed in the Goupil archives among the works which his<br />

gallery handled. Other props such as the two shiny ceramic plates hanging on the wall, the heavy rocaille<br />

frame, the Japanese hat and mask and the curtain hanging high above the door frame seem to have been<br />

positioned for the occasion with a theatrical intention rather than belonging on the otherwise plain wall.<br />

80


actual size detail<br />

81


Otto Friedrich<br />

Raab 1862-1937 Vienna<br />

26<br />

Scherzo, from the Rhythms Cycle for the Vestibule of a Music Room<br />

Tempera on canvas. Signed, inscribed with title and dated Wien 1913 on the reverse of the canvas.<br />

100 x 100 cms. (39 3 /8 x 39 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Private Collection, Sweden.<br />

Exhibited: Vienna, Secession, 1913: XLIV Ausstellung der Vereinigung Bildender Künstler Österreichs.<br />

Literature: Vienna, Secession, 1913: XLIV Ausstellung der Vereinigung Bildender Künstler Österreichs,<br />

catalogue. Die Kunst, Monatshefte für freie und angewandte Kunst, volume XXVII, Munich, 1913, p. 415;<br />

Leon Trotsky, Vienna Secession 1913, published in the Kievskaya Mysl, nos 171 and 172, Kiev, 23 rd and<br />

24 th June 1913; Thieme Becker, Allgemeines Lexicon der Bildenden Künstler, vol II, pp. 473-474.<br />

Surprisingly little is known of Friedrich’s life. After an early and successful career as a history painter,<br />

Friedrich settled permanently in Vienna in 1894, and in 1897, along with Gustav Klimt, Koloman Moser,<br />

Josef Hoffmann and others became a founding member of the Vienna Secession. He contributed regularly<br />

to Ver Sacrum, its official journal, and occasionally designed posters for the group (fig.1). In Rudolf Bacher’s<br />

famous drawing, Friedrich is one of only a handful present to greet the Emperor Franz Joseph on the<br />

latter’s visit to the curious onion domed building off the Ring. In his everyday life he worked as a teacher<br />

at the Wiener Frauenakademie, an art school for women founded in 1893.<br />

So little now remains of Friedrich’s work that it would seem much of it was destroyed, by accident or design.<br />

This painting and its companion are fortunately survivors belonging to a series of five of which two<br />

still remain undiscovered. They belong to his most<br />

well documented work, a cycle of pictures on musical<br />

themes to be hung in the antechamber of a<br />

music-room. According to Thieme-Becker, “His<br />

work developed increasingly in a decorative direction,<br />

finding expression in the composition, the<br />

combination of colours and line, as well as striving<br />

for the association with the applied arts. This<br />

can be seen in all of his work, as for example in<br />

his decorative cycle “Rhythms” for a music room<br />

(exhibited at the Secession in 1913)…” 1 The cycle<br />

certainly seems to have made an impression on<br />

the public. By chance, the Bolshevik revolutionary<br />

Leon Trotsky, who was living in Vienna in exile at<br />

the time, visited the exhibition at the Secession in<br />

1913, and was so moved by these paintings that<br />

he wrote about them.<br />

1. Otto Friedrich, Poster for the XXXIII Secession<br />

Exhibition in Vienna in 1909.<br />

“I visited the spring Vienna Secession only at the<br />

end of June, almost on the eve of its closure. Apart<br />

from myself, some family excursion from Galicia<br />

wandered around the halls: a Polish gentleman,<br />

ladies and their children…They were very noisy,<br />

all ate sweets and in general behaved as if they<br />

were in the Gerngross department store. (…) As<br />

always, there were interesting works at the Secession<br />

this time.<br />

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Otto Friedrich’s ‘Cycle of Rhythms’ occupies a room of its own, and should adorn the entrance to a music<br />

room. It is difficult to state the ‘content’ of pictures in general, and especially of those where paint and<br />

lines are meant to serve as the embodiment, not of painted, but of musical images, or more correctly,<br />

combine one with the other. Is this task legitimate in general? One can argue about this as much as one<br />

likes. But Otto Friedrich has shown that he has done this legitimately, for it is aesthetically convincing. His<br />

growing collection of nude figures on five canvasses: nebulous and touching children’s bodies, supple<br />

adolescent bodies, nobly passionate women’s bodies, and strong intense men’s bodies, despite the complexity<br />

of the composition, speak in a language of clear and pure harmony…the ‘rhythms’ of Friedrich<br />

are not replaced by conventional signs, but directly inspire the viewer with the inner rhythmicality of the<br />

depiction itself, the harmony of line and colour.” 2<br />

It is really therefore thanks to Trotsky, of all people, that we know that there were originally five canvases,<br />

as the 1913 Secession catalogue only mentions that they are a series. Painted in tempera on canvas, in<br />

the square format beloved by the Jugendstil, the pictures are given Italian names denoting musical terms.<br />

The association of colour, line and music is one that fascinated many artists at the beginning of the twentieth<br />

century, and led painters such as Kandinsky to pure abstraction. The artists of the Vienna Secession,<br />

however, had their feet firmly rooted in a kind of heroic classicism, and in his Rhythm series - as Trotsky<br />

was quick to point out - Friedrich expresses his abstract musical idea by graceful and harmonic combination<br />

of colour and line, in a fluid yet precisely drawn figurative idiom equal in quality and spirit to his<br />

colleagues Klimt and Schiele.<br />

Otto Friedrich’s inscription on the reverse<br />

of the canvas.<br />

84


85


Otto Friedrich<br />

Raab 1862-1937 Vienna<br />

27<br />

Fugato from the Rhythms Cycle for the Vestibule of a Music Room<br />

Tempera on canvas. Signed, inscribed with title and dated Wien 1913 on the reverse of the canvas.<br />

100 x 100 cms. (39 3 /8 x 39 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Private Collection, Sweden.<br />

Exhibited: Vienna, Secession, 1913: XLIV Ausstellung der Vereinigung Bildender Künstler Österreichs.<br />

Literature: Vienna, Secession, 1913: XLIV Ausstellung der Vereinigung Bildender Künstler Österreichs,<br />

catalogue. Die Kunst, Monatshefte für freie und angewandte Kunst, volume XXVII, Munich, 1913, p. 415;<br />

Leon Trotsky, Vienna Secession 1913, published in the Kievskaya Mysl, nos 171 and 172, Kiev, 23 rd and<br />

24 th June 1913; Thieme Becker, Allgemeines Lexicon der Bildenden Künstler, vol II, pp. 473-474.<br />

2. Otto Friedrich, Poster for the 50 th Secession<br />

Exhibition in Vienna in 1918.<br />

86


87


88


A Unique Assembly of<br />

101 Terracotta Modelli<br />

by<br />

Jacques-Edme Dumont<br />

(1761-1844)<br />

89


Jacques-Edme Dumont<br />

Paris 1761-1844<br />

28<br />

A Unique Assembly of 101 Terracotta Modelli displayed in a Printers Typecase.<br />

The figures measuring between 7 and 10 cms. (2 ¾ x 4 in.).<br />

The entire case measuring 68 x 46.5 cms. (26 ¾ x 18 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: By descent through the artist’s family.<br />

Jacques-Edme Dumont was born on 10 th April 1761 into a family of artists, comprising five generations<br />

of sculptors. The details of this family were recorded by the art lover and historian Guy Vattier, who lived<br />

towards the end of the 19 th century 1 . Vattier conscientiously compiled and recorded the lives of each<br />

member and his work is the most comprehensive source of information about Jacques-Edme Dumont,<br />

whose achievements are somewhat overshadowed in the literature by those of his father 2 . Jacques-Edme’s<br />

artistic production can be tracked through the records of the Salons, in which he exhibited frequently<br />

during the 1790s. A further source for documenting his work is the 1900 exhibition L’exposition centennale<br />

de l’art français which sheds light on the artist’s prolific production of terracottas 3 .<br />

Jacques-Edme’s father, Edme Dumont (1720-1775), was a pupil of Edme Bouchardon (1698-1762) and<br />

nephew of Charles-Antoine Coypel, First Painter to the King and director of the Academy who, according<br />

to Vattier, had married François Berthault, granddaughter of the Locksmith to the King. Jacques-Edme<br />

himself married Marie Elizabeth Louise Curton on 7 th November 1806 4 and their son Auguste-Alexandre<br />

Dumont (1801-1884) became well-known for the government commissions he received under the<br />

Empire, such as the Spirit of Liberty on the July column or the sculpture topping the Vendôme column.<br />

Auguste made a portrait of his father in 1820, the current location of which is unknown. Jacques-Edme’s<br />

own career began at the age of 14 in the studio of Auguste Pajou (1730-1809), who was a close friend of<br />

his father’s. He became one of Pajou’s favourite pupils, as is witnessed by a significant correspondence<br />

between the master and his charge, especially during the period when Dumont was living in Italy. After<br />

winning the first prize for sculpture at the Academy in 1788, for a marble relief of The Death of Tarquin,<br />

Dumont went on to complete his training at the French Academy in Rome, where he remained until<br />

1793 5 . In letters to his mother, Dumont described the enormous effect this study of Antiquity was having<br />

on his work 6 . Like his master, Pajou, Dumont’s sculptures demonstrated his assimilation of the Ancients<br />

but notwithstanding this, he did develop a personal style. In 1789 whilst in<br />

Rome Dumont made a reduced marble copy of the Antique original, Cleopatra,<br />

also known as Ariane 7 . An extremely detailed - despite being tiny - study<br />

in terracotta of the same figure reversed appears in this group.<br />

While the Salons were disallowed after the Revolution, the Convention<br />

instead set up a series of competitions in which Dumont played an active<br />

rôle. Nevertheless, the period following his return to Paris, during the severe<br />

post-Revolution years, was generally difficult. In order to get through this time<br />

of crisis, like many other artists, Dumont started to work on a small scale 9 ,<br />

making models for statuettes moulded in bronze, gold, silver and even porcelain,<br />

and promoting his small groups of terracotta figures as works ideal for<br />

collectors and amateurs to display in their salons. The present collection most<br />

probably belongs to exactly this transitional time and illustrates Dumont’s<br />

ability to move between the two styles of the bombastic and heroic on the<br />

one hand and of the intimate and refined on the other. A few years later, his<br />

grandest classical style showed itself to be ideally suited to the new Republican<br />

ethos and Dumont went on to receive a number of commissions from the<br />

Imperial regime, including the bust of General Marceau, which was exhibited<br />

at the reinstated Salon of 1801, as part of a larger project commissioned by<br />

E.J. Dumont, actual size. Napoleon to celebrate the generals of the Revolution. Dumont also created<br />

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1. J. E. Dumont, Paris, The Metropolitan<br />

Museum of Art, New York.<br />

2. J. E.Dumont, Hebe and Jupiter, Musée du Louvre, Paris.<br />

an entire figure of Marceau, in plaster, for the façade of the Luxembourg palace, for which the Louvre has<br />

a model in terracotta 8 , and another fine free standing sculpture known as Le Sapeur made for the Arc du<br />

Carrousel du Louvre in 1808.<br />

Dumont very frequently portrayed classical figures in his small terracottas – such as Diana and Venus.<br />

Less rounded and sensual than the similarly inspired works by artists of the succeeding generation, such<br />

as, for example, Maurice-Etienne Falconet (1716-1791), Dumont’s figures are sharply drawn with simplified<br />

outlines, an almost geometric approach which recalls the schematic drawings of his fellow student<br />

Anne Louis Girodet de Trioson 10 .<br />

A close study of the Salon lists reveals that some models from this present collection may have been<br />

preparatory for Dumont’s Salon entries of the 1780s and 1790s. The study of a naked woman drying her<br />

long hair compares closely with a figure on show at the 1796 Salon 13 , along with a bathing woman 14 , and<br />

these may be the same figures which were sold at an auction in Paris in 1989 15 , where the Metropolitan<br />

Museum, New York and the Louvre bought some very fine pieces by Dumont (figs.1 and 2).<br />

During periods of political turmoil and upheaval, the continuing support of collectors and art lovers<br />

greatly aided struggling sculptors threatened by the lack of public commissions for large scale works 16 .<br />

From the beginning of the 18th Century, morceaux d’agrément had begun to be successful at the Salons,<br />

and the Academy too was enthusiastic in its promotion of small scale statuettes made of marble as<br />

well as terracotta. Later in the 19th century Dumont’s work found a number of enthusiasts such as the<br />

architect, Paul-René-Léon Ginian 17 (1825-1898) of whom there is a photograph showing him standing<br />

in front of a book case, crowded with terracottas of various sizes (fig.3). Ginian married the widow of<br />

August-Alexandre Dumont and may therefore have inherited part of Jacques-Edme Dumont’s studio.<br />

Another architect, Hector Lefuel (1810-1880) also collected Dumont’s models, as did the Duchess de<br />

Galliera and a Dr. Cayeux who owned a small number of pieces which came from Ginian’s collection,<br />

and are now in the Louvre.<br />

Taking into account the miniature size of these figures and their masterfully fluent, sketch-like nature,<br />

92


3. Paul Ginian standing in front of a bookcase crowded with terracottas by Edmé-Jacques Dumont. Photograph,<br />

Ecole Nationale des Beaux-Arts, Paris.<br />

it may be imagined that they represent the very first stage of Dumont’s creative process, made for the<br />

sculptor’s own use and not for sale or public display. They are perhaps a repertory for Dumont to record<br />

his experiments with theme and form; hence there are a number of figures of Venus for example as well<br />

as of Mary Magdalen. In his book on the Dumont family of artists, Vattier records he words of Dumont’s<br />

son, who describes their execution: ‘It is a childhood memory: I see it still, rue de Bagneux, papa Mont,<br />

as we called him in the family, seated in an armchair, a night cap pulled down to his eyebrows … holding<br />

between his thumb and index finger a cork which served as the support, on which he modelled<br />

those figurines which lacked nothing in detail despite being, for the most part, only five or six centimetres<br />

high 18 . It is also possible that some of the figures record sculptures by Dumont which later disappeared,<br />

during the destructive period of the 1871 Commune. The fragility of these tiny modelli, with their delicate<br />

but highly expressive character, makes it all the more remarkable that they have survived as such an<br />

assembly, thanks chiefly to the ingenious and artful manner in which the artist’s printer descendent has<br />

preserved and displayed the collection.<br />

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94


Drawings<br />

95


Baccio Della Porta, Called Fra Bartolommeo<br />

Florence 1472-1517 Pian di Mugnone<br />

29<br />

Head of a Friar wearing a Cowl, seen in three-quarter Profile<br />

Black chalk and stumping, heightened with white chalk, with a partial outline in red-brown chalk. The<br />

sheet made up at the top left and right corners and edges. Partly laid down.<br />

242 x 200 mm. (9 ½ x 7 7 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Sir Thomas Lawrence (L.2445); Samuel Woodburn; from whom purchased by The Prince<br />

of Orange (1792-1849), who became King William II of the Netherlands in October 1840, thence by<br />

descent (sale, Amsterdam, de Vries, C.F. Roos and J.A. Brondgeest, 12 th -19 th August 1850, <strong>Catalogue</strong> des<br />

Tableaux Anciens et Modernes de diverses écoles, dessins et statues, formant la Galerie de feu Sa Majesté<br />

Guillaume II, lot 74, Raphael, Etude de moine. Cette belle page est éxécutée avec soin, à la pierre d’Italie.<br />

to Mr. Roos, as agent).<br />

Literature: Mssrs. S. and W. Woodburn, A <strong>Catalogue</strong> of drawings by the Old Masters in the possession<br />

of Sir Thomas Lawrence, P.R.A., at the time of his death (7 th January 1830) [manuscript] made in the<br />

presence of Mr. Keightley [Lawrence’s executor] in 1834, presented by A. Keightley to the Art Library of<br />

the South Kensington Museum in 1869, p.49, under Raffaelle, in Case 5 Drawer 2, no.310 (as Portrait of<br />

the Monk Savonarola [sic] black/chalk very fine; Johann David Passavant, Rafael von Urbino und sein<br />

Vater Giovanni Santi, Leipzig 1858, cat.68, Monchskofp. Er ist mit einer Kutte bedeekt, von schonem<br />

Charakter, links abwars sehen. Irrigerweise ist diesem Bildniss der Name des Savonarola beigelegt<br />

worden. In schwarzer Kreide in Rafael’s florentiner Manier ausgefuhrt, aber sehr uberarbeitet. Aus den<br />

Sammlungen Woodburn, Lawrence. Kat. Nr.74.<br />

Gekauft fon Hrn. Roos. X. um 380 FL.; Johann<br />

David Passavant, Raphael d’Urbin et son père<br />

Giovanni Santi, Paris 1860, vol. II, <strong>Catalogue</strong><br />

des Dessins de Raphael/ Anciennes Collections<br />

Dispersées/ Dans la Collection Appartenant<br />

au Feu Roi Guillaume II/ Vendue à La Haye, au<br />

mois d’août 1850: pp.) Tête de moine, couverte<br />

d’un ca- puchon. - Le regard dirigé vers le côté<br />

gauche. On prétendu, sans aucun fondement,<br />

que ce portrait était celui de Savonarola. Beau<br />

dessin à la pierre noire, mais très retouché.<br />

No.74. Collection Lawrence. Acquis par M.<br />

Roos, 380 florins.<br />

1. After Fra Bartolomeo, whereabouts unknown, formerly<br />

in the collections of Sr. P. Roupell and Sir John Charles<br />

Robinson (as Fra Bartolomeo).<br />

Bartolommeo della Porta, known as Baccio,<br />

was born a few miles from Florence; his mother<br />

died soon after his birth but his father, who was<br />

a mule driver, remarried and a few years later<br />

was able to buy a house at the entrance gate to<br />

Florence known as La Porta a S. Piero Gattolino.<br />

At the age of eleven or twelve Bartolommeo<br />

was apprenticed to Cosimo Rosselli and about<br />

six years later he joined forces with Mariotto<br />

Albertinelli and set up his own workshop at<br />

the family house which, according to Vasari,<br />

is how he came to be known as Baccio della<br />

Porta 1 . In the early years of the 1490s, as<br />

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97


Bartolommeo was establishing his career, Florence was in political turmoil; Lorenzo il Magnifico died in<br />

1492, Savonarola, as Prior of the Convent of San Marco was fomenting dissent and religious radicalism.<br />

By 1494, the Medici had been exiled and the following year, a parliamentary assembly known as the<br />

Gran Consiglio was established. Barlotommeo was pious and encouraged by Savonarola burnt “all the<br />

drawings of nudes that he had made by way of studies” 2 . When the faction known as the Arrabiati (the<br />

angry ones) stormed the Convent of San Marco in order to arrest Savonarola, Bartolommeo was amongst<br />

the five hundred or so who attempted a defence of the building. Bartolommeo emerged from this violent<br />

episode and the subsequent burning of Savonarola determined him to take Holy Orders and in 1500 was<br />

accepted as a novice at the Dominican convent in Prato. Vasari records that Bartolommeo forsook his<br />

paintbrush at this time, causing much sorrow and displeasure to his friends and admirers who felt the loss<br />

both of his company and his Art.<br />

In the same year as he took his solemn vows, 1504, having moved to the convent of San Marco, Fra<br />

Bartolommeo seems to have relinquished his moratorium on painting. Most probably this was at the<br />

behest of his Prior, Sante Pagnini, who wished to reanimate the artistic life of the Convent which had<br />

been so profoundly active during the time of Fra Angelico (1436-1445). Sante Pagnini appears to have<br />

acted as his mentor and even manager, suggesting iconography and drawing up contracts. During this<br />

period, Florence had re-invented itself as a centre for artistic innovation with both Leonardo da Vinci<br />

and Michelangelo at work in the Palazzo della Signoria 3 . Apart from a fascination with Leonardo’s use<br />

of sfumato, Fra Bartolommo’s interests were more in sympathy with the work of the young Raphael,<br />

Perugino’s pupil, who also arrived in Florence at around this time. Chris Fischer, in his monographic<br />

exhibition, traced the progress to be seen in Fra Bartolommeo’s drawings, from finely worked linear<br />

studies in pen and ink - focusing on the graceful arrangement of figures and their drapery - to larger, freer<br />

works in soft black chalk, through which the artist examined volume, light and movement. 4 In, or around<br />

1508, following a visit to Venice, Fra Bartolommeo resumed his old partnership with Albertinelli which<br />

allowed for increased production and coincided with the departure from the city of Leonardo, Raphael<br />

and Michelangelo. The Convent of San Marco had by then established sufficiently good relations with<br />

the Republican government, led by Piero Soderini, for Fra Bartolommeo to be awarded the commission<br />

for the altarpiece destined for the Sala del Gran Consiglio 5 .<br />

His particular combination of uncourtliness and orderly devotion suited the anti-aristocratic aims of the<br />

Republic and encouraged commissions from the increasingly cultured mercantile class who formed the<br />

basis of Florentine prosperity. But when the Medici swept back into power in September of 1512 Fra<br />

Bartolommeo was suddenly out of favour. An alternative circle of painters became popular, gathered<br />

around Andrea del Sarto. With a degree of determination and political acumen, he appears to have<br />

begun to look beyond Florence for further commissions. He travelled to Rome and had some success in<br />

restoring good relations with the establishment through the pro-Florentine leanings of the Pope and his<br />

entourage, but seems to have returned to Florence due to ill-health. Working for another three years, Fra<br />

Bartolommeo’s energies clearly re-kindled and he continued to concentrate on altarpieces and devotional<br />

paintings but his unexpected death curtailed work on his only known pagan work, a Feast of Venus<br />

commissioned by the Duke of Ferrara. 6 Most famous for the qualities in his work of restraint, classical<br />

order and gentle piety, Fra Bartolommeo is considered as an archetypal High Renaissance artist working<br />

in a highly religious idiom. As is usual, however, with such limiting art-historical terms, this description<br />

obscures the manner in which Fra Bartolommeo studied the world around him and developed his art<br />

accordingly.<br />

Such powerful and expressive early 16 th century portrait drawings as this are extremely rare survivors in<br />

the present day. Fra Bartolommeo’s head of a monk in contemplation is a study of extraordinary depth and<br />

feeling, uniquely expressive of his great skill as a portraitist and subtle mastery of the black chalk medium.<br />

The fact that this sheet was considered as Raphael’s by the connoisseurs Lawrence, Woodburn and<br />

Passavant of course highlights its great quality but also suggests a dating close to the time when Raphael<br />

and Fra Bartolommeo were together in Florence, prior to Raphael’s departure in 1508. Unpublished since<br />

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1860, Passavant was the last scholar to discuss the drawing until it was recently seen and its attribution<br />

to Fra Bartolommeo confirmed by Chris Fischer, the leading specialist on the artist. A fascinating echo of<br />

this reattribution, is the existence of an early copy, previously in the eminent collections of R.P. Roupell<br />

and Sir John Charles Robinson, which bears a faint black chalk inscription in French, probably early 19 th<br />

century: Savonarola par fra Bartolommeo (fig.1). The copy was sold from both these collections as by Fra<br />

