The Political Dynamics of Justice Reform in The U.S.

Predictive Policing
Predictive policing is an analytical technique used by law enforcement in order to predict
where crime is likely to occur. It involves predicting both the potential time and place of
crimes and individuals likely to commit them. It is used as an alternative to full reliance
and trust in the “hunches” and instincts of law enforcement that are believed to come
with training. Proponents of predictive policing believe that it is a way to minimize bias
and discriminatory practices within policing.
Opponents of predictive policing point to the fact that (1) the data used to isolate
patterns of criminal behavior uses a privatized algorithm that only companies have
access to and (2) its potential to reinforce existing biases against poor and minority
communities. Because predictive policing algorithms use existing data to make
predictions, it would follow that existing bias within the system is not eliminated but
amplified. Additionally, opponents believe that it is a way to “manufacture” crime; it
reinforces the idea that crime in an area exists and just needs to be found by law
enforcement.
Stop and Frisk
Stop-and-frisk stops refer to “a brief non-intrusive police stop of a suspect” warranted by
“reasonable suspicion” that often involve a pat down of the suspect. Stop-and-frisk
policies became a large part of criminal justice reform efforts following NYPD's use of
the tactic. NYPD vowed to end its implementation of stop and frisk policies August 12,
2013 when ruled unconstitutional in Floyd v. City of New York. Although this is the case,
similar policies are used in other cities throughout the U.S.
Opponents of stop-and-frisk believe that it is unconstitutional, ineffective, and racist.
Most cases in which stop and frisk is used are a result of the War on Drugs. In line with
this, the majority of those targeted are racial minorities, specifically African
Americans. A report by the Public Advocate's office indicates that of the 532,911 stops
made in 2012 in New York City, 53% of individuals were Black and 31%
were Hispanic. Additionally, the New York Civil Liberties Union indicated that only
97,296 stops were made in 2002, or less than a fifth of those made in 2012. Opponents
point to the fact that stop-and-frisk is often unproductive and fails to fulfill its aim. Of the
2.3 million instances of police stopping Black males based on reasonable suspicion
between 2004 and 2012, only 16,000 resulted in the seizure of illicit goods.
Re-Entry
Those that believe re-entry programs need reform typically point to recidivism rates
within the United States criminal justice system. While those against reform claim
that recidivism rates are indicative of inherent criminality amongst certain groups, those
in support of reform believe it is indicative of the ineffectiveness of re-entry and parole
programs.
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