Bartolommeo, first as “the Head of a Monk” and second, as “Portrait of the Artist”. 7 The very existence<br />

of the copy is another tribute to the significance of the present drawing but it may also suggest that the<br />

authorship of the original was once clearly known. The recurring mis-identification of Savanarola could<br />

be merely a question of the hood, a common aspect of actual representations of the infamous monk<br />

whose angular features are extremely different to the gentle but sturdy face depicted. 8 The copy is drawn<br />

on a somewhat larger piece of paper, though the head itself must be of the same dimensions; this may<br />

reflect the original scale of the present sheet.<br />

In his catalogue of the drawings by Fra Bartolommeo in the Museum Boymans-Van Beuningen, Rotterdam<br />

- Fra Bartolommeo Master Draughtsman of the High Renaissance - Chris Fischer describes the process<br />

whereby Fra Bartolommeo’s reputation as one of the handful of great artists of the High Renaissance fell at<br />

the beginning of the twentieth century and how his rehabilitation was given impetus by a revived interest<br />

in his drawings, which in Fischer’s words are “some of the most beautiful ever made” 9 . The Rotterdam<br />

drawings by Fra Bartolommeo, which were bound in two albums, share the same Lawrence provenance as<br />

the present work and were also bought from Lawrence’s agents, the Woodburns, by the Prince of Orange.<br />

Fra Bartolommeo is described as a “ceaseless producer of drawings” the great majority of which were<br />

made for specific projects. The present work cannot be linked to a known painting or fresco; no such head<br />

appears in any of the altarpieces of the Virgin with Saints, nor can it be found amongst Fra Bartolommeo’s<br />

paintings depicting monks, sainted or otherwise. The refinement and substance of the drawing clearly<br />

defines this sheet as the portrait of a real sitter, probably showing someone of importance to the artist,<br />

unidealised, untransformed and deeply observed; it is obvious to think of Sante Pagnini. As such, it is<br />

extremely rare, if not unique, in the Frate’s work; in Chris Fischer’s words, “Most of Fra Bartolommeo’s<br />

portrait drawings were functional…. Renderings of specific types suitable for the idealisation that was a<br />

fundamental element in the Frate’s compositions...”. For the most part also, these other portraits are in red<br />

chalk and on a much smaller scale but they do date from a similar period, around 1510, see for example<br />

the Studies of the Heads of Two Dominican Friars, with <strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong> in 2011 10 and the Two Studies of<br />

the Head of a Friar, Hands and a Figure of the Virgin in the Museum Boymans van Beuningen. 11 It is also<br />

not inconceivable that the present portrait studies the same friar as the Rotterdam sheet; they share many<br />

features: the full lower lip, heavy jowls, long nose, wide creases, slightly doubled chin and straggling<br />

eyebrow and remnants of hair. In the present work, however, Fra Bartolommeo used time and empathy -<br />

the sitter must surely be reading - to make a profoundly moving and intensely lifelike depiction of a man<br />

he clearly greatly revered, a magisterial portrait drawing possibly intended as a gift.<br />

In his discussion of the studies of heads, Fischer goes on to describe tendencies towards greater naturalism<br />

among the painters of the younger generation and seeing this as perceptible too in Fra Bartolommeo’s<br />

later work from around 1515. At this time, also, Fra Bartolommeo appears to have made a number of<br />

drawings of friends and fellow artists, with “a new immediacy and vitality”. Most of these are large and<br />

many of them mix red and black chalk with breadth and freedom; certain ones such as the two heads<br />

of an old and a young woman, can be linked to paintings, in that case the Madonna della Misericordia,<br />

now in the Villa Guinigi, <strong>Luc</strong>ca (commissioned around 1515) 12 . These are quite different, however, in<br />

technique and atmosphere to the present work. More comparable in terms of scale and atmosphere<br />

though much less finished, is the Study for the Head of a Friar 13 which was used in an idealised form<br />

for the God the Father in the altarpiece of 1509, God the Father, St Mary Magdalen and St. Catherine of<br />

Sienna, now also in the Pinacoteca di Villa Guinigi, <strong>Luc</strong>ca. This comparison, once again with the work<br />

of the end of the first decade of the 16 th century, is also consistent with Fra Bartolommeo’s use at that<br />

time of soft black chalk heightened with white, and on occasion, a form of sfumato; the series of figure<br />

100


studies for the aforementioned <strong>Luc</strong>ca painting are particularly “smoky” 15 . This technique is also seen in<br />

the contemporaneous work of Raphael.<br />

Vasari records that the two artists spent considerable time together in the period just before Raphael<br />

left for Rome: in the life of Fra Bartolommeo “Raphaello was always in his company” and in that of<br />

Raphael: “While he was living in Florence, Raffaello… became very intimate with Fra Bartolommeo di<br />

San Marco, being much pleased with his colouring, and taking no little pains to imitate it: and in return<br />

he taught that good father the principles of perspective, to which up to that time the monk had not given<br />

any attention.” 15 It is clear that the influence was reciprocal between them and surely drawing is what<br />

they would have done most of in each other’s company: Raphael’s use of sfumato, “tonal modelling” as<br />

Hugo Chapman calls it, is visible in cartoons of this period; that for St. Catherine of 1507 (now in the<br />

Louvre) and the study of St. Paul for the Disputa (1508-9), now in the Ashmolean are examples which<br />

were included recently in the exhibition Raphael, from Urbino to Rome, for the manner in which they<br />

demonstrate the effect that Florence had on Raphael’s art, through Leonardo and also through ”the<br />

atmospheric black and white studies of Fra Bartolommeo”. 16 The present drawing has a very particular<br />

technique, more highly concentrated and precise than seen in the Frate’s compositional figure studies<br />

using the two chalks. Here, there are broad black chalk outlines and a combination of broad and very<br />

fine hatching with rubbing of the chalk to soften the modelling and white chalk, also rubbed in, for the<br />

highlights of nose, cheekbones, chin and the lightest parts of the hood. It is surely this parity of technique,<br />

if not of structural style, which led Lawrence, Woodburn and even Passavant to consider this remarkable<br />

head to be by Raphael. 17<br />

101


North Italian School, 16 Th Century<br />

30<br />

A Dromedary<br />

Pen and brown ink. Inscribed with a number: 28. Bears a watermark: crescent moons within a cross and a<br />

circle, see Heawood 882 (Rome 1555)<br />

278 x 407 mm. (11 x 16 in.)<br />

Despite its lifelike quality, this fascinating and recently discovered study of a dromedary must be based<br />

upon a lost drawing. Two other versions, also dating from the 16 th century and of same technique, are in<br />

the British Museum 1 and the Royal Library at Windsor 2 . A. Venturi and A.E Popham considered the Windsor<br />

drawing to be by Pisanello and the British Museum drawing to be a copy after it. The three drawings<br />

are very alike in scale and of considerable size but are definitely not tracings as both the sheets and the<br />

measurements of the three dromedaries are different.<br />

A study of a similar dromedary, again given to Pisanello, this time reaching its head down to the ground<br />

as if to drink, drawn in metalpoint, heightened with pen and brown ink on vellum, but much smaller in<br />

dimensions (153 x 185 mm) is in the Musée du Louvre 3 . This latter attribution appears to be secure but the<br />

scale of the present work and its Windsor and British Museum fellows, as well as the solidity and accuracy<br />

of the depictions suggest that the original may in fact belong to another sphere, most likely that of Gentile<br />

Bellini. Thanks to Martin Clayton and Hugo Chapman, a direct comparison of the three drawings was made<br />

possible and demonstrated clearly that the Windsor drawing is the earliest and most finely drawn of the three<br />

and therefore, plausibly the closest to the original work. The Windsor sheet bears a watermark associated<br />

with the 1520s in Venice but as an extremely similar camel appears in the background of Pinturicchio’s<br />

Cavalcade of the Magi in the Cappella Bella, Santa Maria Maggiore at Spello, which was painted in around<br />

1501, it may be established that the original study must be earlier than that 4 . These drawings are unlikely to<br />

have been copied from Pisanello’s camel as that one has a double hump - on which is perched a monkey -<br />

as well as differences in details of the neck. 5<br />

Gentile Bellini travelled to Constantinople from Venice in 1479, as a cultural ambassador, on the request<br />

of Sultan Mehmed II. Venice had consistently favoured accommodation with the Muslim world in order to<br />

protect her trade links and the Lagoon had long been full of exotic imports from the near and far East, including<br />

animals. Relatively little of Gentile’s Ottoman work survives: the portrait of Sultan Mehmed in the National<br />

Gallery London, and the series of almost anthropological drawings of court figures are the most famous 6 , but<br />

the fascination with the east was disseminated by him on his return to Venice and by artists working in his style<br />

such as Giovanni Mansueti and the Bellini follower responsible for the painting illustrating The Reception of<br />

the Venetian Ambassadors in Damascus, (probably 1513-16) now in the Louvre 7 . Bellini’s St Mark preaching<br />

in Alexandria, (a painting now in the Pinacoteca di Brera, Milan, probably completed by his brother Giovanni)<br />

and the Procession in Piazza San Marco in the Accademia depict, with immense accuracy, figures in Mamluk<br />

and Ottoman costume, both men and women and, in the background of the St Mark painting exotic animals<br />

stroll: two camels and a huge giraffe, while the Venetian Ambassadors picture shows camels, a monkey and a<br />

pair of deer 8 . The present sheet and its associated drawings show an extraordinary level of detail: the realistic<br />

expression of the beast with drooping eye and lower lip, the slight bagginess of the extended neck, the rather<br />

luxuriant tail and shaggy fore-hump and the flap of skin, apparently a penile sheath, an individual feature very<br />

rarely depicted or photographed and puzzling even to the specialists at London Zoo 9 . This feature does also<br />

appear in Pinturicchio’s fresco though it may have been understood to be a mammary gland.<br />

As fine drawings and remarkable records of an early encounter by a Western artist with an animal from<br />

the east, these three sheets are of significant interest. It remains a matter of speculation however as to their<br />

source. Jonathan Raby has attributed the Windsor sheet to Costanzo de Moysis, also known as Costanzo de<br />

Ferrara, an artist said to have spent years in Constantinople but by whom the only surviving works seem to<br />

be two medals. The suggestion supports, however, the notion of the source being a work by a North Italian<br />

artist studying imports from the East, whether actual or merely recorded; indeed Durer’s famous rhinoceros<br />

was based upon a description in a letter which also enclosed an anonymous drawing of the beast imported<br />

into Lisbon in 1515.<br />

102


103


Aurelio Luini<br />

Luino 1530-1593 Milan<br />

31<br />

A Standing Male Figure, perhaps an Apostle or Prophet.<br />

Pen and brown ink, over black chalk.<br />

407 x 209 mm. (16 x 8 ½ in.)<br />

Provenance: With Amando Neerman, London, Old Master Drawings, 1973 (?), no.14; with Yvonne<br />

Ffrench, London; purchased 1975 by Ralph Holland.<br />

Exhibitied: London, Courtauld Institute Galleries, Italian and other drawings, 1500-1800, 1975, cat.13;<br />

Newcastle upon Tyne, Hatton Gallery, Italian Drawings 1525-1750, 1982, cat. 10.<br />

Luini belonged to a well-established family of Milanese painters; his father was Bernardino Luini and<br />

Aurelio began his career with his brother, Giovan Pietro, collaborating on a series of frescoes in the<br />

church of San Maurizio al Monastero Maggiore. Possibly because his major works are in fresco, Luini<br />

is now more well known as a draughtsman than as a painter. Though his drawings are relatively rare,<br />

his style is distinctive, using scratchy, vigorous penwork to create angular and elongated figures on an<br />

unusually large scale. His sheets of head studies are also impressive.<br />

It has not been possibly to connect the present work to a painting but two very similar drawings may be<br />

compared, one sold at auction in 2008 and the other, a signed sheet, in the Ambrosiana library, Milan 1 ;<br />

these three works are close enough in character and scale to suggest that they may have been intended for<br />

figures which formed part of a series. Other works by the artist are in the Munich Graphische Sammlung<br />

(inv.2680 L), the Uffizi (inv. 1502F), Dresden and the National Gallery of Scotland, Edinburgh.<br />

For nearly forty years this drawing was in the collection of the eminent scholar collector Ralph Holland<br />

who retired to London after a career teaching Art History at Newcastle. He began to collect drawings in<br />

the late 1940s, buying chiefly Italian drawings, often unattributed, which he would then research with<br />

tireless enthusiasm and frequent success. He corresponded with museum curators and other collectors,<br />

travelled widely in Italy, scouring churches for unpublished altarpieces and made copious and detailed<br />

notes of his discoveries. This dynamic figure study is highly representative of his interest in striking and<br />

characteristic works by the lesser-known masters of the 16 th and 17 th centuries.<br />

104


105


Alessandro Allori, called Il Bronzino<br />

Florence 1535-1607<br />

32<br />

Study of the Head of a Woman looking upwards; preparatory for the “Noli me Tangere”<br />

Black chalk.<br />

219 x 154 mm. (8 ½ x 6 ¼ in.)<br />

This extremely sensitive head study is preparatory for Allori’s painting of the Noli me Tangere (fig.1), a<br />

large oil on canvas in the church of the Santissima Trinità in Arezzo 1 , believed to date from 1584. A much<br />

reduced version of the scene, an oil on copper, with various changes, particularly in the background, was<br />

recorded by Venturi as being in the collection of the Conte Volpi di Misurata, Rome 2 , and a drawing of that<br />

whole composition, within an elaborate decorative frame, preparatory for a tapestry of the subject is in the<br />

Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven, Connecticut 3 . The subject would appear to have been an important<br />

one to Allori, who was possibly initially inspired by Bronzino’s depiction of 1561, a painting now in the<br />

Louvre. Allori’s compositions are, however, much calmer, more contemplative and, with the later version<br />

on copper, more pastoral, the landscape background becoming a significant part of the design.<br />

That the present drawing was made by the artist specifically for the earlier painting is suggested by the<br />

particularly close correspondence in the inclination of the two heads, and the details of the Magdalen’s<br />

costume and hair, a flowing lock of which is pressed up against her sleeve as she raises her hands. In the<br />

painting on copper, there is a slight difference in the tilt of Mary Magdalen’s head, and a subtle change in<br />

her expression while Christ’s head is more upright than in the larger painting and in the related fragment<br />

of a head study at the top of this sheet.<br />

It is remarkable how many times Allori used this particular female model for his drawings and paintings, to<br />

the extent that she appears as his muse or female ideal especially as his art becomes more naturalistic after<br />

the early, Bronzino dominated years. A well-known<br />

study in the British Museum, London shows her<br />

kneeling, holding a book in her lap, her hair also<br />

long and flowing freely but differently dressed 4 . The<br />

figure was used for that of Mary in the altarpiece<br />

of Christ in the House of Martha and Mary in the<br />

chapel of the Palazzo Portinari-Salviati in Florence,<br />

painted in 1580. She appears again kneeling before<br />

Christ in the Christ in Limbo of the Capella Salviati,<br />

in San Marco, Florence, painted prior to 1588. She<br />

also appears in the painting of the Resurrection<br />

of Lazarus, in the church of Sant’Agostino,<br />

Montepulciano, again kneeling with a book in her<br />

lap, for which figure Allori made sketches on a<br />

sheet now in the Uffizi (inv.10204), her hair put up,<br />

as she also appeared in a study, again in the Uffizi<br />

(inv.10299) for the Christ and the Woman of Canea<br />

in the church of San Giovannino degli Scolopi. She<br />

is again surely the model for the numerous versions<br />

of one of Allori’s most successful compositions, The<br />

Madonna crowned by the Christ Child with a garland<br />

of flowers as well as for the Penitent Mary Magdalen<br />

in the Museo Stibbert, Florence. 5 The latest painting<br />

in which she appears is the Christ in the House<br />

1. Alessandro Allori, Noli me tangere, Santissima Trinità,<br />

Arezzo.<br />

of Martha and Mary, now in the Kunsthistorisches<br />

Vienna, which is signed and dated 1605. 6<br />

106


actual size<br />

107


Jacob Matham<br />

Haarlem 1571-1631<br />

33<br />

The Martyrdom of a Saint<br />

Black and red chalk, with touches of white heightening.<br />

327 x 276 mm. (12 7 /8 x 10 7 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Ferruccio Asta, Venice (Lugt 116a); Anonymous sale, London, Sotheby’s, 4 July 1994, lot<br />

33 (as Attributed to Joseph Heinz).<br />

Literature: Herwarth Röttgen, ‘“Li giovani cercavano di imitare la bella maniera di lui”: Spranger, Raffaellino<br />

and the “giovani”, in Sabine Eiche, Gert Jan van der Sman and <strong>Jean</strong>ne van Waadenoijen, eds.,<br />

Fiamminghi a Roma 1508-1608: Proceedings of the symposium held at Museum Catharijneconvent,<br />

Utrecht, 13 March 1995, Florence, 1999, pp.41-43, fig.8 (as Joseph Heintz).<br />

Jacob Matham was the stepson and favourite pupil of Hendrick Goltzius, with whom he worked closely,<br />

engraving many of the latter’s drawings and paintings. This was a practice he continued throughout his<br />

career; indeed, of the more than four hundred engravings by Matham that are known, over a quarter were<br />

executed after designs by Goltzius. Matham’s earliest engravings date from the late 1580’s, and show the<br />

influence of the Haarlem Mannerist tradition, notably the drawings of both Bartholomeus Spranger and<br />

Hans Speckaert. In the spring of 1593, at the age of twenty-two and perhaps inspired by his stepfather’s<br />

recent visit, Matham travelled to Italy in the company of his fellow artist Frans Badens. He was to spend<br />

four years in Italy, between 1593 and 1597, working first in Venice and later in Rome. While in Italy,<br />

Matham made drawn copies after the frescoes and paintings of the earlier generation of Italian artists,<br />

such as Palma Giovane, Tintoretto, Taddeo Zuccaro and others. Returning to Haarlem, he joined the local<br />

Guild of Saint Luke in 1600, becoming its president in 1605. It was also around this time that Goltzius<br />

began to move away from printmaking to concentrate on painting, and Matham seems to have taken over<br />

the family’s print publishing business.<br />

Matham’s drawings have been relatively little studied. He seems to have worked in a variety of styles,<br />

drawing mainly in pen and ink but also, on occasion, making use of a combination of black and red chalks.<br />

While this was a common technique in Italy, it was rare in German and Netherlandish draughtsmanship<br />

at the time, and Matham was one of the few artists to take up the practice, as was Goltzius. The present<br />

sheet is stylistically very similar<br />

to Matham’s earliest known drawing,<br />

a study in red and black chalk of A<br />

Sculptor in His Workshop (also known<br />

as Pygmalion and the Statue of Galatea),<br />

signed and dated 1595, formerly<br />

in the Ploos van Amstel and De Grez<br />

collections and is now in the Musées<br />

Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique<br />

in Brussels 1 . Another stylistically related<br />

drawing in a private collection,<br />

depicting Danae and also in red and<br />

black chalk (fig.1), was published by<br />

Dr Léna Widerkehr in 1991 2 . A further<br />

drawing of Diana in the Rijksmuseum<br />

1. Jacob Matham, Danae, Private Collection.<br />

in Amsterdam 3 , also in red and black<br />

108


109


2. Jacob Matham, Diana, The Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.<br />

chalk and dated 1602 (fig.2), is probably later, as the handling<br />

of the chalk is softer and more refined, and does not show the<br />

Italian influence clearly discernible in the present sheet.<br />

Matham was inspired by, and made frequent copies of, the work<br />

of Italian artists of the earlier 16th century, and he seems to have<br />

been drawn in particular to the work of the Mannerist painters.<br />

While in Rome, he produced a number of reproductive engravings<br />

after the work of Mannerist artists active in the city - notably<br />

Francesco Salviati, Cavaliere d’Arpino, and Taddeo and<br />

Federico Zuccaro - although these were for the most part published<br />

after his return to Antwerp 4 . While the present sheet is<br />

too free to be a copy of an earlier work, the distinct influence of<br />

such Roman painters is clearly evident.<br />

Dr. Léna Widerkehr has confirmed the attribution of this drawing<br />

to Jacob Matham, and further notes that it is among the earliest<br />

known drawings by the artist, probably executed while he was<br />

in Italy between 1593 and 1597.<br />

In an article of 1999, Herwarth Röttgen published the present<br />

drawings and noted that it showed the particular influence of<br />

the draughtsmanship of Cavaliere d’Arpino 5 , an artist who was<br />

also in Rome when Matham visited the city. This would seem<br />

to confirm Dr Widerkehr’s dating of this drawing and actually<br />

provide an even more precise dating of the drawing to the artist<br />

stay in the Eternal City, before returning to his native city.<br />

110<br />

actual size detail


actual size detail<br />

111


Roelandt Savery<br />

Kortrijk 1576-1639 Utrecht<br />

34<br />

A Landscape with a Shepherd Resting by a Gnarled Tree, and Goats Grazing<br />

Black chalk, heightened with touches of red, grey and blue wash and white heightening. Indented for<br />

transfer. Signed at lower left with monogram “RS”.<br />

220 x 278 mm. (8 5 /8 x 11 in.)<br />

Provenance: Charles Rogers (1711-1784), his stamp at the lower left (Lugt 624); Sir John Charles Robinson<br />

(1824-1913), his monogram in gold at the lower left (Lugt 1433); Paul Frantz Marcou (1860-1932) (Lugt 1911b).<br />

Roeland Savery began his artistic career in Amsterdam under the tuition of his brother Jacob (1565-1603)<br />

before travelling to Prague in 1604 where he became court painter to the Emperors Rudolph II and Matthias.<br />

Both Emperors had made their court a centre of Mannerist art; Rudolph’s galleries were the most impressive<br />

in Europe at the time, and he employed some of the best contemporary artists, including Bartholomaus<br />

Spranger, Hans von Aachen and Adrien de Vries. The Emperor also possessed a strong interest in botany,<br />

landscape, science and philosophy. In 1606, he commissioned Savery to travel to Tyrol “to draw wonders”<br />

which would reflect the beauty and particularity of the Tyrolean countryside; these were then to adorn the<br />

Emperor’s palace. During this period, Savery executed large landscapes embellished with meticulously<br />

rendered animals and plants. He also made numerous preparatory sketches of trees, waterfalls, mountains,<br />

and birds, which provided reference material for later paintings, for example, the Cascade of 1608. Savery<br />

returned to court in 1608, and began compiling an extensive repertory of figure studies. Drawn directly<br />

from life observed in the busy markets of Prague, these are inspired by Pieter Breughel I, whose work the<br />

Emperor had spared no expense in acquiring for his collection. In fact, until 1970, these drawings were<br />

attributed to Breughel 1 . Savery often inscribed these studies with the words “naer het leven” (drawn from<br />

life); he would then return to the studio to further enhance them, before inserting them into paintings<br />

such as the Peasants Carousing of 1608. In 1618, Savery settled in Utrecht, where he befriended the still<br />

life painters Balthasar van der Ast and Ambrosius Bosschaert. During the 1620s he was one of the most<br />

successful painters in Utrecht, where he remained until the end of his life in 1639.<br />

The present sheet is a superb and rare example of an intricately rendered, highly finished chalk drawing by<br />

Savery. Possibly sketched directly from nature, Savery has worked up the view into a pictorial composition,<br />

with a powerfully drawn foreground becoming gradually lighter and more delicate as the scene recedes.<br />

The depiction of the gnarled tree trunk in thick, heavy black chalk serves to heighten the dramatic intensity<br />

of the scene. The tree is set close against the picture plane and this, combined with the deep shadows<br />

and contorted tree roots evokes an eerie sense of mystery to an otherwise naturalistic scene. Masterfully in<br />

its draughtsmanship, particular attention is given to the minutely detailed bark of the tree trunk, executed<br />

with lively and expressive coloured chalk contours.<br />

The drawing, which is indented throughout, was<br />

engraved in reverse by Aegidius Sadeler (fig.1) 2<br />

and can be compared with another sketch by<br />

Savery of Giant Trees, 3 also engraved in reverse by<br />

Sadeler, which shows similarities in the rendering<br />

of the contorted tree-trunk, in the leaves and in the<br />

surrounding landscape. Another detailed study<br />

of the entwined roots of a tree, but without the<br />

pictorial setting seen here, drawn with chalk and<br />

pen and ink, is in the Metropolitan Museum, New<br />

York. The latter is described as being partly drawn in<br />

chalk dipped in oil which is perhaps the technique<br />

used in the present work as well, given the rich,<br />

1. Aegidius Sadeler, after Roeland Savery, engraving dense and varied texture of the medium.<br />

112


113


Giovanni Francesco Barbieri, called Il Guercino<br />

Cento 1591-1666 Bologna<br />

35<br />

Study of a Dragon Pierced by a Lance; preparatory for “St. George and the Dragon”<br />

Pen and brown ink. Laid down. Inscribed: Salvator in brown ink at lower right. Further inscribed (by<br />

Uvedale Price) Salvator Rosa. I.U. Price bought at Rome of G. Hamilton 1767, in brown ink on the<br />

verso.<br />

194 x 186 mm. (7 ½ x 7 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: Gavin Hamilton, Rome; acquired in Rome in 1767 by Uvedale Price (L.2048), his<br />

posthumous sale, London, Sotheby and Wilkinson, 3 rd -4 th May 1854, lot 206 (as Salvator Rosa, Study<br />

for a Dragon, free pen); Walpole collection (according<br />

to a pencil inscription on the old mount); The Société<br />

Frits Lugt pour l’Étude des Marques de Collections, Paris<br />

(their stamp SFL, L.3031 (see online database); sale, Paris,<br />

Piasa, 31 st March 2003, lot 28); <strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong>, Ltd.;<br />

Private Collection, Paris.<br />

1. After Guercino, Pinacoteca Nazionale<br />

Bologna<br />

This expressive pen and ink drawing is a preparatory<br />

study for a lost painting by Guercino of St George and<br />

the Dragon, the composition of which is known through<br />

a copy in the Pinacoteca Nazionale, Bologna (fig.1) 1 . The<br />

painting is mentioned by Malvasia as having been painted<br />

in 1639 for a Padre Angelo Torre of Ferrara (Un s.Giorgio<br />

grande al naturale per il P.D. Angelo Torre Abbate<br />

Ferrarese) although according to Guercino’s account<br />

book, the libro dei conti, it was actually commissioned<br />

two years earlier. This records that an initial payment of<br />

25 ducatoni was paid by Torre on the 5 th February 1637,<br />

while a second and final payment of 100 scudi was<br />

received on the 14 th October 1639.<br />

Apart from this drawing, a small number of other<br />

studies have been associated with the composition: a<br />

study belonging to the collection of Sir Denis Mahon<br />

(fig.2), another similar one in the Uffizi, Florence and a<br />

retouched tracing. 2<br />

2. Guercino, Sir Denis Mahon Collection.<br />

The present sheet once belonged to the English amateur<br />

and collector, Uvedale Price (1747-1829). Price’s<br />

collection of drawings was notable for fine examples by<br />

Claude and Salvator Rosa, to whom the present sheet<br />

was long attributed. His collection was formed, as the<br />

1854 catalogue of the sale of his estate noted, ”with the<br />

greatest Taste and Care, in a continental tour undertaken<br />

during the years 1767-68”. This is confirmed by the<br />

collector’s inscription on the reverse of the mount of this<br />

drawing, which notes that it was acquired by Price from<br />

Gavin Hamilton (1723-1798), a Scottish neoclassical<br />

painter who had lived in Rome since 1748 and had there<br />

established a secondary career as an art dealer.<br />

114


115


Pietro Berrettini, called Da Cortona<br />

Cortona 1596-1667 Rome<br />

36<br />

Study of a Reclining Male Figure; preparatory for the figure of “Rage”<br />

Black chalk heightened with white chalk.<br />

239 x 369 mm. (9 1 /3 x 14 1 /2 in.)<br />

Provenance: Private Collection, Switzerland, since the 1930s.<br />

Born in Tuscany, Pietro da Cortona began his career in Florence, apprenticed to Andrea Commodi<br />

but quickly left for Rome probably at the age of only 16. In Rome, he stayed amongst the circle of<br />

Tuscan artists and quickly came to the attention of the powerful Sacchetti brothers, originally Florentine<br />

themselves. Cortona’s first significant commission in Rome was the fresco decorations for the church of<br />

St. Bibiena, newly designed by Bernini, painted over two years from 1624 to 1626. The Sacchetti family<br />

subsequently employed Cortona to design and decorate two family villas, in Ostia and in Rome itself,<br />

behind St. Peter’s. It was through his work for the Sacchetti that Cortona met Maffeo Barberini, later<br />

Pope Urban VIII and with his patronage, Cortona became second only to Bernini in his importance in<br />

the Roman art world 1 . Apart from an interlude of six years spent chiefly in Florence between 1641 and<br />

1647, where he executed successful fresco schemes in Palazzo Pitti but was mainly obstructed in his<br />

architectural ambitions, Cortona lived out his career in Rome. Rivalry between himself and the highly<br />

political Bernini was intense but Cortona was able to keep ahead through his preeminence as a painter.<br />

Jörg Martin Merz, in his study of Cortona as an architect, describes his career as being an ”extraordinary<br />

mixture of success and frustration”; unassailable success as a painter but considerably mixed fortunes as<br />

an architect famed for the extravagance and expense of his projects. The son of a stonemason, Pietro da<br />

Cortona was in fact a man of greater learning than many of his contemporary painters and he repeatedly<br />

told his pupils that without knowledge of ancient and modern history, both sacred and profane, it would<br />

be impossible to become a successful artist. Romanelli, Cortese, Ferri and Baldi are some of the many<br />

followers who carried on his style into the early years of the 18 th century.<br />

Vigorous and powerful, this black chalk drawing is a fine example of Cortona’s magnificent figure studies<br />

which characteristically depict complicated poses and viewpoints. Here the reclining man lifts himself<br />

with arms bent and one leg raised, his weight resting on the left hand side of his body, his fists clenched,<br />

the muscles of his back and stomach straining with the effort. The drawing is preparatory for the figure of<br />

Rage in Cortona’s vast fresco The Triumph of Divine Providence and the Fulfilment of her Ends under the<br />

Papacy of Urban VIII which covers the colossal ceiling of the Gran Salone on the piano nobile of Palazzo<br />

Barberini (figs.1-2). A considerable part of the Barberini archive is conserved in the Vatican Apostolic Library,<br />

making it possible to retrace the progress<br />

of the fresco’s conception and design.<br />

Cortona began work in November<br />

1632 and completed the project seven<br />

years later. Giuseppe Passeri recorded<br />

the circumstances of the commission<br />

which had at first been given to Andrea<br />

Camassei: A change in opinions and<br />

fortunes caused this vault to be assigned<br />

by the Pope himself to Signor Pietro da<br />

Cortona: and in the space of fourteen<br />

years he transformed it into this work of<br />

beauty that can be seen today … 2<br />

1. Pietro da Cortona, The Triumph of Divine Providence and the<br />

Fulfillment of her Ends under the Papacy of Urban VII, Fresco<br />

(detail), Palazzo Barberini, Rome.<br />

Pope Urban VIII was an intellectual and<br />

a foremost patron of the arts. He kept<br />

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a lively circle of poets, scholars and artists with whom he appears to have devised the complicated<br />

iconographic and allegoric programme for the ceiling, intended to celebrate the triumph of the Barberini<br />

family and specifically Maffeo Barberini’s own ascent to the papal throne in 1623. Cortona’s scheme<br />

divided the ceiling into compartments which, while they create order and architectural definition,<br />

overflow with movement and trompe l’oeil effect. Figures drift out of their compartments raised on<br />

clouds, blown by heavenly breezes, giants burst forth, tumbling outwards and downwards to escape the<br />

arrows of the Archangel Michael. The completion of the scheme confirmed Cortona’s position as the preeminent<br />

painter working in Rome. He was paid most generously by the Barberini and had already been<br />

nominated “Principe” of the Accademia di San <strong>Luc</strong>a in 1633.<br />

Two other drawings preparatory for the Barberini ceiling were shown in the recent exhibition at the<br />

Louvre Pietro da Cortona et Ciro Ferri; studies for the figures of Divine Providence and Abundance 3 ;<br />

other examples for the scheme are the drawing for a Wind God in the Metropolitan Museum, New York 4 ,<br />

a study for the Female Figure holding the Papal Tiara in the Pierpont Morgan Library 5 and a study for<br />

the figure of Justice from the collection of Niccolo Gabburi in the British Museum 6 . Overall, however,<br />

a surprisingly small number of Cortona’s drawings related to this vast project seem to have survived; at<br />

the time of a 1967 exhibition of Baroque drawings from New York collections, only about a dozen were<br />

said to have been recorded in the literature. The present work, a particularly imposing example, is one of<br />

only very few to have emerged since that summary and it ranks with the drawing in the Morgan Library<br />

which was described in the following terms: “of these preparatory drawings, none is more beautiful than<br />

this …”.<br />

2. Pietro da Cortona, The Triumph of Divine Providence and the Fulfillment of her Ends<br />

under the Papacy of Urban VII, Fresco, Palazzo Barberini, Rome.<br />

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37<br />

Carlo Maratta<br />

Camerano 1625-1713 Rome<br />

Study of a Standing Male Nude pulling on a Rope, with separate studies for his Arms and Legs;<br />

preparatory for the Altarpiece of The Martyrdom of St Blaise of Sebaste.<br />

Red chalk heightened with white chalk on buff paper.<br />

419 x 273 mm. (16 ½ x 10 ¾ in.)<br />

Considerable numbers of Maratta’s extremely fine drawings survive but by far the majority have been kept<br />

in groups and are now in public collections; the important holdings of his work in the Royal Collection,<br />

Windsor (bought in Rome on behalf of George III from the heir of Pope Clement XI, who himself purchased<br />

the drawings directly from Maratta), the similarly significant group in the Louvre owned previously by<br />

Mariette, and a fascinating section of the Roman Baroque drawings collection in the Dusseldörf print<br />

room, formed by the early 18 th century painter, Lambert Krahe, who lived for two decades in Rome. There<br />

are also slightly smaller groups in Berlin and Madrid.<br />

This powerful, archetypal red chalk study of a male nude with accompanying details was made by the<br />

artist at the height of his career, in preparation for the figure of a Roman soldier. The sheet is grand in scale<br />

and both the red chalk and the white heightening are exceptionally well preserved. The figure appears in<br />

Maratta’s altarpiece of The Martyrdom of St Blaise (S. Biagio di Sebaste) with St. Sebastian, completed shortly<br />

after 1680 for the church of S. Carlo ai Catinari in Rome, also known as the Chiesa de SS. Biagio e Carlo ai<br />

Catinari 1 . The altarpiece is now in the Basilica of Santa Maria dell’Assunta in Genoa, where it already hung<br />

in 1740 2 . Another slightly smaller study for the same figure, also in red chalk with touches of white, (391 x<br />

235 mm) is at Windsor 3 . The present drawing is the closest of the two to the figure in the painting with the<br />

angle of the rope and the tilt of the body being the same. The characterisation of the head is also finer and<br />

more similar to the final work and the angle of the neck more accurate. A third drawing for the composition,<br />

a black chalk study for the figure of St. Sebastian, is also at Windsor, while a study for the head of the child<br />

sheltering behind his mother from the terrible sight is in the Dusseldorf print room. It may be presumed that<br />

other studies are now lost as, judging from surviving studies for other major altarpieces, Maratta would have<br />

worked intensively in preparing this important picture.<br />

1. Carlo Maratta, The Martyrdom of St.<br />

Blaise with St. Sebastian, Basilica of<br />

Santa Maria dell’Assunta, Genoa.<br />

As recorded by his biographer, Giovan Pietro Bellori 4 , whilst Maratta<br />

had been busy working on a commission for mythological canvases<br />

for the King of Spain 5 , he did not neglect to undertake commissions<br />

for the churches of Rome and no sooner had he completed the<br />

altarpiece of Saint Francis Xavier in the Gesù (1679) than he began<br />

another of Saint Blaise and Saint Sebastian in the church of San Carlo<br />

ai Catinari. Bellori describes the dreadful martyrdom of Saint Blaise,<br />

suspended on a rope by his arms and assailed by a torturer armed with<br />

a wool carder for flaying the flesh. The commission specified that St.<br />

Blaise should be shown with his fellow martyr saint, Sebastian and<br />

Bellori remarks upon Maratta’s ingenuity in using the upper part of<br />

the canvas to represent the latter saint in glory, uplifted and brightly<br />

lit: in this manner Carlo completed and accommodated these two<br />

subjects in a single picture, in which the most beautiful operations<br />

of nude figures are displayed in various views, and which is so well<br />

executed that not only does it convey the merit of this master but it<br />

may be counted among the most highly praised works of our age.<br />

Bellori also notes that thus far, it is hidden from the public and has<br />

not been put back in the place for which it was originally intended.<br />

Indeed, the painting may never have been installed in Rome, as the<br />

depiction in S. Carlo ai Catinari of The Martyrdom of St. Blaise is by<br />

Giacinto Brandi.<br />

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Benedetto Luti<br />

Florence 1666-1724 Rome<br />

38<br />

A Young Boy in Profile<br />

Pastel on card. Signed and dated in pen and brown ink on the verso: Benedetto Luti fece 1719.<br />

270 x 322 mm. (10 ¾ x 12 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: From a Florentine Noble Family<br />

In its original frame and backing panel inscribed again in pen and brown ink: Roma 1719 / Il Cavalier<br />

Benedetto Luti fece.<br />

Upon his return to Florence following a four year stay in Venice, in around 1683-1684 Luti enrolled in the<br />

studio of Anton Domenico Gabbiani. In April 1691, he moved to Rome where he was to remain for the rest<br />

of his life. There, his capacity to adapt his Late Baroque Florentine style to the more classical Roman taste<br />

helped him to experience an early success, winning numerous commissions from members of important<br />

families such as the Barberini, Pallavicini, Colonna, Ottoboni and Odescalchi. He was also involved in the<br />

most important papal commissions, such as the series of the Old Testament Prophets commissioned by<br />

Pope Clement XI for the central nave of San Giovanni in Laterano between 1716 and 1718. Through his<br />

connection with the Tuscan court, Luti’s reputation spread over other European countries, and he received<br />

commissions from a number of the most important collectors of the time, such as Thomas Coke, 1 st Earl of<br />

Leicester, Sir Robert Walpole, Augustus III, King of Poland, and Empress Catherine II. Luti was equally, if<br />

not more, famous as a drawings collector and, Jonathan Richardson, who considered him to be the Best<br />

Connoisseur in Rome, remarked: “This Collection is very Numerous. I believe he may have near 3000 of<br />

almost All the Masters, except the Old ones, Those anterior to the Raffaele-age; of these I don’t remember<br />

that he has Any, except for Lionardo da Vinci” 1 . Luti received the visits of other foreigns connoisseurs and<br />

amateurs as well, among whom were Antoine Joseph-Dezallier d’Argenville, Pierre Crozat and Pierre-<strong>Jean</strong><br />

Mariette. The latter, whom Luti met in 1719, admired his “très belle collection d’estampes et de dessins des<br />

grands maîtres qu’il se faisoit un plaisir de faire voir aux connoisseurs” 2 . In 1694, Luti became a member of<br />

the Accademia di San <strong>Luc</strong>a, and in 1720, he was elected as its principal. He also ran a popular school of<br />

drawing, counting amongst his pupils <strong>Jean</strong>-Baptiste and Carle Van Loo as well as numerous Italian artists.<br />

As Edgar Peters Bowron - author of the first substantial monographic work on the artist back in 1979 3 -<br />

points out in his preface to Rodolfo Maffeis’ newly published monograph on the artist, Luti’s predilection<br />

for colour found expression in his remarkably fresh and brilliant studies of heads and busts of apostles,<br />

saints, angels and children in the technique of trois crayons and pastel. 4 Luti appears to have begun<br />

working in pastel in around 1703, producing a series of heads of apostles as studies for large religious<br />

paintings. Unusually for works in pastel, particularly as used in France, Luti often used the colours red,<br />

yellow and orange as well as working in black chalk on the hair and clothing. He became prolific and<br />

highly sought after in this medium. His pendant boys and girls, executed in an exquisite and luminous<br />

technique, became extremely popular and were much imitated. According to Neil Jeffares, his pastel<br />

technique was just as influential as that of his Venetian contemporary Rosalba Carriera 5 , to whom many<br />

pastels by Luti have been erroneously attributed to in the past.<br />

The present pair, companion studies of a young boy and slightly older girl, are a most excellent example<br />

of Luti’s famous pastel heads. In their original frames and backing boards and twice signed, their fine<br />

quality and untouched state make them exceptional. A painted version of the young boy, with differences,<br />

is in the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen in Munich 6 , and a pastel, almost identical to the<br />

painted version, but in reverse, is in the Metropolitan Museum, New York 7 . A further oil of the same boy,<br />

though holding as flute, is in the Hermitage Museum in St Petersburg 8 . Two copies are also known: one<br />

oil on canvas after the Munich painting 9 , the other a pastel in the Uffizi 10 after the Metropolitan Museum<br />

reversed version. No other version of the present pastel of the young girl are known.<br />

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Benedetto Luti<br />

Florence 1666-1724 Rome<br />

39<br />

A Girl with her Hair Tied back and a Gold Earring.<br />

Pastel on card. Inscribed in pen and brown ink on the verso: Benedetto Luti fece 1719.<br />

270 x 322 mm. (10 ¾ x 12 ¼ in.)<br />

Provenance: From a Florentine Noble Family<br />

In its original frame and backing panel inscribed again in pen and brown ink: Roma 1719 / Il Cavalier<br />

Benedetto Luti fece (fig.1).<br />

See entry no.38 on previous page.<br />

1. Verso of the backing panel bearing the inscripotion with<br />

the name of the artist and date of the pastel.<br />

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125


Giovanni Paolo Panini<br />

Piacenza 1691-1765 Rome<br />

40<br />

An Architectural Capriccio with Figures among Classical ruins, broken Columns and Pediments<br />

Pen and black ink and watercolour over traces of black chalk. Signed with initials G.P.P. <br />

336 x 237 mm. (13 1 /4 x 9 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: The Hon. Irwin Laughlin; Anonymous sale, Christie’s, London, 1 st December 1970, lot<br />

144 (£1,300 to Slatkin); with Charles E. Slatkin Galleries, New York.<br />

Literature: J.S. Herbert, ed., Christie’s Reviews of the Year, 1970/1971, illustrated p. 91.<br />

Born in Piacenza, Panini trained under Ferdinando Galli Bibiena, the renowned stage designer and painter<br />

of false perspective. He was also associated with Giuseppe Natali and Andrea Galluzzi, lesser talents<br />

of the same genre. In 1711, the young Panini went to Rome where he entered Bededetto Luti’s studio.<br />

It is likely that he came into contact at this time with paintings by Ghisolfi and Salvator Rosa, which<br />

were to have considerable influence on the development of his art. By the 1720s, Panini was working<br />

for aristocratic Roman families and powerful cardinals, such as Giulio Alberoni, his compatriot, whose<br />

palace he decorated between 1725 and 1726 and he remained in Rome for the rest of his increasingly<br />

successful career. Thanks to Alberoni, Panini received important commissions from Cardinal Melchior<br />

de Polignac, the French Ambassador in Rome, which did much to establish his European reputation. His<br />

contacts with France were strengthened by his friendship with Nicholas Vleughels, director of the French<br />

Academy in Rome, whose brother-in-law he was to become. In 1732, Panini was elected member of the<br />

Royal Academy in Paris, an honour rarely given to Italian artists. When Vleughels died in 1737, Panini<br />

was even considered as his successor, although the position was finally given to <strong>Jean</strong>-François de Troy.<br />

Hubert Robert was among Panini’s pupils at the French Academy and artists as important as Fragonard<br />

and Canaletto were influenced by his work. In 1719 he had been elected to the Accademia di San <strong>Luc</strong>a<br />

where he taught perspective for decades, becoming director in 1754. Panini is generally considered to<br />

have soared above the throng of competent but uninspired artists who painted figures upon ruins and he<br />

had many imitators. Within this chosen genre his work is extremely varied, ranging from depictions of<br />

the religious, diplomatic and popular festivities which animated Roman life to topographical renderings<br />

of Rome’s squares and churches but capricci were an important element of his work and appealed<br />

particularly to Grand Tour travellers.<br />

The composition of this elegant watercolour has at its centre figures amongst three standing columns<br />

with a pediment and one broken column and various fragments, features which also appear in a painting<br />

recently on the Roman Art market, although against a different background. 1 The columns with the<br />

particularly deep overhang of the cornice are seen again in a bozzetto signed: I.P.P, Ro... 2 and seem to<br />

be an invention of Panini’s based on such ruins as the Temple of Castor and Pollux in the Forum in Rome.<br />

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127


Giovanni Battista Tiepolo<br />

Venice 1696-1770 Madrid<br />

41<br />

Head of a Bearded Oriental; the verso with Figure Studies.<br />

Pen and brown ink and wash, with traces of red chalk (recto); pen and brown ink (verso).<br />

307 x 233 mm. (12 x 9 1 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Paul Delaroff, St. Petersburg (his mark twice on the verso);<br />

with Galerie Cailleux, Paris, from whom purchased in 1966 and then by descent.<br />

Giambattista was highly successful in his lifetime; he was apprenticed to Gregorio Lazzarini, a highly<br />

competent and knowledgeable master, and while his earliest work was greatly influenced by Giambattista<br />

Piazzetta, Tintoretto and Veronese are considered to be at the basis of his style. In this sense Tiepolo is a<br />

truly Venetian artist having light, colour, dramatic fertility and brilliance of design at the heart of his highly<br />

productive manner. By the mid-1720s, success in Venice brought important commissions from further afield;<br />

a series of frescoes in Udine, followed by mythological decorations for Palazzo Archinto and Palazzo Casati in<br />

Milan. In the 1730s, Tiepolo was able to mould his style to suit such contrasting patrons as the Franciscan Poor<br />

Clare order with an Immaculate Conception, and the sophisticated Count Carl Gustav Tessin with a Jupiter<br />

and Danae. By 1739 he had made his first great eccelesiastical fresco cycle in S Maria del Rosario, the church<br />

of the Gesuati in Venice and in the early 1740s he worked on three secular projects, the frescoes for Palazzo<br />

Clerici in Milan, Villa Cordellina in Montecchio Maggiore and the magnificent Antony and Cleopatra in the<br />

Palazzo Labia, Venice. The early 1750s were occupied with the huge, three-year project to decorate, using<br />

a programme of allegorical glorification, the Kaisersaal and Staircase of the Residenz at Wurzburg for the<br />

Prince Bishop Karl Philipp von Greiffenklau. Having returned to Venice, in 1756, Tiepolo was made President<br />

of the recently founded Venetian Academy whilst continuing to work through a ceaseless progression of<br />

commissions for patrons as diverse as Augustus III of Saxony and Poland and the Oratory of the Purità in<br />

Udine. A series of delicate and moving frescoes were painted in four small rooms in the Villa Valmarana<br />

near Vicenza and in 1760 he accepted the proposal from the Pisani family to decorate the vast ceiling of the<br />

central hall in their villa in Brenta. Combining, as at Wurzburg, portraiture with allegory, this was Tiepolo’s<br />

largest fresco project in a private dwelling and the last work he undertook in his native country. In 1762,<br />

summoned to Madrid by Charles III of Spain, Giambattista left Italy with his two painter sons and began<br />

work in the Palacio Real on a detailed decorative programme intended to glorify Spanish power. Ambitious<br />

for further success in Spain, he made modelli for a series of huge altarpieces for the Franciscan church of San<br />

Pascual in Aranjuez. The finished works were installed in May 1790, shortly after the artist’s sudden death two<br />

months earlier. Only a number of delicate, devotional paintings illustrating the Rest on the Flight into Egypt<br />

and Christ’s Passion hint at the nostalgia and strain Giambattista must have felt during the long, demanding<br />

and final chapter of his extraordinary career 1 .<br />

This handsome study of the head of an oriental is similar to another by Giambattista, in red chalk and red<br />

wash, in the Fogg Art Museum. 1 George Knox dates the Fogg drawing circa 1760, shortly before Tiepolo left<br />

for Spain and both that and the present work must relate to the series of painted heads of Orientals which<br />

he believes to have been made at the same time. Bernard Aikema, in turn, suggests a slightly earlier dating<br />

noting that the paintings’ “brilliant, light brushwork” 2 argues for a date in the Venetian period between the<br />

family’s return from Wurzburg in 1753 and their departure for Madrid in 1762. Knox suggests that the Fogg<br />

drawing was etched by Giandomenico as part of the series Raccolta di Teste, which consists of two groups<br />

of thirty etchings each, published after Giambattista’s death.<br />

Stylistically a dating of circa 1760 could also be applied to this very quick and skilful pen and wash drawing.<br />

Knox has proposed the same dating for similar pen and wash heads and for the series of variations on the<br />

theme of The Holy Family. 3 On the verso are a number of quick sketches vigorously drawn in pen and brown<br />

ink, possibly studies for the body of the dead Christ in a Lamentation or Deposition. Giambattista seems<br />

to have treated this subject a few times in his career, also around 1760, see for example The Deposition in<br />

the National Gallery, London (circa 1750-60), a work that Morassi described as influenced by Rembrandt’s<br />

Deposition, and which was in Consul Smith’s Collection in Venice until 1762. 4<br />

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129


Jan Van Huysum<br />

Amsterdam 1682-1749<br />

42<br />

A Magnificent Arrangement of Flowers in an Urn, resting on a Ledge.<br />

Black chalk and brown wash and watercolour. Signed and dated: Jan V Huysum fecit 1726 (lower right)<br />

390 x 330 mm. (15 3 /8 x 13 in.)<br />

Provenance: sale, Frankfurt, Prestel, Goldschmidt collection, 4-5 October 1917, lot 287. Private<br />

Collection, Great Britain.<br />

Jan van Huysum belonged to a family of painters and spent all his career in Amsterdam. He liked to think<br />

of himself as a landscape painter but his most appreciated works by far were and are his elaborate and<br />

exuberant flower paintings of which there are examples in all the great museum collections. Connoisseurs<br />

and collectors were forced to wait for his works; one, actually, on impatiently asking for progress, was<br />

told it would be at least a year until the next season’s particular yellow rose appeared for Van Huysum<br />

to paint from!<br />

Flower drawings by Jan van Huysum, called the Prince of flower-painters 1 , are very rare, and these extant<br />

drawings vary considerably in their level of finish. Some, usually in monochrome, are loosely handled<br />

and very sketchy. Others are more elaborately finished in colour and with great detail. It has been<br />

suggested that fully worked up drawings of this type might have been made by the artist to demonstrate<br />

to a prospective patron the various compositional possibilities but the exact role played by drawings in<br />

Van Huysum’s creative process remains somewhat ambiguous. In certain cases, the artist seems to have<br />

made true preparatory sketches, and these relate closely to known pictures. However, the artist also<br />

made drawings intended to stand as finished works in their own right, as well as ricordi of his painted<br />

compositions. The present drawing is surely too spontaneous and freely handled to be a ricordo, and<br />

may perhaps be a presentation sketch for a potential client. The significant blooms can be identified and<br />

include several of the artist’s favourites: the blue poppy anemone (anemone coronaria plena coerulea);<br />

the tulips (tulipa hybrids) in the upper right; and the large pale-pink cabbage roses (rosa x centifolia)<br />

at the centre of the bouquet and on the table. A painting in the National Gallery in London shows a<br />

very similar urn, in terracotta and with a frieze of dancing putti, but this coloured drawing seems to be<br />

closest of all to a splendid painting of 1722 now in the Hermitage in St. Petersburg, which has a similarly<br />

vertiginous arrangement of magnificent blooms with a fulsome pink rose spilling out on to the ledge. It<br />

is precisely this naturalistic sense of movement and fecundity which gives Van Huysum’s paintings and<br />

drawings such strength and in drawings, the freedom is particularly pronounced because of the fluency<br />

of his technique.<br />

Van Huysum seems to have been unusual in making fine drawings; it was only the next generation<br />

who took up the baton with such painters as John and Jakob van Os and the various members of the<br />

Spaendonck family making copies after van Huysum and more painstaking works of their own, in<br />

watercolour and gouache.<br />

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43<br />

Pietro Gonzaga<br />

Longarone 1751-1831 St. Petersburg<br />

Design for the Stage Curtain of the Venetian Theatre “La Fenice”: A Circular Temple Entrance<br />

with Sculptures of Philosophers and Mercury bidding Figures to enter.<br />

Watercolour and white heightening over pen and brown ink and grey wash.<br />

640 x 480 mm. (25 ¼ x 18 ¾ in.)<br />

Pietro Gonzaga is considered to be the first theatrical designer to have viewed his sets as works an<br />

art. He trained in Venice during the late 1760s and early 1770s and was deeply influenced there by<br />

Tiepolo and particularly Piranesi. His career properly began in Milan, where he studied with the stage<br />

designers Bernardino Fabrizio and Giovanni Antonio Galliari and made his debut at La Scala in 1779,<br />

working there regularly until 1792. His designs for other theatres in Genoa, Rome and back in Venice<br />

were also extremely successful and his curtain for La Fenice was copied endlessly by fellow designers.<br />

In 1792 he moved to Russia where he went on the recommendation of Prince Nikolay Yusupov, then the<br />

director of music and pageantry at the court of Catherine the Great. He became the principal designer for<br />

Catherine’s theatrical productions at the Hermitage and other palaces and had the Empress’s full support;<br />

during Lent, when entertainments were prohibited, she is said to have called for performances consisting<br />

only of the changing of Gonzaga’s sets and decorations to the accompaniment of music.<br />

This grand work is rare in Gonzaga’s œuvre for its exceptionally high degree of finish and must presumably<br />

have been a presentation study. A smaller drawing of the same vestibule, with loosely sketched figures, in<br />

pen, brown ink and grey wash over traces of black chalk, is in the Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg (fig.1) 1 .<br />

Included in the 1967 Cini Foundation exhibition on Pietro Gonzaga as a stage designer, it was described<br />

as the bozzetto for the stage curtain of the Fenice Theatre prior to the fire of 1836. The motif of a circular<br />

temple surrounded by a gallery reappears in a number of Gonzaga’s designs and is thought to derive from<br />

Piranesi 2 . The Cini catalogue also notes that Gonzaga made a variant of this design for the stage curtain of<br />

the small theatre at Pavlovsk outside St. Petersburg. The curator of architectural drawings at the Hermitage,<br />

Ekaterina Orekhova, has recently proposed, however, that their drawing was intended as a stage curtain for<br />

the Hermitage theatre or for the Yussupov theatre at Archanangelskoe near Moscow which opened in 1818.<br />

The present version of the design has slight differences in the figures and is much more worked up in the<br />

architectural detail such as the marble columns and their elaborate Corinthian capitals, the banding around<br />

the pediment, the individually depicted sculptures of classical philosophers and writers and the intricate<br />

tiling of the tightly curved ceiling.<br />

The Hermitage Print Room has a collection of two hundred drawings attributed to Gonzaga, of which about<br />

one hundred and thirty are indisputably autograph.<br />

In Russia Gonzaga was given the title Head of all<br />

scenography for the Imperial theatres but he also<br />

worked as an architect, for the gallery at Tsarskoe<br />

Selo, and as a decorative painter and landscape<br />

gardener at Pavlovsk for Paul I and his wife, Maria<br />

Feodorovna. Another grand scale design, not quite<br />

as large as this one but also highly finished with<br />

watercolour, is part of the Hermitage group and<br />

depicts a series of grand architectural spaces with a<br />

dome, pilasters, statuary and coffered decoration.<br />

It entered the Imperial collection before 1797 3 .<br />

Two further sheets for the same project as the<br />

present drawing, in pen and brown ink and wash,<br />

are known, one in a private collection in France,<br />

1. Francesco Gonzaga, The Hermitage, St. Petersburg. and the other formerly on the London art market 4 .<br />

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44<br />

Pelagio Palagi<br />

Bologna 1775-1860 Turin<br />

A Meeting of Artists in Classical Dress, Gathered before the Busts of the Renaissance Masters: An<br />

Academy of Drawing in the Palazzo di Venezia, Rome.<br />

Black chalk heightened with white gouache on buff coloured paper, within framing lines. The artist has named<br />

himself and some of the artists depicted along the edges of the tunics and in an album: Palagi/ Giuseppe Guizzardi/<br />

Gius. Cllignon/ Basiletti. Two of the three busts are also inscribed: [RA]FAEL, BUONARROTI.<br />

279 x 452 mm. (11 x 17 ¾ in.)<br />

This impressive drawing is not only one of the best graphic works by Pelagio Pelagi but it documents a magical<br />

moment, which was to have important ramifications for Italian and European art of the 19 th century 1 . In March<br />

1806, having won the painting competition at the Academy in Bologna, Palagi received a grant to live in Rome<br />

for four years. There he met Giuseppe Guizzardi, winner of the prize in 1804 and other prizewinning students<br />

from the Academies of Venice and Milan. The artists met regularly in the Palazzo di Venezia, then Embassy of<br />

the Serenissima, which was established as the Accademia d’Italia in 1812 through the efforts of Antonio Canova.<br />

Palagio, along with Minardi, became the leader of this group of artists, creating a cultural salon which he proudly<br />

called “nostra accademia”. The young students would meet on a daily basis, often dressed all’antica as recorded<br />

in a portrait of Giuseppe Guizzardi painted by Pelagi in 1807 (now in the Galleria d’Arte Moderna, Bologna)<br />

as well as in the diary entries of the members. They drew obsessively from nude models and from classical basreliefs.<br />

This drawing, an important testimony published here for the first time, vividly records an extraordinary<br />

period of apprenticeship; a creative furnace which soon produced a new artistic language for Italy. This new<br />

model of study was quite revolutionary and caused controversy in the Academies from which these artists came.<br />

In a letter dated 4 July 1807, Count Carlo Filippo Aldrovandi, the new president of the Bolognese Academy, wrote<br />

to Palagi in Rome “L’Accademia di Bologna … knows how to evaluate the time wasted in your gigantic Roman<br />

drawings” 2 ; drawings which, now, are amongst the finest examples of European neoclassicism. A terminus post<br />

quem exists for this actual work both in the fact that Basiletti and Guizzardi left Rome in the first months of 1809<br />

and in the information given in a letter by Palagi to his Bolognese friend, the engraver Francesco Rosaspina. This<br />

letter also testifies to the central role Palagi played in these meetings: “It is already more than three weeks that<br />

we have been meeting in my palace and more precisely in my apartment, a brigade of my friends have installed<br />

themselves to draw in the evening from reliefs, and at the end of this month, we will work from a live model.<br />

Guizzardi, who works hard and with whom I make many studies, is one of the members of our academy. As are<br />

Basiletti, Minardi, Comerio, Marchesi, student from Milan, Colignon from Florence and others” 3 . Pelagi therefore<br />

appears to be describing to Rosaspina the very scene which is depicted here and beyond the artists whose<br />

names are given by Pelagi, we must moreover presume that, as the physiognomies are quite distinct and realistic,<br />

the other portraits could also be identified amongst the list of artists given in the letter. Hovering above them<br />

all, represented by the three busts, are the spirits of Raphael and Michelangelo for painting and sculpture and<br />

Socrates, example of virtue and knowledge, for philosophy. Palagi presents the scene in a classical environment,<br />

reminiscent of a Roman “gymnasium”, over which Minerva, protector of the arts and intellectual activity, also<br />

presides, depicted on a relief in the right hand corner.<br />

Destined to have a burgeoning career as a history painter, in those Roman years Palagi was involved in the<br />

most prestigious artistic projects undertaken in Napoleonic Rome 3 . Between 1811 and 1813, a project for the<br />

decorations of the Palazzo Imperiale intended for the use of Napoleon, contributed to the diffusion of a new<br />

figurative language and brought together a large number of Italian and foreign painters and sculptors amongst<br />

which, Ingres, Giani, Camuccini, Pinelli, Conca and Thorvaldsen along with Palagi.<br />

Towards the end of 1815, Palagi moved to Milan where he stayed until 1832. He became a sought after portraitist,<br />

as well as the prime exponent of a romantic style, very different from that of his rival Francesco Hayez, with whom<br />

he became engaged in a battle of masterpieces. This ended only in 1832, when Palagi moved definitively to Turin,<br />

summoned by Carlo Alberto di Savoia. For him, the King created the role of Painter for the Royal Palaces, making<br />

Palagi responsible for all elements of the decorative programme from the pictorial decoration to the furnishings,<br />

fabrics and ornaments for the Royal Palace in Turin and all of the other residences of the Sabauda crown.<br />

Francesco Leone<br />

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135


Giuseppe Bernardino Bison<br />

Palmanova 1762-1844 Milan<br />

45<br />

View of the Colonnade of San Lorenzo in Milan<br />

Gouache on board.<br />

193 x 144 mm. (7 2 /3 x 5 3 /4 in.)<br />

Provenance: From an album originally said to have been assembled by the Duchess Stéphanie de<br />

Beauharnais (1789-1860); thence by descent.<br />

One of the last and certainly the best exponents of the 18th Century tradition of view painting, Giuseppe<br />

Bernardino Bison received his artistic training in the Accademia of Venice, where he studied perspective<br />

through the work of Antonio Visentini and the painting of Staffage in the 18th Century manner. Having<br />

qualified in 1789, Bison embarked on an increasingly hectic career as a decorative painter; he was taken<br />

to Ferrara to collaborate on the decorations of the Palazzo Bottoni, and from there he moved to Treviso<br />

and to Padua, where he worked at the Teatro Nuovo. In around 1800, he returned to Venice - at that<br />

time in Austrian hands - where he worked in the Palazzo Dolfin before settling in Trieste. There, Bison<br />

became extremely successful for his murals but he also worked tirelessly as an easel painter. He received<br />

numerous public and private commissions, the most prestigious being the scenes in tempera from the<br />

Iliad of 1803-04 in the Sala rotonda of the Palazzo Carciotti and the vast ceiling of about 1805 in the<br />

new Stock Exchange. In 1831, at the age of sixty-nine and for reasons which remain obscure, he moved<br />

to Milan. Whilst he exhibited frequently at the Academia di Brera and produced stage designs for the<br />

Teatro della Scala, during this last period of his career he worked chiefly on small scale paintings and<br />

probably began travelling again, to other cities in the Northern regions and possibly also to Rome and to<br />

Florence. Like his contemporary, Giacomo Guardi, his diminutive views were greatly admired by visitors<br />

from abroad doing the Grand Tour, but his superior technique, delight in detail and pictorial eloquence<br />

suggests that he worked only to the highest standards and for a discerning audience.<br />

The Colonnade dates from the 3rd century and probably originally formed part of a Roman Baths. The<br />

columns were transported to their present location in the 4th Century to form part of the site of the<br />

Basilica di San Lorenzo. In 1935 the adjacent buildings which had sprung up on both sides of the<br />

Colonnade over the centuries and are visible in this gouache, were destroyed to provide more space<br />

around the church. The columns, even today, are held in particular affection by the people of Milan as<br />

evidence of the classical city of Mediolanum and a rare survivor of the destructive fury of the Goths, of<br />

Barbarossa and the terrible bombardments of the Second World War.<br />

The Colonnade before the demolition of the<br />

adjacent buildings in 1935.<br />

136


actual size<br />

137


Giuseppe Bernardino Bison<br />

Palmanova 1762-1844 Milan<br />

46<br />

View of the Campanile and the Piazza San Marco, Venice<br />

Gouache on board.<br />

145 x 193 mm. (5 3 /4 x 7 2 /3 in.)<br />

Provenance: From an album originally said to have been assembled by the Duchess Stéphanie de<br />

Beauharnais (1789-1860); thence by descent.<br />

138


Giuseppe Bernardino Bison<br />

Palmanova 1762-1844 Milan<br />

47<br />

View of the Duomo of Milan<br />

Gouache on board.<br />

145 x 193 mm. (5 3 /4 x 7 2 /3 in.)<br />

Provenance: From an album originally said to have been assembled by the Duchess Stéphanie de<br />

Beauharnais (1789-1860); thence by descent.<br />

139


<strong>Jean</strong>-Auguste-Dominique Ingres<br />

Montauban1780–1867 Paris<br />

48<br />

Portrait of the Marquise de Beaumont<br />

Graphite. Signed and dated lower left: Ingres/1830.<br />

269 x 212 mm. (10 ½ x 8 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Private Collection, France, purchased in the early 20 th Century, then by descent.<br />

A student of Jacques-Louis David, <strong>Jean</strong>-Auguste-Dominique Ingres won the Prix de Rome in 1801 but<br />

due to a lack of government funding he was unable to take up his scholarship at the Académie de France<br />

in Rome until 1806. Although his pension expired in 1810, he remained in Rome for a further ten years.<br />

The city was at this time ruled by the French, and he received several important official commissions.<br />

With the French withdrawal from Rome in March 1814 and the fall of Napoleon, Ingres turned to making<br />

portrait drawings of French and foreign visitors to the city. These pencil portraits, drawn with minute detail<br />

as autonomous works of art, proved extremely popular and served to secure his livelihood. In 1820 he<br />

received a commission for a large canvas of The Vow of Louis XIII, intended for the cathedral of his native<br />

Montauban. Painted in Florence, where he spent four years, and sent to Paris to be exhibited at the Salon<br />

of 1824, it won Ingres considerable praise and established his reputation as a painter. He then spent a<br />

period of ten years in Paris, consolidating his reputation as a history painter and undertaking portrait<br />

commissions but the venomous criticism of his painting The Martyrdom of St. Symphorien, commissioned<br />

for the cathedral at Autun and shown at the Salon of 1834, led directly to his departure from Paris and the<br />

opportune appointment as director of the Académie de France in Rome. Ingres remained in the post until<br />

his final return to France in 1842. The last fifteen years of his career saw him firmly established as a highly<br />

respected figure in artistic circles, and one of the foremost artists in France. For many years an influential<br />

professor at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Ingres received the honour of a retrospective exhibition at the<br />

Exposition Universelle of 1855. At his death, Ingres left a huge collection of his studio work comprising<br />

nearly 4,000 drawings to the museum of his birthplace, Montauban, thereby illustrating his belief that<br />

“the drawing is three fourths and a half of what constitutes painting” 1 .<br />

The sitter in this portrait is identified by an inscription on the old frame, la Marquise de Beaumont<br />

and portrays a certain Anne Armande Antoinette Hue de Miromesnil (1766-1830), wife of the Marquis<br />

André de Beaumont (1761-1838), who inherited the title from his father, Anne-Claude de Beaumont. The<br />

drawing was made during vthe last year of her life.<br />

The portrait has much in common with others realised by Ingres at this time, for example, that of Madame<br />

<strong>Jean</strong>-Baptiste Lepère in the Musée du Louvre, Paris, again dated 1830, that of Madame Chantal Marcotte, in a<br />

private collection, dated 1834 2 and another, as here, previously unpublished portrait, of Madame Godinot, her<br />

hair similarly dressed, from 1829 3 . In the present work, the Marquise is dressed with great care, with puffed<br />

sleeves and a frilly indoor day cap and bonnet. The belt and hat are of a similar design to those depicted in<br />

the portrait of Madame Ingres in the Musée Ingres, Montauban, dated 1835 4 . As with many of Ingres’s portrait<br />

drawings, it is the face which is the true focus of his attention; here the folds, pleats and tucks of the Marquise’s<br />

voluminous dress are described rapidly in long, curving lines while her elaborately curled hair and fine<br />

features are defined with subtle and precise modelling, the expression – a slight smile and thoughtful eyes - is<br />

defined with great sensitivity. The Marquise sits against pillows, her hands gently clasped, and with her deepset<br />

eyes and thin face, are delicately enfolded in the large bonnet.<br />

These years were significant for being a period in which Ingres’s reputation was particularly high for<br />

portraiture; those he exhibited at the Salon were generally very well received, although sometimes<br />

controversial; for example his 1832 portrait of Louis-François Bertin, now in the Louvre, greatly affected<br />

people with its realism but numerous critics deplored it 5 . Ingres himself regarded portraiture as a “cursed” 6<br />

activity, “Maudits portraits!” 4 , taking away precious time from history painting, but the portrait drawings,<br />

which served the purpose of earning him a living, are now arguably his most loved works, and in the<br />

words of Hans Naef, “one of the most glorious chapters in his career”.<br />

140


141


Friedrich Nerly<br />

Hamburg 1807-1878<br />

49<br />

Stonecutters transporting a block of Marble to Rome for the sculptor Thorvaldsen.<br />

Pen and black ink and grey and brown wash on paper. Signed and dated lower right in brown ink:<br />

F. Nerly.f. Rom 1833. The block of marble inscribed: XXXIII/ Thorwaldsen/ a/ Roma<br />

286 x 367 mm. (11 ¼ x 14 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: German Private Collection, bears collector’s mark with a crowned “B”. Laid down on<br />

mount inscribed in a cartouche: Rome/ R. Nerly/1833.<br />

Friedrich von Nerly began his career in Hamburg. He travelled to Rome in 1828, under the patronage<br />

of Baron Carl Friedrich von Rumohr, through whom he made the acquaintance of Goethe. Nerly spent<br />

the next six years in Rome, changing his name to lose the German von and settling into the community<br />

of ex-patriot painters and sculptors; he even became head of the Cervaro festivals which were costume<br />

parties established by the Ponte Molle Society to welcome newly arrived artists. In 1835 he moved to<br />

Venice and established himself as a view painter, which is how he is generally now known. His son,<br />

Friedrich Nerly the Younger (1824-1919) continued to work in the same vein and their paintings have at<br />

times been confused.<br />

The Danish sculptor Bartel Thorwaldsen (1770-1844) spent most of his career in Rome working in a<br />

heroic Neoclassical style. He became the foremost artist in the field after the death of Canova in 1822<br />

and maintained a large workshop in the stables of the Palazzo Barbarini. The English Grand Tourist,<br />

Thomas Hope was his first important patron and a statue of Adonis carved for Ludwig of Bavaria is one<br />

of his most impressive works along with the great commission for the sepulchral monument to Pius VII<br />

carved for St Peter’s. Around the time this drawing was made, Thorwaldsen was at work on a series of<br />

colossal sculptures of Christ and the Twelve Apostles commissioned by the Danish State for the rebuilt<br />

Cathedral of Copenhagen.<br />

The fine degree of finish and a painterly treatment of the wash suggest that this drawing, dated 1833,<br />

was done as a work in its own right. The Thorvaldsen Museum in Copenhagen has an oil painting of the<br />

same composition, but with numerous differences in detail, and which is believed to date from after<br />

1831, the date of an earlier version in the Schwerin Staatliche Museen (Painting of 1831, 108 x 119cms) 1 .<br />

The Thorvaldsen Museum consider that this composition created a considerable success for Nerly and<br />

a third painted version, most probably later and with further differences, is in the Eckhart G. Grohmann<br />

Collection at the Milwaukee School of Engineering 2 . The present drawing has a strong Neoclassical<br />

atmosphere, restrained but heroic in style with a draughtsmanship which is curving and fluent and<br />

entirely confident. Its pyramidal design is a magnificent compositional device lifting the straining oxen<br />

and their labouring drivers onto an epic plane. The<br />

imagined journey is presumably the transportation<br />

of marble from one of the quarries at Carrara to<br />

Rome, and the block would normally be loaded<br />

onto a boat for most of the journey.<br />

1. Friedrich Nerly, Thorvaldsen Museum, Copenhagen<br />

Drawings by the elder Nerly appear rarely on the<br />

market apart from, most recently, a fine study of<br />

a Campagna horseman, with some watercolour,<br />

which was given to the National Gallery, Washington<br />

purchased from the Wolfgang Ratjen Collection 3 .<br />

The present drawing is particularly unusual both for<br />

its high degree of finish and its unusually anecdotal<br />

subject, so redolent of the period and the community<br />

of artists gathered in Rome.<br />

142


143


Honore-Victorin Daumier<br />

Marseille 1808-1879 Valmondois <br />

50<br />

La Défense; The Defence<br />

Pen and black and red ink and two shades of grey wash. Signed: h Daumier.<br />

194 x 239 mm. (7 5 /8 x 9 3 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Emile Strauss, Paris (bears label on old backing: Chenue, emballeur…/ Emile Straus/ l’avocat<br />

à la barre); Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, 3 rd -4 th June 1929, lot 4, ill. (150,000 frs.); With M. Knoedler & Co.<br />

Inc., New York (label on old backing with title: Le Defenseur à la Barre); Mrs. <strong>Jean</strong> Alexander, New York;<br />

sale, Sotheby’s, New York, 14 th May 1986, lot 109.; with Richard Thune.; The Hon. Ronald Lauder, New<br />

York; Anonymous sale Christie’s New York, 5 th May 1998, lot 2.<br />

Literature: E. Klossowski, Honoré Daumier, Munich, 1923, p. 100, no. 163; “Auktionsnachrichten”,<br />

Kunst und Kunstler, XXVII, 1929, p. 370 (listed as Der Verteidiger); E. Fuchs, Der Maler Daumier (Nachtrag-<br />

Supplement), Munich, 1930, p. 65, no. 320c.; K. E. Maison, Honoré Daumier. <strong>Catalogue</strong> raisonné of the<br />

Paintings, Drawings and Watercolours, London, 1967, II, no. 667, pl. 255.; Daumier 1808-1879, exhibition<br />

catalogue, Ottawa, National Gallery of Canada and elsewhere, 1999-2000, p. 447, no. 289.<br />

Exhibited: Paris, Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Peintures, aquarelles, dessins et lithographies des maîtres français<br />

de la caricature et de la peinture de moeurs au XIXe sicle, 1888, no. 391 (titled La Plaidoirie, with framed<br />

dimensions); Paris, Ecole des Beaux-Arts, Exposition Daumier, May 1901, p. 48, no. 274.<br />

Lawyers and characters of the Parisian court system constitute one of Daumier’s most consistent bodies of work.<br />

In Paris his family lived opposite the Palais de Justice and the young Daumier used to visit the court and sketch<br />

the figures that populated it. Between 1832 and 1833 the artist spent six months in prison as a result of having<br />

caricatured King Louis-Philippe. This personal experience with the French judicial system inspired him to visit the<br />

courts more often afterwards, and for three years he amassed drawings and sketches of scenes from the tribunals<br />

that he re-used for more finished compositions later in his career when he began to work for Charivari magazine<br />

which published his lithographs and especially the series Les Gents de Justice (1845-8) and Physionomies du Palais<br />

de Justice (1852). When in the 1860s the artist’s contract with Charivari was interrupted, Daumier concentrated<br />

on executing drawings for connoisseurs and collectors whose demand for these subjects was very strong. The<br />

French art critic and novelist Champfleury, a keen supporter of the work of Daumier, whom he repeatedly praised<br />

in his writings, is recorded as asking the artist, on behalf of a friend, for two drawings of tribunal scenes 1 . The<br />

present work, dated to the years 1864-5, belongs to the category of such highly finished and polished drawings<br />

and watercolours which were generally executed for the market. These were the years, as was described by<br />

Maison, “when his genius as a draughtsman was at its zenith” 2 and Daumier executed the finest of the series of<br />

Court Scenes, Third Class Carriages and Don Quixote. The composition of the present drawing recalls that of the<br />

lithograph Je crois vous avoir suffisamment prouvé ..., published in Charivari in 1864, in which a lawyer is shown<br />

defending a man whose wife has repeatedly betrayed him. In the present drawing, the lawyer stands in the center,<br />

overshadowing the humble client who sits next to him, his gaze concentrated, his face almost mask-like with<br />

anxiety. Three judges sit in a line in the background, stern and implacable. The lawyer is shown pointing both<br />

index figures at the table on which sit the symbols of his profession: a black hat, representing the power given to<br />

him by the profession, and some papers likely to contain proof of his client’s defence. As Colta Ives has written,<br />

“these figures finally represent for us neither lawyers nor judges, but personifications of human weakness dressed<br />

up in dark robes” 3 . A pun is concealed in a small detail of the drawing where he translates the French saying<br />

“brasser du vent” (hot air) by depicting a cloud in front of his open mouth with a little touch of white bodycolour.<br />

A related unfinished sketch with a very similar composition also entitled The Defence and dated circa 1865 is<br />

in the Samuel Courtauld Trust, The Courtauld Gallery, London, but there the defendant appears as an even more<br />

desperate individual to whom the lawyer turns, taking his hand and pointing out a painting hanging over the<br />

judges at their bench 4 . Emile Strauss (1844-1929), who seems to have been the first to own this drawing, was<br />

himself a lawyer. He was an acquaintance of the Rothschild family and best known for having married Geneviève<br />

Halévy, previously the wife of the composer Georges Bizet, and “grande Salonnière” of her time.<br />

144


145


Hilaire-Germain-Edgar Degas<br />

Paris 1834-1917<br />

51<br />

Après Le bain, femme s’essuyant<br />

Pastel on paper laid down on board, stamped Degas (lower left)<br />

720 x 580 mm. (28 3 /8 x 22 7 /8 in.)<br />

Provenance: Sale Galerie Georges Petit, Paris, Atelier Edgar Degas, 1re Vente, 6t h -8 h May 1918, lot<br />

172; Roger G. Gompel, Paris: Private Collection, France.<br />

Exhibited: Paris, Musée de l’Orangerie, Degas, 1937, no. 155; Bern, Berner Kunstmuseum, Degas,<br />

1951-52, no. 34, illustrated in the catalogue.<br />

Literature: Paul-André Lemoisne, Degas et son œuvre, Paris, 1946, vol. II, no. 707, illustrated p. 403;<br />

Robert Gordon & Andrew Forge, Degas, New York, 1988, illustrated in colour p. 247.<br />

The wide range of rich and vibrant tones and the beautifully balanced and proportioned treatment of the<br />

woman’s body put this amongst the finest examples from Degas’s celebrated series of bathers. Unlike his<br />

depictions of the ballet and the races, the bather scenes were usually staged in the artist’s studio. Despite<br />

this staging, Après le bain, femme s’essuyant recreates the<br />

spontaneity of the act and the voyeuristic experience of<br />

watching a woman at her toilette. Georges <strong>Jean</strong>niot, who had<br />

witnessed Degas at work on his pastels, reminisced about his<br />

technique: “Degas was very concerned with the accuracy of<br />

movements and postures. He studied them endlessly. I have<br />

seen him work with a model, trying to make her assume<br />

the gestures of a woman drying herself […]. You see the two<br />

shoulderblades from behind; but the right shoulder, squeezed<br />

by the weight of the body, assumes an unexpected outline<br />

that suggests a kind of acrobatic gesture” 1 . Indeed, the artist<br />

often applied his knowledge of the female body, attained<br />

through observing dancers, to his images of bathers, and in<br />

the present work he depicted his model with her upper body<br />

subtly leaning to the right as she dries herself with a towel.<br />

Though following in the steps of traditional academic study<br />

of the nude, these works play upon the grandeur of classical<br />

tradition with the particular immediacy of the domestic scene.<br />

1. Edgar Degas, Study for Après le bain, femme<br />

s’essuyant, Private Collection, Dallas.<br />

Unlike most of his later pastels in which Degas focuses almost<br />

entirely on the model, in the present work he broadens<br />

the scope of the composition by depicting the woman’s<br />

surroundings. Robert Gordon and Andrew Forge wrote about<br />

Degas’s arrangements for these compositions: “The studio<br />

furniture that made Degas’s imaginary bedrooms was simple:<br />

a round bath and a long one, an armchair or two, a settee, a<br />

screen. Fabrics, heavy curtains played an important part” The<br />

long bath, featuring in the present work, provided a dynamic<br />

element in several depictions of bathers. “It is deep and<br />

hollow like an architectural niche on its back. (…] There is<br />

a moving exchange between the simple opening of the bath<br />

and the vigorous form of the naked woman”. In the present<br />

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147


composition, the oval shape of the bath, disappearing behind a colourful screen, beautifully echoes the<br />

curve of the woman’s body. The lower half of her figure is partially hidden by the towel she is holding,<br />

which is in turn echoed by the robe casually thrown over the sofa in the background.<br />

The extraordinary energy of the present work is derived from the highly abstracted treatment of the surface,<br />

blending the fabric of the wall-paper, curtain, screen, floor, robe and towel into a continuous decorative<br />

pattern. Whilst the contours of the woman’s body, the armchair and the bathtub are clearly delineated,<br />

the rest of the composition is coloured in spontaneous strokes of bright pigment. The background is<br />

depicted with a degree of abstraction, with accentuated horizontal and vertical lines which provide a<br />

contrast to the curving line of the woman and the bath. Such a decorative treatment of the background,<br />

and the intimate character of the composition were highly influential to the avant-garde painters over the<br />

following decades, particularly the intimiste interiors of Pierre Bonnard.<br />

The particularly patterned surfaces seen in the present work, with the profusion of fabrics and textures<br />

playing as a foil to the intensely studied modelling of the body, show this pastel to date from around<br />

1895. Close comparisons may be made with the Après le bain, femme s’essuyant la nuque, in the Musée<br />

d’Orsay and the Petit déjeuner après le bain in the Kunstmuseum, Winterthur, both dating from this<br />

same period and having the same deep and multilayered range of colours. In the catalogue of the recent<br />

exhibition held at the Musée d’Orsay and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, George Shackleford writes of<br />

the pastels of these years, describing the way in which Degas specifically utilises, with great inventiveness,<br />

the various prop materials, as well as creating a subtle telescoping of the spaces defined by the deep and<br />

very large bath, the ample sofa-effects - maybe inspired by the Japanese prints hashira-e which Degas<br />

admired - as here, in particular, the folding screen into which the bath seems almost to disappear 3 .<br />

Degas made numerous studies for this particular composition, twelve of these can be traced through the<br />

Estate sales 4 , the most closely related of which is a virtually actual size detail of the nude woman in the<br />

pastel, executed in charcoal and brown pastel on tracing paper, and now in a private collection in Dallas<br />

(fig.1) 5 .<br />

Après le bain, femme s’essuyant remained in the artist’s collection until his death in 1917, and was<br />

included in the first of four auctions of the contents of Degas’s studio, held in Paris the following year.<br />

It was subsequently acquired by Roger G. Gompel, a renowned collector of Impressionist art in France<br />

at the beginning of the twentieth century. He was the director of the Paris-France Society, the company<br />

that owned several department stores including Les Trois Quartiers and Aux Dames de France. Gompel’s<br />

collection was particularly strong in works by Degas and several major pastels which belonged to him<br />

are now located in important museums such as The Museum of Modern Art in New York and the Art<br />

Institute of Chicago. This work remained in Gompel’s family until it’s very recent sale.<br />

148


149


Giovanni Boldini<br />

Ferrara 1842-1931 Paris<br />

52<br />

A Lady Standing and Wearing a Blue Feathered Hat and a Veil<br />

Watercolour on paper. Signed Boldini at lower right.<br />

510 x 355 mm. (20 x 14 in.)<br />

Provenance: Sale J.J. Terris et F. Courchet, catalogue of the Cabinet d’un amateur parisien, Hall of the<br />

Savoy Hotel, Nice, 24 th to 28 th June 1942, no.219, according to the period label on the old backing board.<br />

Born in Ferrara, Giovanni Boldini received his training from his father Antonio, a painter of religious subject.<br />

His talent was soon recognized and, at the age of eighteen, he was already known in his native town as an<br />

accomplished portraitist. Boldini travelled to Florence in 1862, where he formed close friendships with<br />

artists of the revolutionary movement of the Macchiaioli, such as Giovanni Fattori, Telemaco Signorini<br />

and Silvestro Lega. An astute businessman and unabashed self-promoter, Boldini soon realized that, to<br />

reach a truly international audience he would have to relocate to Paris, a city which was fast becoming<br />

the nucleus for the European artistic scene and also the economic focus for the leading dealers of the<br />

day. After a trip to London in 1869, where he admired and assimilated the work of Gainsborough and<br />

Reynolds, in 1871, Boldini settled in the French capital, primarily though not exclusively working for the<br />

dealer, Goupil, like several other Italian artists such as De Nittis, Zandomeneghi and Mancini and for<br />

whom he painted landscapes and minute, essentially fanciful genre scenes in the manner of Meissonier.<br />

In 1874, Boldini exhibited for the first time to great public acclaim at the Salon du Champs-de-Mars,<br />

and in the following years he travelled to Germany, where he met Adolphe von Menzel and to Holland,<br />

further refining his style by studying the portraiture of Frans Hals. The artist befriended other society<br />

portrait painters such as Paul-César Helleu and James A. McNeill Whistler, and became a close friend<br />

of Degas who truly admired his work and once said of his friend: “Ce diable d’italien est un monstre de<br />

talent”. By the 1880s, Boldini had begun to paint his celebrated portraits of society beauties. With a sharp<br />

eye, bold, virtuoso brushstrokes and typically flamboyant style, Boldini captured not only the character<br />

and vitality of the sitters, but also the spontaneity and evanescent spirit of a magnificently decadent<br />

and sophisticated society that had gravitated towards Paris in the last decade of the nineteenth century.<br />

Among his numerous portraits, those of Giuseppe Verdi, Whistler, Consuelo Vanderbilt, the Duchess of<br />

Marlborough, Count Robert de Montesquiou, Princess Bibesco and the Marchesa Casati, are but a few of<br />

the artist’s most famous sitters. Indeed, by the early years of the twentieth century, Boldini had become<br />

the most fashionable portrait painter of Belle Époque Paris, achieving the kind of success enjoyed by<br />

his friend John Singer Sargent in London. He had a self confessed love of high society, champagne and<br />

elegant ladies but was a prolific and tireless painter who remained active to the end of his long life,<br />

though in the last few years, failing eyesight meant he restricted himself to working in charcoal. In 1929,<br />

aged 86, he married for the first time; at his wedding speech, with charismatic wit, he said: “ It is not my<br />

fault if I am so old, its something which has happened to me all at once” 1 .<br />

Boldini was equally at ease with watercolour as he was with oil paint, as can be seen in this vibrant<br />

portrait. Painted on an undefined background of rapid and assured brush strokes of grey-brown and<br />

black watercolour, it shows a lady posing, her left hand on her waist, wearing an elegant grey coat with a<br />

black velvet collar and a blue feathered hat. Half amused and half defiant, she appears confident, almost<br />

as if she were challenging the artist in front of her. Sophisticated and attractive, this lady belongs with<br />

a large number of both famous and unknown women whom the artist depicts in the early years of the<br />

20 th century in numerous freely executed portraits which have become archetypes of the Belle Epoque<br />

period. By then, Boldini was highly sought after as a portraitist, measuring himself alongside illustrious<br />

figures such as John Singer Sargent. This lady is probably one of the many who admired Boldini’s bravura<br />

and his ability to interpret woman’s beauty and elegance.<br />

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151


53<br />

Auguste Rodin<br />

Paris 1840-1917 Meudon<br />

Femme Vase immergée dans l’eau: Woman Standing in Water, her Arms behind her Back, her<br />

Hair gathered up at the sides of her round face<br />

Watercolour and pencil.<br />

322 x 250 mm. (12 5 /8 x 10 7 /8 in.)<br />

Literature: This work will be included in Christina Buley-Uribe’s forthcoming <strong>Catalogue</strong> Raisonné de<br />

dessins et peintures d’Auguste Rodin (1840-1917) as catalogue number 110903.<br />

Exhibited: Arles, Musée départemental Arles antique, Rodin La Lumière de l’Antique, April-September<br />

2013, cat.166.<br />

Rodin wholeheartedly acknowledged the importance of drawing in his work. Introducing an exhibition<br />

of his studies held in Paris in 1910, he wrote: It is quite simple, my drawings are the key to my work ….<br />

I have drawn all my life; I started my life drawing. 1 Rodin drew tirelessly throughout his career but in the<br />

1890s his draughtsmanship underwent a radical change; he abandoned the classically inspired work<br />

of the 1880s, the Michelangelesque forms, intense penwork and dramatic use of black wash and white<br />

gouache and developed an increasingly liberated, spontaneous and extremely economic style using<br />

thin, wire-like outlines and transparent watercolour washes. A journalist writing in 1914 described his<br />

method: His eyes fixed on the model to whom he does not prescribe a particular pose; without looking<br />

at his sheet of paper, he often rims an entire body in one single line. Other times, he sketches, always at<br />

one go, the essence of the passing movement; then, impatient to get to the heart of life again, he only<br />

summarily indicates the volumes which this essential line generates around itself ... 3 and in Rodin’s own<br />

words, in 1901, “…my drawings are only my way of testing myself. They are my way of proving to myself<br />

how far this incorporation of the subtle secrets of the human form has taken place within me. … I try to<br />

see the figure as a mass, as volume … my object is to test to what extent my hands already feel what my<br />

eyes see ...” 4 .<br />

Christina Buley-Uribe dates this drawing to around 1900, as part of the series of Rodin’s femmes-vases,<br />

studies of women with their arms hidden and their chests held forward. Christina Buley-Ulribe points<br />

out that for Rodin the femme-vase figures are an emblem of eroticism taken from the Antique, a form of<br />

female pendant to his figures of Eros and on this and other occasions linked to the themes of violence<br />

and eroticism which were in vogue in literature at the turn of the century 5 . . She notes the delicacy of<br />

the shadows used here to define the breasts and pubis and the nature of the corkscrew arrangement<br />

of the figure’s hair, seen to very similar effect in two further drawings of the period both in the Musée<br />

Rodin 6 , each inscribed respectively by the artist: Isis and jardin des supplices. The latter title is a novel<br />

by Octave Mirbeau on just such themes: murder, torture, masochism, sadism, which was published<br />

in a second edition in 1902 with Rodin’s illustrations including a femme-vase as the frontispiece. The<br />

manner in which the figure in the present watercolour is depicted emerging from water sets it apart<br />

from those two drawings and Christina Buley-Uribe suggests that the small areas of dark watercolour at<br />

her right hip could be interpreted as pieces of seaweed particularly as leaf forms in pencil are visible<br />

through the colour. Rodin clearly found the idea of semi-submersion particularly intriguing as there are<br />

considerable numbers of drawings of this kind in the Musée Rodin in Paris: two further studies are cited<br />

by Christina Buley-Uribe, one of a figure with her head thrown back and another similar, on her knees 7 .<br />

In his innumerable studies of female nudes, swathes of delicate watercolour wash often act as a colour<br />

background to highlight the figure, or are suggested as abandoned robes but here the delicate line of the<br />

darker wash, dividing the sheet, brings a subtle anecdotal element and a strengthening of the atmosphere<br />

of Japonism. .<br />

152


153


Andre Lhote<br />

Bordeaux 1885-1962 Paris<br />

54<br />

A Street in a Country Village<br />

Watercolour. Signed and dated: A. LHOTE. 10.<br />

412 x 250 mm. (16 1 /2 x 9 7 /8 in.)<br />

Exhibited: Nored Fine Arts. Inc., 55 East 74 th Street, New York, no.7407, as “Route de la Campagne”.<br />

At just thirteen years of age, André Lhote embarked upon his artistic career, apprenticed to a local<br />

sculpture studio as a woodcarver, before attending the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in Bordeaux, where he<br />

studied decorative arts. In 1906, inspired by primitive African sculpture and by the work of Paul Gauguin,<br />

Lhote turned to painting. In their rhythmic but vigorous brushstrokes, simplification of shape and intensity<br />

of colour, his early works are a complex digestion of Fauvism and of the work of Cézanne, whose<br />

retrospective at the Salon d’Automne of 1907 had made a profound effect on the young artist. During<br />

this time, Lhote made acquaintance with a number of French writers and critics, such as Henri Fournier,<br />

Jacques Rivière, and Joseph Granie - it was Granie who, in 1909, secured a year’s scholarship for Lhote<br />

at the Villa Medici Libre, an academic programme for unmarried artists. In this dynamic and forwardthinking<br />

artistic environment, Lhote met Raoul Dufy, who in turn proved instrumental in introducing him<br />

to the more progressive artists and poets of the day such as Robert Delaunay, <strong>Jean</strong> Metzinger, Henri Le<br />

Fauconnier, Fernand Léger and Albert Gleizes. In 1910, Lhote held his first solo exhibition at the Galerie<br />

Druet, in Paris. His work was met with critical acclaim and he instantly won the full support of the highly<br />

influential critics André Salmon and Guillaime Apollinaire. His position in the Parisian art world was thus<br />

established. A year later, Lhote participated in the Salon des Indépendants. His work was exhibited next<br />

door to the infamous Salle 41, where the seminal images of Cubism were first unveiled. After learning<br />

the extent of their common interests, Lhote and these artists quickly became friends. Their alliance was<br />

cemented in the Salon d’Automne of the same year, where paintings by Gleizes, Leger, Metzinger and<br />

Duchamps were shown alongside Lhote’s “Port of Bordeaux”. In 1912, Lhote joined the ironically titled<br />

“Section d’Or” and his collaboration with such radical protagonists as Kupka and Archipenko saw the<br />

concepts of Cubism pushed to new limits of complete abstraction. Given the epithet “the academician<br />

of Cubism” by Robert Rosenblum, Lhote became a perpetual exponent of Synthetic or “Soft” Cubism,<br />

both in his erudite literary works on the role of painting in modern society, and in his evocative paintings.<br />

He regularly expounded his critical and aesthetic beliefs in the journal, “Nouvelle Revue Française” of<br />

which he was a co-founder, and he remained an enthusiastic defender of Modernism throughout his life,<br />

causing quite a scandal, in 1935, by giving a lecture entitled ’”Is it necessary to burn down the Louvre?”.<br />

A considerable painter and outspoken critic, Lhote was also a dedicated teacher. In 1922 he opened the<br />

“Académie Montparnasse”, thus providing a vehicle in which to disseminate his style and technique<br />

to many young artists, the most notable of whom being the art deco painter, Tamara de Lempicka. In<br />

1955, Lhote’s work was awarded the ”Grand Prix National de Peinture”. He was also given the honour<br />

of “President of the International Association of Painters, Engravers and Sculptors” by the UNESCO<br />

commission.<br />

The present watercolour dates from 1910, an important year for the artist as it marked his first exhibition<br />

in Paris. Lhote has reduced the landscape to a series of interacting and simplified forms. The palette is<br />

a synthesis of greens and greys while the lightness of touch and the construction of shapes absolutely<br />

convey the image of a sunlit country road and reveal Lhote’s absorption of the work of Cézanne.<br />

154


155


<strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud<br />

Berlin 1922-2011 London<br />

55<br />

A Walk to the Office<br />

Conté crayon on paper.<br />

224 x 141mm. (8 7 /8 x 5 ½ in.)<br />

Provenance: Private collection, from where acquired by another private collector in the 1950s.<br />

Exhibited: London, The London Gallery, E.L.T. Mesens presents four exhibitions: James Glesson and Robert<br />

Kippel/ <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud/ John Pemberton/ Cawthra Mulockr late 1948 1 ; possibly also the Zwemmer Gallery,<br />

London. 2<br />

Literature: W. Samson, The Equilibriad, London 1948 (a reproduction of the present work illustrated in<br />

colour, unpaged; C. Lampert ed., <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud Works on Paper, exhibition catalogue, London, South Bank<br />

Centre, 1988, no.10, illustrated p.12; M. Omer, <strong>Luc</strong>ien Freud, exhibition catalogue, Tel Aviv Museum of<br />

Art, Tel Aviv 1996-1997, illustrated in colour p.107; M. Holborn ed., <strong>Luc</strong>ien Freud on Paper, London 2008,<br />

the relevant pages from The Equilibriad illustrated in colour, p.26.<br />

Executed with astonishing skill and subtlety, this drawing is an archetype of <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud’s brilliance as a<br />

draughtsman and his precocious ability. In his introduction to the catalogue of <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud Portraits, held<br />

at the National Portrait Gallery, London in 2012, John Richardson wrote of the post-war years as being a<br />

period where “<strong>Luc</strong>ian seemed destined to be a draughtsman rather than a painter”. Freud himself cited the<br />

graphic drawings of Dürer as a central influence on his art.<br />

Freud’s first significant commission, which he received in 1943, had been to illustrate a book of poems: The<br />

Glass Tower by Nicholas Moore and illustrations and literary projects formed for a short time, a significant<br />

part of Frued’s artistic development. The present drawing dates from 1948 and was made, along with four<br />

others, to illustrate William Sansom’s surreal novel The Equilibriad, which was published by the Hogarth Press<br />

the publishing house established by Leonard and Virginia Woolf. Sanson was a friend of the poet Stephen<br />

Spender whom Freud had known since 1940. Paul, the hero of Sansom’s novel, in a Kafkaesque turn of<br />

events, wakes up one morning to find he can only walk at an angle of 45°. With this figure, which became<br />

the first illustration in the book, Freud renders the description of the protagonist moving like “a doll lurching<br />

on its circular weighted base” as he swings to catch a ball kicked accidentally towards him by a young boy,<br />

steadying himself on the railings. Freud used an acquaintance of his, an architect, as model for Paul and for<br />

the ironwork copied details from the balcony attached to his studio at Delamere Terrace in Paddington.<br />

The present work has not been exhibited since it was shown at the London Gallery in 1948 and apparently<br />

also at the Zwemmer Gallery, soon after that. The smoothness of the paper throws up the extraordinarily<br />

subtle modelling which Freud achieved using a Conté crayon. Square in shape to allow sharpness of line<br />

the crayons are made from compressed graphite or charcoal; Seurat used the medium most frequently for<br />

his drawings and Freud took it up it in the mid-1940s as an even finer alternative to pen and ink. Nicholas<br />

Penny described the drawings of this period as seeming “to depict a tense situation in a plot frustratingly<br />

unknown to us”. 4 This collision of medium, style and atmosphere, produced, in the present sheet, a most<br />

perfect work. Justifiably, the poet and art crtic Herbert Read, described <strong>Luc</strong>ien Freud in vol.II of his 1951<br />

book on British Contemporary Art, as “the Ingres of Existentialism”. This was at a time when drawings<br />

still formed the main body of his work, “when he drew like a young man possessed …” as described by<br />

Sebastian Smee: “As Freud hit his stride in his twenties, his drawing underwent a process of contraction<br />

and concentration, conferring on his best pictures an almost electrical charge of objective intensity” 5 . Two<br />

years after the publication of The Equilibriad, Freud largely stopped drawing and set himself to painting:<br />

“The idea of doing paintings where you’re conscious of the drawing and not the paint just irritated me. So<br />

I stopped drawing for many, many years” 6 . Freud moved even further away from drawing when in 1958,<br />

inspired by Francis Bacon, he swapped fine sable brushes for hog bristle. 7<br />

156


actual size<br />

157


Notes<br />

1.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

8.<br />

9.<br />

10.<br />

11.<br />

12.<br />

13.<br />

14.<br />

15.<br />

16.<br />

17.<br />

18.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

8.<br />

9.<br />

10.<br />

11.<br />

12.<br />

13.<br />

14.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

No. 1 Master of The Female Half-Lengths<br />

See Max Friedlander, translated by Heinz Norden, Early Netherlandish Painting, vol. XII, Leyden and Brussels 1975, vol.XII.<br />

No. 2 Alonso Sanchez Coello<br />

See Giuseppe Bertini, La Galleria del Duca di Parma, Bologna 1987, p.258, no.566.<br />

See Jonathan Brown, Painting in Spain, 1500-1700, New Haven and London, 1998, p.56.<br />

See E. Perez Sanchez, in the Dictionary of Art, edited by Jane Turner, Oxford 2003<br />

See Maria Kusche, Retratos y Retradores, Alonso Sánchez Coello, Madrid 2003, p.307, fig.266 and p.215, fig.179, the portrait there<br />

given to Sophonisba Anguissola.<br />

Emails from Aileen Ribeiro, Annemarie Jordan and Anna Reynolds, 2012.<br />

See Maria Kusche, idem., Madrid 2003, p.81, fig.38 and p.315, fig.274. And for the use of filigree gold in a headdress see the<br />

portrait of D. Joana de Austria with a Page, in Annemarie Jordan, Retrato de Corte em Portugal, O Legado de António Moro (1552-<br />

1572), Lisbon 1994, fig.5, p.34.<br />

See:http://www.royalcollection.org.uk/microsites/treasures/MicroObject.asp?item=1&themeid=643&object=405798&row=1 and<br />

the Dictionary of Art, loc. cit..<br />

See G. Bertini, op. cit., in note 1.<br />

See G. Bertini, op. cit., Bologna 1987, p.157, no.220.<br />

Museo Nazionale di Capodimonte. La collezione Farnese. La scuola emiliana: i dipinti. I disegni, Napoli, 1994, p. 140; La collezione<br />

Farnese. I dipinti lombardi, liguri, veneti, toscani, umbri, romani, fiamminghi. Altre scuole, Napoli, 1995, pp. 19, 96, 123, 133, 177,<br />

199, 200. See also, G. Bertini, op. cit., Bologna 1987, pp.50ff.<br />

This extensive information provided by Professor Bertini in a series of emails of January – March 2012.<br />

G. Bertini, “A note on Bertoia”, in The Burlington Magazine, CXXVII, 1985, p. 448.<br />

W. Buchanan, Memoirs of Painting, with a chronological history of the importation of pictures by the Great Masters into England<br />

since the French Revolution, London, 1824.<br />

G. Bertini, ”I quadri farnesiani nell’appartamento di Dorotea Sofia di Neoburgo nel Palazzo Ducale di Parma”, in Aurea Parma,<br />

LXXX, 1996, pp. 271-276.<br />

See Maria Kusche, op.cit., p.86, fig.44 (oil on panel, 80 x 63cms.). Interestingly the sitter holds an elaborate set of reins, and wears<br />

a coat, giving a rather masculine touch, one perhaps indicative of her imminent appointment as Regent.<br />

In the Pinacoteca Stuard and the Pinacoteca Nazionale, both in Parma, see link wikipedia.org/wiki/Infanta_Maria_of_Guimarães,<br />

the portrait in the Pinacoteca Stuard is in oil on canvas and attributed to the workshop of Anthonis Mor. The Pinacoteca Nazionale<br />

image is a miniature.<br />

See Annemarie Jordan, Retrato de Corte em Portugal, O Legado de António Moro (1552-1572), Lisbon 1994, fig.8, p.37, and for<br />

comparison p. 44, fig.19; and for a portrait of Maria d’Aviz’s father, Infante Don Duarte (Edward) de Portugal, see p.96, fig.59. See<br />

also Maria Kusche, op. cit., p.84, fig.43, for the portrait of Isabella di Braganza in the Prado.<br />

From a series of notes on the painting kindly supplied by Annemarie Jordan in July 2012.<br />

No. 4 Guido Reni<br />

See Malvasia, op. cit., under Literature.<br />

See Christiansen, op.cit., under Literature.<br />

See Carlo Cesare Malvasia, The Life of Guido Reni, translated and with an introduction by Catherine Engass and Robert Engass,<br />

Pennsylvania, 1980, p.41.<br />

See Malvasia, op.cit., 1980, The Life of Guido Reni, p. 41.<br />

Anne Summerscale, Malvasia’s Life of the Carracci, Commentary and Translation, Pennsylvania 2000, p.289.<br />

See Carlo Cesare Malvasia, The Life of Guido Reni, op. cit., 1980, p. 126.<br />

Stephen Pepper, see Literature, op. cit. 1969.<br />

See Pepper op. cit.,1969, p.48.<br />

For the close relation to Ludovico and another related treatment by Reni of the theme of the Coronation of the Virgin with a host of<br />

Musical Angels, see Keith Andrews, “An Early Guido Reni Drawing” The Burlington Magazine, vol. 103, no.704 (Nov 1961) pp.461-<br />

467.<br />

See Pepper, op. cit.1984, cat 14.<br />

See Pepper, op. cit., 1984, cat.26.<br />

See Anne Summerscale, op. cit., p.147.<br />

See Zoia Belyakova, Grand Duchess Maria Nikolayevna and her Palace in St Petersburg, St. Petersburg, 1994, see pp.189-190<br />

The Stockholm 1917 exhibition catalogue, as part of a description of the fate of the Leuchtenberg paintings after the death of<br />

Maximilian suggests that Maria Nikolaevna immediately transported all the pictures with her when she left Russia for Italy and set<br />

up house in Florence at the Villa Quarto. This cannot, however, be correct since the entire collection was seen by Waagen in St.<br />

Petersburg in 1863.<br />

No. 5 Lorenzo Lippi<br />

Filippo Baldinucci, Notizie dei Professori del disegno da Cimabue in qua, edition published in Florence, 1847, p.262.<br />

See op. cit., Literature, cat.136.<br />

Inv.GB4727, red chalk (410 x 250 mm).<br />

1.<br />

No. 6 Giuseppe Assereto<br />

See Soprani, Le vite de’ Pittori, Scoltori e Architetti Genovesi e de’ forestieri che in Genova operarono, Genova 1674, p.172:<br />

“Giuseppe Axereto suo figlio apprese I principij del Padre per proseguire la professione della pittura, & invero mostrava straordinaria<br />

disposizione di seguitare lo stile Paterno. Dissegnava molto aggiustato …”<br />

158


2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

“Il Ritrovamento della coppa nel sacco di Beniamino e una traccia per la ricostruzione del catalogo del Maestro di San Giacomo<br />

all Marina (Giuseppe Assereto?)”, Tre opere de La Pinacoteca, Napoli 2009, pp.29-78.<br />

Tiziana Zennaro, Gioacchino Assereto e i pittori della sua scuola, Soncino 2011, 2 vols., I, pp. 80-84, vol. II, pp. 585-624, catt.<br />

E1 - E47.<br />

See the witness involved in the trial of Giuseppe Assereto who was asked to complete some paintings left unfinished by his father.<br />

The works referred to were described as “designate solo di terra” (cfr. Tiziana Zennaro, 2011, pp.777-779, docc. 55.56).<br />

See Zennaro, op. cit., 2011, pp.609-610, cat.E31, Fig.E31, pl.CXXXVI.<br />

See Zennaro, op.cit., 2011, p.599, cat.E18, fig. E 18, pl. CXXVI.<br />

See Zennaro, op. cit., 2011, p.605, ca.E26, fig.E26, pl.CXXX-CXXXII.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

No. 7 Govaert Flinck<br />

List of Copies:<br />

A. On canvas, 71.1 x 60.3 cm. Sir Arthur du Cros, Bt., Craigwell House, Aldwick, Sussex; Christie’s, London, 18 th February 1944,<br />

lot 122, as Salomon Koninck (unsold). Sir William Edmund Butlin (1899-1980), before 1964 (his label on the reverse of the frame,<br />

dating from before his knighthood in that year). Anonymous sale; Christie’s, London, 9 th April 2003, lot 32, as “Follower of Govaert<br />

Flinck” (sold £25,095 including premium).<br />

B.On canvas, 77.5 x 64.8 cm. Variously attributed to Flinck and Salomon Koninck. (Possibly) with Kunsthandel Paul Rusch,<br />

Dresden, as Koninck, according to an annotation in the RKD files. Christopher William Vane, 1st Baron Barnard, CMG,OBE,MC,TD<br />

(1888-1964), Raby Castle; Kemp, London, 30 th March 1922, lot 51, “Govert Flink. A Burgomaster, quarter length, grey hair, beard<br />

and moustache, flat red velvet cap, brown velvet dress, white linen ruffles, jewelled neck chain, ring on right fore finger, head<br />

resting on left hand. Canvas 30 1/2 in. by 25 1/2 in.”. Literature: J.W. Von Moltke, Govaert Flinck, Amsterdam, 1965, p. 122-23,<br />

no. 269, illustrated.<br />

C.On canvas, 60.3 x 50.8 cm. Mrs. N. Kraucevicius, Australia, 1962, as “Bol”, where recorded in a file in the Art Gallery of New<br />

South Wales.<br />

D. On canvas, 61 x 52.1 cm. Count Nicholas N. Zouboff, Russia, before 1900, and by descent to Olga Zouboff-Olsoufieff, by<br />

whom given to Natalie Olsoufieff-Krauce, and by descent; Christie’s, New York, 18 th May 1994, lot 193, as “Circle of Christian<br />

Wilhelm Ernst Dietrich (1712-1774) - An old Man before a Casement. After a painting by Govaert Flinck formerly in the collection<br />

of Lord Barnard, London, 1922” (sold $31,150).<br />

E.By Christian Wilhelm Ernst Dietrich, after Flinck (untraced) Engraved: H. Dawe, for Gems of the Old Masters, 1833/34, part II,<br />

no. 4, “A Dutch Burgomaster”, after Dietrich, after Koninck.<br />

A. Houbraken, De Groote Schouburgh de Nederlantsche konstschilders en schilderessen..., II, Amsterdam, 1718-1721, p. 18.<br />

See J. Bauch and D. Eckstein, “Woodbiological investigations on panels of Rembrandt Paintings”, in Wood Science and Technology,<br />

15, 1981, pp. 251-63). Rembrandt’s paintings on poplar include the Portrait of Maria Trip, from circa 1639, Rijksmuseum,<br />

Amsterdam.<br />

Gotzkowsky Provenance:<br />

Born into an impoverished family of Polish nobility in Konitz (Chojnice), Gotzkowsky was orphaned at the age of five and moved<br />

to live with relatives in Dresden and then Berlin, where at fourteen he began to work in his brother’s jewellery and trinket shop; by<br />

the mid-1740s, he found himself in the business of producing luxury lace and velvet for an elite courtly clientele. Asked by King<br />

Frederick the Great to promote the Prussian silk trade in competition with France, Gotzkowsky founded a factory employing 1,500<br />

people, and subsequently advised the King on toll levies and import restrictions. The porcelain factory which he founded to rival<br />

Meissen porcelain production was acquired by the crown in 1761 and lives on as the Königliche Porzellan-Manufaktur (KPM). In<br />

1755, Frederick, who had decided to build a gallery of Old Masters for Sanssouci, his summer palace at Potsdam, commissioned<br />

Gotzkowsky to act as his agent and advisor in the purchase of suitable pictures. Gotzkowsky seems to have thrown himself into<br />

this new challenge with a passion, and by 1756 Frederick had received the first group of paintings. Gotzkowsky continued buying<br />

for the King; however, the Seven Years’ War, which pitted Frederick’s armies against those of the Russian Empire, placed a strain<br />

on Prussian state finances, and in 1761 Frederick was forced to decline the large group of works which Gotzkowsky had collected<br />

in the intervening period. As the war drew to a close in 1763, Gotzkowsky entered into a new scheme to invest in the acquisition<br />

of military stores (grain in particular) which had been left on the front by the withdrawing Russian troops. This venture proved<br />

disastrous; the grain had gone bad and prices had fallen anyway, leaving Gotzkowsky with no profits and a large debt to the Russian<br />

treasury. Catherine, acting through her diplomats V.S. Dolgoruky and M.I. Vorontsov, saw a solution to “l’affaire Gotzkowski” in the<br />

purchase of the pictures assembled for Frederick the Great -- which also allowed her to demonstrate to her Prussian counterpart that<br />

even in the aftermath of the Seven Years’ War, Russia had the financial resources which Prussia then lacked. In 1764, Gotzkowsky<br />

handed over to Dolgoruky 317 pictures, valued at 171,900 Reichstaler. His finances restored in some measure, Gotzkowsky went<br />

on to collect further pictures, possessing as many as 230 in his house in Berlin by 1766. He went bankrupt again in 1767, and<br />

wrote a lively autobiography, Geschichte eines patriotischen Kaufmanns, published in 1768 and 1769, in which he states that he<br />

had paid 180,000 Reichstaler of his debt to the Russian treasury in pictures. By August 1764 the pictures were in Saint Petersburg<br />

in the care of the civil servant Betsky, and it was probably at this time that a list was composed by Jacob von Stählin (1709-1785),<br />

the polyglot scientist, musicologist, connoisseur and court intellectual who had been the tutor, between 1742 and 1745, and<br />

subsequently the librarian, of Catherine’s husband, the future Tsar Peter III. Stählin is sometimes credited with nurturing Catherine’s<br />

knowledge of the fine arts, and amongst his papers are inventories pertaining to many of her most important purchases of paintings.<br />

His list of Gotzkowsky’s pictures, which remains in the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences (op. cit.), closely matches that<br />

which was probably composed on Gotzkowsky’s instruction before the collection left Berlin (Specification, Staatsarchiv, Berlin,<br />

op. cit.). Although the number of pictures in the Gotzkowsky purchase is sometimes given as 225 in literature on the history of the<br />

Hermitage, both early lists enumerate 317 pictures, including 90 which are not described in any detail. In both manuscripts Flinck’s<br />

An old man at a casement can be identified with an entry for one of the thirteen works listed as by Rembrandt, “1. alter Mann, der<br />

mit dem Kopf auf der linken hand ruht Extra fein gemahlt”, with matching dimensions. The picture is listed under the non-sequential<br />

number 18, which may be Gotzkowsky’s own inventory number. The qualification “Extra fein gemahlt” (“extra fein gemahlt” (“extra<br />

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finely painted”) is reflected in the valuation of 600 Thalers, more than the twice the amount stipulated for each of a pair of portraits<br />

by Rembrandt of larger size (Specification, op. cit., no. 565). Where Gotzkowsky sourced his pictures is not always clear. The Feast<br />

of Esther now in Moscow is distinguished by an unbroken, fully documented provenance stretching back to Rembrandt’s patron<br />

Jan Jacobsz. Hinlopen, and was bought by Gotzkowsky in the posthumous sale of the collection of Gerard Hoet in 1760, where<br />

he also acquired Joseph and Potiphar’s Wife and other works by Rembrandt, invariably at high, hard-won prices. An old man at a<br />

casement does not appear in either of the first catalogues of Gotzkowsky’s collection written by Matthias Oesterreich (1757 and<br />

1759, respectively), and so must have been acquired by him in the period 1759-1763, probably at auction. Freiherr Bernhard von<br />

Köhne, the Hermitage Curator of Paintings who first rediscovered the story of the Gotzkowsky acquisition in the 1870s, was to write<br />

that upon receiving Frederick’s commission to collect pictures in 1755, Gotzkowsky entered into an exchange of letters with “fast<br />

ganz Europa”, seeking out pictures in Italy, France and The Netherlands to purchase (Köhne, “Berlin, Moskau, St. Petersburg, 1649<br />

bis 1763. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der freundschaftlichen Beziehungen zwischen Brandenburg-Preußen und Rußland”, Schriften<br />

des Vereins für die Geschichte der Stadt Berlin, Berlin, XX, 1882, p. 145, echoing Gotzkowsky’s own words in his autobiographical<br />

Geschichte, op. cit., I, p. 20).<br />

5. Whilst in the Hermitage:<br />

In the succinct, printed Notice sur les principaux tableaux du Musée Impérial de l’Ermitage à Saint-Pétersbourg of 1828, the<br />

picture may feature again in the list of works by Rembrandt in room no. 11, described as “un rabbin juif qui se résigne à payer”<br />

(see Literature). Room 11, one of the more spacious rooms in early-nineteenth-century plans of the Winter Palace, was hung with<br />

39 works by (or thought to be by) Rembrandt, and was also Catherine’s billiard room, containing a table for the game, another<br />

for a “jeu de fortune” and an impressive, mechanised writing desk by Catherine’s legendary ébéniste, Heinrich Gambs As well as<br />

Flinck’s An old man at a casement, these 39 works included Rembrandt’s The Return of the Prodigal Son, the Flora of 1634, the<br />

Portrait of an Old Woman of 1654, Haman recognising his fate, Danae (all still Saint Petersburg, State Hermitage Museum), The<br />

Incredulity of Thomas, Ahasuerus and Haman at the feast of Esther (both now Moscow, State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts), A Man<br />

in Oriental Costume and Joseph Accused by Potiphar’s Wife (the latter now doubted as being by Rembrandt; both in Washington,<br />

D.C., National Gallery of Art). At least four of these (The Incredulity, The feast of Esther, Man in Oriental Costume and Joseph and<br />

Potiphar’s Wife), in addition to the present work and various portraits, had come from Gotzkowski. The room soon came to be<br />

called the “Salle de Rembrandt”, and by dint of Catherine’s astute and well-advised purchases, presented the richest concentration<br />

of the work of Rembrandt and his school anywhere in the world in its day. Given that for many decades (indeed, often well into<br />

the twentieth century), the best works of Rembrandt’s pupils were regularly catalogued as being by their master, it is no surprise that<br />

the present work by Govaert Flinck was counted amongst the more than fifty works in the Imperial Collection given to Rembrandt<br />

in its first decades. By 1838, 41 were accepted as being by Rembrandt, while 16 had been reclassified as school pictures. It seems<br />

highly likely, given the cataloguing of the present work as Rembrandt, “Extra fein gemahlt”, in Gotzkowsky’s list, that the signature<br />

and date were obscured by discoloured or degraded varnish or overpainting, which may also explain why the 1797 inventory<br />

number, brushed in red paint in the lower left-hand corner, was placed so close to the then-hidden location of the signature. The<br />

absence of any reference to the signature in Bode’s 1928 certificate - where he describes the picture as an early work, in ignorance<br />

of the exact date indicated in the signature - suggests that the signature was not revealed until after 1928, but by the time of the<br />

1932 exhibition. Interestingly, one other picture sold by Gotzkowsky to Catherine, the Man in Oriental Costume in Washington,<br />

is now hypothetically attributed to Flinck, or may represent a collaboration between Flinck and Rembrandt, pupil and teacher. For<br />

Gotzkowsky to have deliberately presented his Flincks as Rembrandts seems unlikely, as he had known to correctly attribute a large<br />

subject picture by Flinck, The Repudiation of Hagar, which was not amongst those that went to Russia (Staatliche Museen Berlin,<br />

Gemäldegalerie, inv. no. GG 815). It seems that he too formed his opinion in attributing it to Rembrandt on the basis of the present<br />

work’s excellent, virtuosic execution and the apparent absence of a signature.<br />

6. Later provenance:<br />

The exact way in which An old man at a casement left the Hermitage is difficult to establish. Franck and Schepkowski (2002 and 2009<br />

respectively), follow Gotzkowsky’s descendant and biographer, Professor Bodo Gotzkowsky, in suggesting that the present work may<br />

have been amongst the 201 pictures sent to Moscow by Emperor Alexander II, Catherine’s great-grandson, in 1862, as a gift to the<br />

newly founded Moscow Public and Rumyantsev Museums, the first major public art collection in the “throne capital” of Russia. With<br />

The Appearance of Christ Before the People (1837-1857), the magnum opus of the leading Russian history painter Alexander Ivanov,<br />

also given by the Tsar, the 201 Hermitage works were intended to be the founding nucleus of a picture gallery in the newly-established<br />

Moscow museum in Pashkov House, the object of great local and national excitement. This generous donation, reported in the<br />

newspaper Moskovskie vedomosti (1861, no. 168, p. 1379; no. 177, p. 1421), set the example for further contributions from imperial,<br />

noble and private collections; it included at least one major masterpiece from Catherine’s Room 11, Rembrandt’s Feast of Esther, (the<br />

Hinlopen picture acquired by Gotzkowsky), and, according to Bodo Gotzkowsky (see Frank, op. cit., p. 182), at least one other work<br />

from the Gotzkowsky purchase, an Adoration of the Shepherds by Jacopo Bassano (untraced). The selection is said to have been made<br />

by the celebrated Dr. Waagen, who had visited the Hermitage in 1861, compiling his own catalogue of the collection which was to be<br />

published in 1864. It is not clear whether one of the pictures listed by Waagen as Rembrandt in that work, “Ein männliches Portrait mit<br />

Schnautz- und Kinnbart, einer braunen Mütze und purpurrothem Mantel. Brustbild mit dunklem Grunde”, could be understood to be<br />

the present work, still to be seen by him at the Hermitage in 1861; the dimensions are very plausible at 16 x 13¾ vershki, 71.2 x 61<br />

cm. (G.F. Waagen, Die Gemldesammlung in der kaiserlichen Ermitage zu St. Petersburg..., Munich, 1864, p. 182, no. 821.<br />

Alternatively, and perhaps more plausibly, An old man at a casement may have been amongst the works sold by Catherine’s grandson,<br />

Emperor Nicholas I, in an auction at Prevost in St. Petersburg of Hermitage pictures on 6 th June 1854. We are grateful to Victor<br />

Mikhailovich Faybisovich and Mikhail Olegovich Didinkin of the State Hermitage Museum for suggesting that it may have been lot<br />

636 in that sale, as “Flinck. Head of an old man”, albeit catalogued with incorrect dimensions and citing the wrong number from the<br />

1797 catalogue (3121). No copies of the auction catalogue are documented, but a Russian-language transcription (perhaps translated<br />

from French) was published by a later Curator of Paintings, Baron N.W. Wrangell, in 1913. The vast sale, 1,218 lots in length, seems<br />

to have been catalogued very hastily, and inaccuracies of attribution and description abound. In his commentary to the transcription,<br />

Wrangell vociferously laments the sale, through which some significant masterpieces left the Hermitage collections. All of these<br />

pictures remained in Russia and were purchased or otherwise returned to the Hermitage either before or after the Revolution. These<br />

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included <strong>Luc</strong>as van Leyden’s supremely rare Shield-Bearers (subsequently reacquired for the Hermitage at great expense, in 1885),<br />

Pieter Lastman’s The Flight of Abraham, Natoire’s Cupid and one of Catherine’s most beloved paintings, Chardin’s Still Life with<br />

Attributes of the Arts. The 1854 auction seems to have been brought about by a variety of factors, including lack of space for proper<br />

storage of the enormous collections; the dank condition of some of the existing Hermitage stores, which posed a risk to the safe<br />

conservation of the vast numbers of paintings accumulated by Catherine; pressures to raise money in the years of Russia’s entanglement<br />

in the Crimean War (1853-1856); the personal interest taken by Nicholas I in the maintenance of the collection; and the example of<br />

similar deaccessional auctions held by museums in Continental Europe, such as that organized by the Pinakothek in Munich only two<br />

years earlier, in 1852. At the Hermitage, a committee of experts selected some 1,500 works for auction, of which Nicholas I vetoed<br />

almost 300, while the remaining 1,218 were entrusted to the commissaire Prevot in Saint Petersburg. In his magisterial history of the<br />

Hermitage (which begins with the Gotzkowsky purchase in 1764), Vladimir F. Levinson-Lessing, another Curator in the lineage of<br />

Köhne and Wrangell, notes that the decision to deaccession such important works may have been inadvertently caused by the “dulled<br />

attentiveness” of the committee, tasked with reviewing thousands of the museum’s pictures in a short space of time (1764-1917) The<br />

History of the Picture Gallery of the Hermitage (1764-1917)], Leningrad, 1985, pp. 183-4.<br />

If An old man at a casement did enter the Rumyantsev Museum in Moscow, it may be the picture listed vaguely as a Portrait of<br />

an old man by Rembrandt in nineteenth-century guidebooks to the collection, but a definitive identification has thus far proven<br />

impossible. The museum itself was dissolved following the Russian Revolution, and while some pictures, like The Feast of Esther,<br />

were sent to its successor, the State Pushkin Museum of Fine Arts in Moscow, others were dispersed or sold by the state (in a<br />

process described by Tatiana N. Ignatovich, [Paintings of the Rumyantsev Museum in public collections of paintings in Russia and<br />

neighbouring states], Moscow, 2009, pp. 41-3 and 318ff). The style of the monogrammed seal on the panel reverse, however,<br />

applied multiple times as though in an assertive show of ownership, suggests that the picture may already have entered a private<br />

collection by circa 1860-1870. The monogram, which can be read either as the Latin initials “XJ” or the Cyrillic initials “XX” [“G.<br />

Kh.”], has not been conclusively identified. It is possible that already by the time of the Russian Revolution the present picture<br />

had been acquired by the ancestors of the present owner. Wilhelm Friedrich Mertens, of Saint Petersburg, is known to have been<br />

a passionate collector of Dutch Old Master drawings and pictures, and the present picture may have been amongst his purchases.<br />

The Mertens family, which was of German origin, had established the fur trade in Russia in the mid 19 th century. The business had a<br />

headquarters in Saint Petersburg, and branch offices in Nizhny Novgorod, Riga, Paris, London, Brussels, Leipzig and Berlin. In Saint<br />

Petersburg their offices were on the Nevsky Prospect, with a shop at no. 50 in the 1850s, and subsequently with a grander building,<br />

the F.L. Mertens Trade House, at no. 21, raised to four stories by A. Roben and subsequently completely rebuilt by the architect M.S.<br />

Lyalevich in 1911-1912. Lyalevich also built a family house on Kamenny Island (1, Zapadnaya Alley) in 1911. Wilhelm Friedrich<br />

left Saint Petersburg with his family and possessions in 1917-1918 and settled back in Germany.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

No. 8 Sebastiano Ricci<br />

See Annalisa Scarpa, Sebastiano Ricci, Milan 2006, cats. 241-247, figs. 617-623.<br />

See op. cit., cat.108, fig.299.<br />

No. 9 Donato Creti<br />

See exhibition review, Jeffrey Collins, in Eighteenth-Century Studies, vol.32, no.4, Summer 1999, pp.571.<br />

See Renato Roli, Donato Creti, Milan 1967, p.88, cat.29 and fig. 53.<br />

See, exhibition catalogue, Donato Creti, Melancholy and Perfection, New York and Los Angeles, 1989, p.58 and under notes,<br />

reference to Zanotti, vol.II, p.113.<br />

See Roli, op. cit., p.92, cat.54 and illustrated fig.56 (collection Isolani Lupari).<br />

F. Sacchi, Notizie pittoriche cremonesi, Cremona 1872.<br />

A further version, slightly smaller than the present one and without the column, was exhibited at Maastricht in 2012 by the present<br />

gallery, and a drawing, previously attributed to Cantarini is in the Cini Foundation, Venice (see Renato Roli, op. cit., p.38 and<br />

exhibition catalogue, op. cit., p.58).<br />

No. 10 Giambattista Pittoni<br />

Franca Zava Boccazzi, Pittoni, Venice 1979, pp.182 and 155, cats. 249 and 164, figs. 37 and 38.<br />

See op. cit., 1979, p.111, cat.2, fig.125.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

No. 11 Attributed to Francesco Guardi<br />

See, Luigina Rossi Bortolatto, L’opera completa di Francesco Guardi, Milan 1974, cats. 60-67 and exhibition catalogue, Alberto<br />

Craievich and Filippo Pedrocco, Francesco Guardi, Venice, Museo Correr, 2012, cats. 7 and 8.<br />

See G. M. Pilo, “Il gioco delle parti nei quadri turcheschi dei Guardi”, in I Guardi: Vedute, capricci, feste, disegni e “quadri<br />

tercheschi”, exhibition catalogue, A. Bettagno, ed., Venice 2002, p.22 and see sale, New York, Sotheby’s, “The Courts of Europe”,<br />

30 th January <strong>2014</strong>, as Francesco Guardi after Gian Antonio Guardi’s design.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

No. 12 François Boucher<br />

André Michel, François Boucher, Paris, J.Rouam, 1886, p.96 “en robe de chambre et bonnet de coton, à la Chardin, assis devant<br />

sa toile, dans tout le feu du travail, plein de vie au milieu de son atelier encombré d’un amusant fouillis, entre sa femme qui, un<br />

enfant dans les bras, regarde par-dessus son épaule, et deux jeunes garçons dont l’un broie des couleurs, l’autre tient un cartable”.<br />

See L’œuvre dessiné de François Boucher, Paris 1966, cat.545, p.151 and fig.102, Study: Head of a Child and Two Hands, Black,<br />

red and white chalk (trois crayons), 215 x 150 mm.<br />

See exhibiton catalogue, op.cit., under Literature, 1986-7, cat.21 and fig.105.<br />

Los Angeles County Art Museum, inv. 59.37.1, red chalk heightened with white, 362 x 267mm.<br />

Le Berger Napolitain, now lost but known from an engraving by Daullé made when it was in the collection of the chevalier de<br />

Damery.<br />

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1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

8.<br />

9.<br />

10.<br />

No. 13 Hubert Robert<br />

For Robert’s life after his release from Saint-Lazaire cf., P. de Nolhac, Hubert Robert, Paris, 1910, pp. 78-89 & J. de Cayeux, Hubert<br />

Robert, Paris, 1989, pp. 295-316.<br />

P. de Nolhac, op. cit., pp. 80-82.<br />

Robert’s transformation of this motif is discussed by C. Boulot & J.-P. Cuzin, in J.H. Fragonard e H. Robert a Roma, exhibition<br />

catalogue, Rome (Villa Medici), 1990, p. 101.<br />

ibid., no. 49, p. 100, colour pl. XII on p. 124. For Fischer von Erlach’s reconstruction of the pyramids which were also to influence<br />

Étienne-Louis Boulée cf., R. Middleton & D. Watkin, Neoclassical and 19 th Century Architecture, Milan, 1980, I, p. 66, fig. 74.<br />

Illustrated in Hubert Robert et Saint-Pétersbourg, exhibition catalogue, Valence, 1999, no. 31, p.154.<br />

N. Turner, European Master Drawings from Portuguese Collections, exhibition catalogue, Lisbon, 2000, no. 99, pp. 220-21 and<br />

Sotheby’s London, 8 th July 1998, lot 72.<br />

P. de Nolhac, op. cit., p. 82. The first of the paintings, Captivitas, captivitatis et omnia captivitas, is illustrated between pp. 80 & 81,<br />

while the second, Carcere tandem aperto, is found between pp. 82 & 83.<br />

ibid., p. 87.<br />

From a letter of 11 th March 1806, quoted by J. de Cayeux (op. cit., p. 303), to Pierre-Adrien Pâris who had been Louis XVI’s architect.<br />

A version of the present picture without the female staffage in the middle distance was on the Parisian art market in the mid-1950s.<br />

Sale, Paris, Galerie Charpentier, 5 th December 1955, Lot 46, 53 x 64 cm.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

No. 14 Francesco Guardi<br />

James Byam Shaw, “Some Venetian Draughtsmen of the Eighteenth Century”, Old Master Drawings, March 1933, p.53; reprinted<br />

in J.B.S Selected Writings, Colnaghi London, 1968, pp.74-75.<br />

See Alessandro Bettagno, Francesco Guardi, Vedute Capricci Feste, exhibition catalogue, Venice, Fondazione Cini, 1993, pp.144-145.<br />

See exhibition catalogue, op. cit., 1993, cat. 50<br />

See exhibition catalogue, Alberto Craievich and Filippo Pedrocco, Francesco Guardi, 1712-1793, Venice, Museo Correr, 2012-2013,<br />

see cats.59 and 60.<br />

See Antonio Morassi, Guardi, Venice 1973, cats. 865 and 863, figs.799 and 780. See also Christie’s, London, 3 th July 2012, lot 56.<br />

See exhibition catalogue, op. cit., 2012-13, p.273, cat.100.<br />

1.<br />

No. 15 Heinrich Fuseli<br />

See painting in the collection of Richard J. Carrott, California, according to the exhibition catalogue, London, Tate Gallery, Henry<br />

Fuseli, 1975, cat.20, p.58.<br />

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2.<br />

3.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

No. 16 Felice Giani<br />

Anna Ottani Cavina, email dated 10 th november 2013<br />

Anna Ottani Cavina, Felice Giani e la cultura di fine secolo, Electa, Milan, 1999, vol.2, p.637.<br />

Ibid., p.671, no. D68; private collection, Venice.<br />

No. 18 Filippo Palizzi<br />

See Usi e costumi di Napoli e dintorni, Naples, vol. I and II, 1857.<br />

See Paolo Ricci, I Fratelli Palizzi, Milan 1960, pl. III, “Corricolo Napoletano” in the Galleria d’arte moderna, Rome. See also the<br />

website of the Galleria nazionale d’arte moderna under the title “Antico corridoio napoletano (Cava).<br />

1.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

No. 19 Eugenio Cecconi<br />

Giampaolo Daddi, Eugenio Cecconi, Stefanoni ed., Lecco 1973, p.228, plate 153, as location unknown.<br />

No. 20 Carolus-Duran<br />

Carolus-Duran 1837-1917, Palais des Beaux-Arts Lille and Toulouse, Musée des Augustins, June-September 2003.<br />

Review of the exhibition by William Hauptman, published on the website Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide, a journal of<br />

nineteenth century visual culture.<br />

See H. B. Weinberg, The Lure of Paris, Nineteenth Century American Painters and their French Teachers, Abbeville Press 1990.<br />

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1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

No. 21 Antonio Mancini<br />

Guido Guida, Antonio Mancini. Il maestro del colore, Roma 1921, p.31.<br />

No. 22 Giovanni Boldini<br />

See Literature, Panconi, p.216.<br />

See Literature, ibid., p.226.<br />

See <strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong> Ltd., Master Drawings and Paintings, 2008, cat.46 and fig.1.<br />

No. 23 Federico Zandomeneghi<br />

F. Dini, Federico Zandomeneghi: la vita e le opere, edizioni Il Torchio, Firenze, 1989, no. 71, p. 415, ill. col. tav. XXXI.<br />

F. Dini, ibid., no. 181, p. 442, ill. col. tav. LXXIX.<br />

E. Piceni, Zandomeneghi, Bramante editrice, Milano 1967, no. 693.<br />

F. Dini, op.cit., p. 545: “Avete ragione di dire che in Italia la cosidetta natura morta è considerata come una frivolezza, e anche<br />

questa stupidità la dobbiamo all’influenza presuntuosa germanica che da molti anni si è infiltrata nello spirito e nelle tradizioni<br />

pagane della nostra razza. Qui almeno i Courbet i Delacroix e il prodigioso Manet e cento altri ci lasciarono modelli imperituri di<br />

superbe nature morte”.<br />

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1.<br />

No. 24 Edouard Vuillard<br />

See <strong>Catalogue</strong> raisonné, Antoine Salomon et Guy Cogeval, Vuillard, Le Regard innombrable, <strong>Catalogue</strong> critique des peintures et<br />

pastels, vol. I, cat. nos: IV–18, IV-16, IV-48, IV-51 and IV-87.<br />

1.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

No. 25 Giovanni Boldini<br />

Tiziano Panconi, Giovanni Boldini l’opera completa, Florence 2002, p. 216.<br />

No. 26 Otto Friedrich<br />

Thieme Becker, op. cit., see Literature.<br />

Leon Trotsky, op. cit., see Literature.<br />

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2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

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6.<br />

7.<br />

8.<br />

9.<br />

10.<br />

11.<br />

12.<br />

13.<br />

14.<br />

15.<br />

16.<br />

17.<br />

18.<br />

No. 28 Jacques-Edme Dumont<br />

As G. Vattier would qualify himself in a letter addressed on behalf of Auguste Dumont to the National museum’s director, Mr. Saglio,<br />

dated 12 th April 1886 (AMN S30 Dumont Auguste-Alexandre): ”C’est au nom de la famille de l’illustre statuaire et au mien aussi,<br />

comme son exécuteur testamentaire et son historien que je me permets de vous adresser cette requête”.<br />

G. Vattier published two versions of his book about the Dumonts’ family : G. Vattier, Augustin Dumont, Notes sur sa famille, sa vie et ses<br />

ouvrages, Paris, H. Oudin, Librairie Editeur, 1885; Une famille d’artistes, Les Dumont 1660-1884, Paris, 1890, Librairie Ch. Delagrave.<br />

“Les sujets de plusieurs esquisses en terre cuite nous sont connus par l’importante présentation qui en fut faite lors de l’exposition<br />

centennale de l’art français“, in Nouvelles acquisitions du département des sculptures, 1988-1991, RMN, p. 96<br />

MC/ET/X<br />

Brevet de pensionnaire du roi à l’Académie de France à Rome en date du.<br />

G. Vattier, 1890, p.4: “et je suis actuellement avec des maîtres qui, quoique ne parlant pas, me disent beaucoup plus que ceux qui<br />

parlent, ceux sont les antiques.”<br />

Stanislas Lamy, Dictionnaire des sculpteurs de l’école Française, 1910, vol. I, p. 303: “Cléopâtre. Petite réduction en marbre d’après<br />

l’antique, Rome, année 1789.”; G. Vattier, 1890, p. 71: “il recouvra plus tard ses portefeuilles de dessins et tous ses ouvrages, parmi<br />

lesquels l’ébauche réduite en marbre de la figure antique connue autrefois sous le nom de Cléopâtre et désignée actuellement<br />

sous celui d’Ariane.”<br />

J.E. Dumont, Général Marceau, 35 x 14 cm, terracotta, 1804, RF 2707<br />

La revue des arts, III, septembre 195: deux maquettes de Jacques-Edme Dumont, pp. 181-183: “Les sculpteurs n’eurent guère l’occasion<br />

de réaliser des œuvres définitives pendant la Révolution et le Consulat: l’époque ne s’y prêtait pas. Seules de rares maquettes<br />

rappellent le souvenir de monuments éphémères.”<br />

A. L. Girodet de Roucy de Trioson, Junon and Juturne, 132 x 131 mm, black chalk, RF 34760<br />

Lamy, 1910, p. 303: “La Vierge et l’enfant Jésus. Groupe en plâtre (année 1785).”<br />

Lamy, 1910, p. 303: “Deux petites figures, l’une tenant un vase, l’autre une cuvette. Terre-cuite. Salon de 1795. Exposées de nouveau<br />

au salon de l’Elysée de 1797.”<br />

Garland, Dictionnaire général des artistes de l’école française, New York & London, 1979, vol. II, p. 478: Une femme sortant du<br />

bain se pressant les cheveux.<br />

Lamy, 1910, p. 303 : “Femme sortant du bain. Statuette en plâtre. Salon de 1796.”<br />

Vente Objet d’art et bel ameublement, 24 avril 1989, hôtel Drouot, Paris, expert de Bayser pour les dessins et les terres cuites, étude<br />

Hervé, Chayette, Laurence, Calmels<br />

François Souchal, “Délectation de l’amateur. Morceaux de salons …” in Histoire d’un art, La Sculpture, Grande Tradition de la<br />

sculpture du XVe au XVIIIe siècle, Le Rococo, Genève, 1987, Skira, pp. 272<br />

Léon Ginain, architect of Notre-Dame-des Champs (Paris VI) or the Galliera Museum (Paris IX), he won the Rome Prize in 1875<br />

and became a member of the Institute in 1881. As mentioned with regard to the model Hebe and Jupiter in the Louvre collections:<br />

“Collection de Paul-René-Léon Ginain (1825-1898) puis de sa femme, veuve en première noce d’Auguste Dumont. Exposition<br />

centennale de 1900. Collection du Docteur Cayeux, 1977.”<br />

”C’est un souvenir de mon enfance: je vois encore, rue de Bagneux, papa Mont, comme on l’appelait familièrement, assis dans son<br />

fauteuil, un bonnet de coton enfoncé jusqu’aux sourcils ( …) tenant entre le pouce et l’index un bouchon lui servant de selle sur lequel il<br />

modelait des figurines auxquelles il ne manquait aucun détail, et haute pour la plupart de cinq à six centimètres˝. See G. Vattier, op. cit.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

8.<br />

No. 29 Fra Bartolomeo<br />

See Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects, Trans. Gaston du C. de Vere, Everyman 1996, vol. I, p.670<br />

See Vasari, op. cit., p.672.<br />

Leonardo began the cartoon for the Battle of Anghiari in 1503 and in 1504 Michelangelo started work on designs for the Battle of<br />

Cascina and completed the marble David.<br />

See Chris Fischer, Fra Bartolommeo, Master Draughtsman of the High Renaissance, Rotterdam, 1990, p. 107.<br />

The Gran Consiglio was abolished by the Medici on their return to power in 1512 and the altarpiece was left unfinished but during<br />

the brief revival of the Republic between 1527 and 1530, it was paraded about the city and installed in the great chamber as a<br />

symbol against oppression.<br />

This famous commission was carried out by Titian who did, however, base his design upon Fra Bartolommeo’s drawings. (see Chris<br />

Fischer, op. cit., p.293.)<br />

For the provenance of the copy after this drawing see sales, London, Christie’s, Robert Prioleau Roupell esq., 5 th day, 12 th July<br />

1887, lot 719, Fra Bartolommeo, Head of a Monk; then, A valuable collection of drawings by old masters formed by a well-known<br />

amateur during the last forty years (British Museum copy of this catalogue annotated Sir J. C Robinson), Christie’s, 12 th May 1902,<br />

lot 17 Fra Bartolommeo, Portrait of the Artist black chalk from the Roupell Collection.<br />

For misidentifications of Savanarola, see also a drawing with a 19 th century inscription: Le Fameux Savonarole/Original dessiné par<br />

son ami Fra Bartholomeo de San Marco, in the Lugt Foundation, Paris, see James Byam Shaw, The Italian Drawings of the Frits Lugt<br />

163


9.<br />

10.<br />

11.<br />

12.<br />

13.<br />

14.<br />

15.<br />

16.<br />

17.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

8.<br />

9.<br />

Collection, vol I, Paris, 1983, cat.17 and vol. II, pl.17. And for Fra Bartolommeo’s painted portrait of Savanarola, circa 1498, see the<br />

Museo di San Marco, Florence. www.wga.hu/html/b/bartolom/fra/savonaro.htm<br />

See Chris Fischer, Fra Bartolommeo Master Draughtsman of the High Renaissance, A Selection from the Rotterdam Albums and<br />

Landscape Drawings from various collections, Rotterdam 1990, p.9.<br />

See <strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong> Ltd., Master Drawings, London 2011, cat.1.<br />

See Chris Fischer, op. cit., cat. 64.<br />

See Chris Fischer, op. cit., cats. 88 and 89.<br />

See Chris Fischer, op. cit., cat.78.<br />

See Chris Fischer, op. cit. cats. 40,42. 43.<br />

See Giorgio Vasari, Lives of the Painters, Sculptors and Architects, translated by Gaston de Vere, Everyman Library, 1996, pp.674 and 716.<br />

See Carol Plazzotta and Hugo Chapman, in Raphael from Urbino to Rome, London 2004, pp.231 and 240 and 242. And for a<br />

demonstration of the close artistic links between Leonardo, Fra Bartolommeo and Raphael, see the Frate’s studies for the St. George<br />

and the Dragon (Chris Fischer, op. cit., cats. 45-48), for which he took inspiration from Leonardo’s Adoration of the Magi and other<br />

studies of horseman as indeed did Raphael for his own version of St. George which is now in the National Gallery of Washington.<br />

It has not been possible to trace the earlier provenance but from Passavant’s reports we know that Lawrence bought the drawing<br />

from the Woodburns “aus den Sammlungen Woodburn, Lawrence” (in other cases, he gives pre-Lawrence provenances such as<br />

Logoy, Dimsdale, Wicar, or Ottley).<br />

No. 30 Italian School, 16 Th Century<br />

Inv.1860-6-16-111, pen and brown ink on paper, 278 x412mm.<br />

Inv.12815, pen and brown ink on paper, 292 x 423mm., inscribed: Manca u corda di gobba.<br />

See exhibition catalogue, Pisanello, Le Peintre aux sept vertus, Paris, Musée du Louvre 1996, cat.218.<br />

While a horse seen from the back in the same fresco has also been said to be taken from a drawing by Pisanello there are some<br />

differences in the pose and therefore the source may not in fact be that.<br />

Other camels appear in Pinturicchio’s work, such as the pair in the background of one of the Sistine Chapel frescoes illustrating the Journey<br />

of Moses. In contrast, those are distinctly inaccurate as zoological examples having straight foreheads, pointed noses and deer-like ears.<br />

See Caroline Campbell and Alan Chong, Bellini and the East, London and Boston 2005, cat.23 and cats.24-30.<br />

See exhibition catalogue, loc. cit., cat.2.<br />

In another case of borrowing, Durer took three figures from the oriental section of the Procession in a drawing now in the British<br />

Museum dated 1514 (see Julian Raby, Picturing the Levant, 1991, p.79).<br />

Email correspondence dated 7 th December 2012, “Our expert has offered the following information “The penis of a camel is<br />

covered by a triangular sheath, from which it emerges. This could be an enlarged sheath depicted here (or it may not) and it may in<br />

fact be the reason the camel was thought notable for illustration. There are several changes that happen to male camels during the<br />

rut, though I am not saying that an enlargement of the sheath is one of them. That’s as much as I can offer I’m afraid. It may be worth<br />

the enquirer contacting a zoo or even going as far as making enquiries of camel dealers in those countries where they are traded.”<br />

1.<br />

No. 31 Aurelio Luini<br />

See sale, New York, Sotheby’s, 23 th January 2008, lot 3 and a Standing Figure of a Saint, in the Ambrosiana, inscribed: Aurelio<br />

Luvino pi.re. (see G. Bora, Disegni de Manieristi Lombardi, Vicenza 1971, p.57, no.94, reproduced fig.94).<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

No. 32 Alessandro Allori<br />

See Simona Lecchini, Alessandro Allori, Turin 1991, fig.216, cat.97.<br />

See A. Venturi, “Storia dell’Arte Italiana” vol.IX, “La Pittura del Cinquecento”, part IX, Milan 1933, p.111, fig.70.<br />

See Simona Lecchini, op. cit., 1991, cat.152, figs. 357 and 356 respectively.<br />

See Nicholas Turner, Florentine Drawings of the sixteenth century, London 1986, cat.155, illustrated p.207.<br />

See Lecchini, op. cit., 1991, fig.140, fig. 254, fig.317, figs.284 and 281, figs. 346-350 and fig.381<br />

See Lecchini, op. cit., cat.171, fig.402.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

No. 33 Jacob Matham<br />

Inventaire des dessins et aquarelles donnés à l’état Belge par Madame la douairière de Grez, Brussels, 1913, no.2428; Brussels, Palais<br />

des Beaux-Arts and Rome, Palazzo delle Esposizioni, Fiamminghi a Roma 1508-1608: Artistes de Pays-Bas et de la principauté<br />

de Liège à Rome à la Renaissance, exhibition catalogue, 1995, pp.251-252, no.134. The drawing measures 195 x 150 mm., and<br />

is signed and dated Matham F / Roma / 95.<br />

Anonymous sale, Amsterdam, Sotheby Mak van Waay, 2 nd November 1987, lot 24; Anonymous sale, Amsterdam, Sotheby’s, 13 th<br />

November 1991, lot 333; Léna Widerkehr, “Jacob Matham Goltzij Privignus: Jacob Matham graveur et ses rapports avec Hendrick<br />

Goltzius”, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 1991-1992, p.245, fig.158, where dated c.1603.<br />

Marijn Schapelhouman, Nederlandse tekeningen omstreeks 1600 / Netherlandish Drawings circa 1600, ‘s-Gravenhage, 1987,<br />

pp.90-91, no.55, illustrated in colour p. xviii.<br />

A useful summary of Matham’s activity in Italy is found in Léna Widerkehr, “Jacob Matham and the Diffusion of Recent Developments<br />

in Roman Art in Northern Europe”, in Eiche, van der Sman and van Waadenoijen, eds., op.cit., pp.93-109.<br />

See Literature, Röttgen, pp.41-42. In publishing the present sheet, Röttgen attributed it to Joseph Heintz the Elder (1564-1609), an<br />

attribution that has since been rejected by Jürgen Zimmer.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

No. 34 Roelandt Savery<br />

J. Spicer “The naer het leven Peasant Studies, by Pieter Bruegel or Roelandt Savery?”, Master Drawings, 1970, Vol. I, pp.3-30.<br />

Hollstein, Dutch and Flemish etchings, engravings and woodcuts ca. 1450-1700, vol. XXIII, p.222, no.3.<br />

Photo Witt Library.<br />

164


1.<br />

2.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

No. 35 Giovanni Francesco Barbieri, called Il Guercino<br />

For these references see Luigi Salerno, I Dipinti del Guercino, Rome, 1988, p.266, no.183.<br />

See Sir Denis Mahon, Guercino. Catalogo critico dei disegni, Bologna 1969, no.143 and Denis Mahon and David Ekserdjian,<br />

”Guercino Drawings from the Collections of Denis Mahon and the Ashmolean Museum”, The Burlington Magazine, March 1986<br />

(supplement), no.28; Renato Roli, Guercino, Disegni, Bologna 1972, pl.56; Sir Denis Mahon and Nicolas Turner, Guercino:<br />

Drawings from Windsor Castle, London and New Haven 1991, cat.634.<br />

No. 36 Pietro da Cortona<br />

See Jörg Martin Merz, Pietro da Cortona and Roman Baroque Architecture, New Haven and London, 2008, p.9 and p.241.<br />

See G. Briganti, Pietro da Cortona, 1982, p.197<br />

Bénédicte Gady, Pietro da Cortona, Musée du Louvre, Paris 2011, cats. 11 and 13.<br />

See G. Briganti, op.cit., cat.53, pl.287.<br />

See Felice Stampfle and Jacob Bean, exhibition catalogue, Drawings from New York Collections, The Seventeenth Century, New<br />

York, 1967, cat.59.<br />

See Nicolas Turner, Italian Baroque Drawings, London 1980, cat.13.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

No. 37 Carlo Maratta<br />

The church was dedicated to St. Carlo Borromeo; the word Catinari refers to the fact that the surrounding area was full of workshops<br />

producing dishes and basins.<br />

As recorded in a letter written by the French traveller Charles de Brosses, Lettres familières sur l’Italie of 1739-40.<br />

Anthony Blunt and Hereward Lester Cooke, The Roman Drawings of the XVII and XVIII Centuries in the Collection of Her Majesty<br />

the Queen at Windsor Castle, London, p.54, cat.264, pl.59.<br />

Giovan Pietro Bellori, (1613-1696), The Lives of the Modern Painters, Sculptors and Archtiects, A New Translation and Critical<br />

Edition, Alice Sedgwick Wohl and Hellmut Wohl, 2005, p.414-415.<br />

The commission was given to Maratta by Cardinal Portcarrero who wished to present to Charles II, King of Spain, with depictions<br />

of the Four Seasons.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

8.<br />

9.<br />

10.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

No. 38 Benedetto Luti<br />

Rodolfo Maffeis, Benedetto Luti, l’ultimo maestro, Università degli Studi di Firenze, Mandragora Ed., Florence 2012, p.201<br />

Edgar Peters Bowron, preface to Rodolfo Maffeis, op.cit., p.8<br />

Edgar Peters Bowron, The Paintings of Benedetto Luti (1666-1724), Ph.D. Dissertation, New York, New York University, Institute of<br />

Fine Arts, 1979.<br />

Rodolfo Maffeis, op.cit., p.5.<br />

Neil Jeffares, Dictionary of pastellists before 1800, online edition, www.pastellists.com Benedetto Luti.<br />

Rodolfo Maffeis, op.cot., p. 322, no. III.9, illustrated.<br />

Ibid., p. 342, no. IV.23, illustrated p.343<br />

Ibid., p.321, no. III.8, illustrated.<br />

Ibid., p.322, under no. III.9<br />

Ibid., p. 343, under no. IV.23. This copy with a pair of wings added at the base of the boy’s neck.<br />

No. 40 Giovanni Paolo Pannini<br />

See Ferdinando Arisi, Gian Paolo Panini e I fasti della Roma dell ’700, Rome 1986, cat. and fig.496.<br />

See Arisi, 1986, op. cit., cat.493.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

No. 41 Giambattista Tiepolo<br />

G. Knox, Tiepolo, A Bicentenary Exhibition, exhib. cat., Cambridge, Mass., Fogg Art Museum, 1970, no. 94, reproduced and on<br />

the cover.<br />

See exhibition catalogue, Bernard Aikema, Tiepolo and his Circle, Drawings in American Collections, Pierpont Morgan Library, New<br />

York, 1997, cat.110, p.294.<br />

loc. cit.<br />

A. Morassi, A Complete <strong>Catalogue</strong> of the Paintings of G.B. Tiepolo, London 1962, p. 17, reproduced fig. 59<br />

1.<br />

No. 42 Jan Van Huysum<br />

1. F.P. Seguier, Dictionary, 1870∆∞ªbv.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

No. 43 Pietro Gonzaga<br />

See, exhibition catalogue, Venice, Cini Foundation, Scenografie di Pietro Gonzaga, 1967, cat.96. Recent publications are: Dvortsy,<br />

ruiny, temnicy, Giovanni Battista Piranesi i ital’janskye architectyrnye fantazii XVIII veka (Palaces, Ruins and prisons. Giovanni Battista<br />

Piranesi and the Italian architectural fantasies of the XVIII century). Exhibition catalogue, State Hermitage. Leningrad, 1980. cat. no<br />

2, p. 22; Myzyka v Ermitazhnom teatre. 1786-1796 (Music in the Hermitage Theatre), exhibition catalogue, State Hermitage, St.<br />

Petersburg, 2006. cat. no 9, p. 18; Pietro Gonzaga., Exhibition catalogue, State Hermitage), St. Petersburg, 2011. cat. no 89, p. 342.<br />

See exhibition cat. op. cit., cat.68<br />

Another study of the vestibule, without the figures, was sold London, Christie’s, 10 th December 2004, lot 355 (Black chalk, pen and<br />

brown ink and wash, 212 x 278mm).<br />

Sale London, Christie’s, 10 th december 2004, lot 355 ((black chalk, pen and brown ink and wash, 212 x 278 mm).<br />

165


1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

No. 44 Pelagio Palagi<br />

See F. Leone, L’officina neoclassica: anelito alla sintesi, ricerca dell’archetipo, in L’officina neoclassica. Dall’Accademia de’ Pensieri<br />

all’Accademia d’Italia, exhibition catalogue, Faenza, F. Leone and F. Mazzocca, Milan 2009, pp.18-53.<br />

See letter to Palagi from Aldovrandi, 26 th February 1808; Bologna, Biblioteca dell’Archiginnasio, Coll. Autografi, vol.II, no.404.<br />

Referred to again in C.Poppi, Sperimentazione e metodo nei disegni di Pelagio Palagi, in L’ombra di Core. Disegni dal fondo Palagi<br />

della biblioteca dell’Archiginnasio, exhibition catalogue, Bologna 1988-1989.<br />

Letter from Palagi to Rosaspina, 15 October 1806: Forli, Biblioteca Communale “A. Saffi”, Fondo Piancastelli, Carte Romagna<br />

These projects included the 1813-14 frescoes for the Galleria di Teseo in the now destroyed Palazzo Torlonia in Piazza Venezia.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

No. 48 <strong>Jean</strong> Auguste Dominique Ingres<br />

Letter written in 1807, see H. Lapauze, Le Roman d’amour de M. Ingres, Paris, 1910, pp.170-171.<br />

See Hans Naef, Die Bildniszeichnungen von J.-A.-D. Ingres, vol. IV, Bern 1977, cat.337 and 348.<br />

See exhibition catalogue, Portraits by Ingres, Image of an Epoch, London and New York, 1999-2000, cat.106.<br />

See Hans Naef, op. cit., cat 363.<br />

See exhibition catalogue, op. cit., 1999-2000, p.304.<br />

Ibid., p.423, note.16.<br />

See Hans Naef, “Ingres Portrait Drawings of English Sitters in Rome” The Burlington Magazine, Vol. 98, No. 645 (Dec., 1956),<br />

p.427.<br />

No. 49 Friedrich Nerly<br />

See the Thorvaldsen Museum website: www.thorvaldsensmuseum.dk/en/collection/<br />

Purchased from Sotheby’s New York, 24 th October 1986. See also Sale, Sotheby’s London, 6 th March 1974, lot 149; J. Finch; sale<br />

Sotheby’s New York, 24 th October 1986, lot 12.<br />

See, www.nga.gov/content/ngaweb/Collection/art-object-page.139110.html<br />

No. 50 Honoré-Victorin Daumier<br />

See literature, Daumier 1808-1879, Ottawa and elsewhere, p. 447.<br />

See literature, K.E. Maison, 1967, p. 11.<br />

“Lawyers and the Courts”, in Daumier Drawings, exhib. cat., New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992, p. 175).<br />

See exhibition catalogue, London, Royal Academy of Arts, Daumier, Visions of Paris, 2013-<strong>2014</strong>, cat.75.<br />

No. 51 Hilaire-Germain-Edgar Degas<br />

See R. Gordon & A. Forge, op. cit., p. 223.<br />

Ibid., pp. 259-260.<br />

See George Shakelford, et al., Degas et le nu, exhibition catalogue, Paris and Boston 2012, cats.202, 203 and 207 and p. 211.<br />

For the other connected drawings, see 2 nd sale, op. cit., lots 258, 292, 296, 316, 318, 320, 321; 3 rd sale 1919, 194, 327, 384; 4 th<br />

sale 1919, 158, 266 A<br />

Charcoal and brown pastel on tracing paper. Signed lower left. 788 x 368mm. (31 x 14 ½ in.), sale, Paris, Georges Petit, 6 th ,7 th ,8 th<br />

May 1918, Tableaux, Pastels et Dessins par Edgar Degas et provenant de son atelier, 2 nd sale, lot 320 with measurements given<br />

wrongly as 420 x 270mm.<br />

1.<br />

No. 52 Giovanni Boldini<br />

Tiziano Panconi, Giovanni Boldini, l’opera completa, Florence 2002, p. 216.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

No. 53 Auguste Rodin<br />

See René Benjamin, Les dessins d’Auguste Rodin, Salle des Fêtes du “Gil Blas”, Paris, 1910, in Claudie, Judrin, Tilman, Osterwold<br />

et al., Auguste Rodin, Aquarelles de la collection du Musée Rodin, Städtische Galerie Ravensburg, 2004-5, p.9.<br />

Julie Cladel, Rodin, sa vie glorieuse et inconnue, Grasset, Paris 1950, p.78 and cited in Albert Elsen and J. Kirk T. Varnedoe, The Drawings<br />

of Rodin, National Gallery of Art, Washington D.C., 1971 and the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York, 1972, p.103, note 8.<br />

Mario Meunier, ”Rodin dans son art et dans sa vie”, Les Marges, April 1914, pp.250-1, quoted in C. Judrin, T. Osterwold et al., op. cit., 2004, p.17.<br />

Anthony Ludovici, Personal Reminiscences of August Rodin, J.B. Lippincott, Philadelphia, 1926, pp.138-9, quoted in Elsen and<br />

Varnedoe, op. cit., 1971-2, p.85.<br />

See Claudie Judrin, Musée Rodin, Inventaire des dessins, Paris 1984, cats.D4236 and D1530.<br />

See Judrin, loc. cit., cats.5678 and 4636 and also exhibition catalogue, op. cit., under Exhibited, cat.167.<br />

See also Antoinette le Normand-Romain and Christina Buley-Uribe, Auguste Rodin, Drawings & Watercolours, Editions Hazan,<br />

2006, p.46-47 and pl.129.<br />

1.<br />

2.<br />

3.<br />

4.<br />

5.<br />

6.<br />

7.<br />

No. 55 <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud<br />

See exhibition catalogue <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud Works on Paper, 1988, under selected exhibitions, p.126 and Sebastian Smee et al., <strong>Luc</strong>ian<br />

Freud On Paper, published New York, 2008, p.25.<br />

See sale, London, Christie’s, 25 th June 2013, lot 29.<br />

See, John Richardson, “Remembering <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud”, <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud Portraits, London 2012, pp.10 and 17.<br />

See exhib. cat. op. cit., 1988, p.14<br />

See Sebastian Smee in <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud on paper, New York 2008, p.5.<br />

Sebastian Smee, “A Late Night Conversation with <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud”, Freud at Work, Editors, Bruce Bernard David Dawson, London 2006, p.18.<br />

See exhib. cat., <strong>Luc</strong>ian Freud Portraits, London 2012, p.230.<br />

166


Index of Artists<br />

Allori, Alessandro, no. 32<br />

Assereto, Giuseppe, no. 6<br />

Bison, Giuseppe-Bernardino, nos. 17, 45-47<br />

Boldini, Giovanni, nos. 22, 25, 52<br />

Boucher, François, no. 12<br />

Cecconi, Eugenio, no. 19<br />

Coello, Alonso Sànchez, no. 2<br />

Cortona, Pietro da, no. 36<br />

Creti, Donato, no. 9<br />

Daumier, Honoré-Victorin, no. 50<br />

Degas, Edgar, no. 51<br />

Dumont, Jacques-Edme, no. 28<br />

Duran, Carolus, no. 20<br />

Flinck, Govaert, no. 7<br />

Fra Bartolomeo, Baccio della Porta, no. 29<br />

Freud, <strong>Luc</strong>ian, no. 55<br />

Friedrich, Otto, nos. 26-27<br />

Füssli, Johann Heinrich, no. 15<br />

Galizia, Fede and Nunzio, no. 3<br />

Giani, Felice, no. 16<br />

Gonzaga, Pietro, no. 43<br />

Guardi, Francesco, nos. 11, 14<br />

Guercino, Giovanni-Francesco Barbieri, no. 35<br />

Huysum, Jan Van, no. 42<br />

Ingres, <strong>Jean</strong>-Auguste-Dominique, no. 48<br />

Italian school, 16th century, no. 30<br />

Lhote, André, no. 54<br />

Lippi, Lorenzo, no. 5<br />

Luini, Aurelio, no. 31<br />

Luti, Benedetto, nos. 38-39<br />

Mancini, Antonio, no. 21<br />

Maratta, Carlo, no. 37<br />

Master of the Female Half-Lengths, no. 1<br />

Matham, Jacob, no. 33<br />

Nerly, Friedrich, no. 49<br />

Palagi, Pelagio, no. 44<br />

Palizzi, Filippo, no. 18<br />

Pannini, Giovanni-Paolo, no. 40<br />

Pittoni, Giambattista, no. 10<br />

Reni, Guido, no. 4<br />

Ricci, Sebastiano, no. 8<br />

Robert, Hubert, no. 13<br />

Rodin, Auguste, no. 53<br />

Savery, Roelandt, no. 34<br />

Tiepolo, Giambattista, no. 41<br />

Vuillard, Edouard, no. 24<br />

Zandomeneghi, Federico, no. 23<br />

167


Printed in Italy by Viol’Art Firenze<br />

January <strong>2014</strong><br />

info@violart.firenze.it


Alessandro Allori<br />

Study of the Head of a Woman looking upwards<br />

<strong>Jean</strong>-<strong>Luc</strong> <strong>Baroni</strong> ltd.<br />

7-8 Mason’s Yard<br />

Duke Street, St. James’s, London SW1Y 6BU<br />

Tel: +44 (20) 7930-5347<br />

www.jlbaroni.com e-mail: info@jlbaroni.com

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