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ARISTOTLE AND THE EARLIER PERIPATETICS vol.I by Eduard Zeller, B.F.C.Costelloe 1897

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΙΚΟ "ΣΥΝΤΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟ ΤΟΞΟ"!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ ΤΟ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΙΚΟ "ΣΥΝΤΑΓΜΑΤΙΚΟ ΤΟΞΟ"!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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<strong>THE</strong> LIFE OF <strong>ARISTOTLE</strong> 33<br />

sthenes as a kinsman and had afterwards recommended<br />

him to the King, 1<br />

though, no doubt, he also warned the<br />

reckless young man against imprudence. 2 The suspicion<br />

however led to<br />

nothing worse than a notable coolness<br />

in his relations with Alexander. 3 / A story to the effect,<br />

that Aristotle was concerned with Antipater in the<br />

alleged poisoning of Alexander was connected with the<br />

death of Callisthenes, 4 but the completely groundless<br />

nature of the charge has long ago been proved. 5 /<br />

indeed was Aristotle<br />

So far<br />

from having any cause to desire<br />

his princely pupil's death that that event in reality<br />

brought serious dangers upon himself.<br />

ence. The statement of Dio.<br />

Chiys. (Or. 64, p. 338) that Alexander<br />

meant to kill Aristotle and<br />

Antipater is merely a rhetorical<br />

exaggeration.<br />

1<br />

1<br />

Pltjt. ibid.; Akhian, iv. 10,<br />

; DlOG. i ; SuiD. KaAAnrfl.<br />

2<br />

Diog. ibid.; Valbe. Max.<br />

vii. 2 ; Plttt. Alex. 54.<br />

3<br />

Plutarch says this expressly<br />

(cf. p. 23, n. 1, xwpra), and the<br />

story in Diog. 10, that Alexander,<br />

to mortify his teacher, took<br />

Anaximenes of Lampsacus and<br />

Xenocrates into favour, would<br />

not prove the contrary even if it<br />

were more credible ; but it is<br />

unworthy of both Alexander and<br />

Aristotle. Plutarch, ibid., on the<br />

contrary, sees in the king's kindness<br />

to Xenocrates, a consequence<br />

of Aristotle's teaching. Philoponus<br />

(apv,d Aeist. Meteorol. ed.<br />

Ideler, i. 142) cites a reputed<br />

letter of Alexander to Aristotle<br />

from India, which proves nothing.<br />

4<br />

The earliest witness to this<br />

story is a certain Hagnothemis<br />

(apud Pi.UT.AUa;. 77) who is said<br />

to have heard it from King Anti-<br />

VOL. I.<br />

'<br />

gonus I. Arrian (vii. 27) and<br />

Pliny (H. Nat. xxx. 16) mention<br />

it, but, like Plutarch, treat it<br />

as an invention. Xiphilinus<br />

(lxxvii. 7, p. 1293) says the Emperor<br />

Caracalla deprived the<br />

Peripatetics in Alexandria of<br />

their privileges on account of<br />

the alleged guilt of Aristotle.<br />

5<br />

The disproof of the charge (cf.<br />

Stahe, Ar. i. 136 sq. and Dboysbn,<br />

Geteh. d. Betten. i. 705 sq,)<br />

rests, apart from its moral impossibility,<br />

on these grounds<br />

(a) Plut. ibid, shows expressly<br />

that the suspicion of poisoning<br />

first arose six years after Alexander's<br />

death, whenit afforded the<br />

passionate Olympias a welcome<br />

pretext to slake her hatred<br />

against Antipater's family, and<br />

to excite public opinion against<br />

Cassander who was said to have<br />

administered the poison; (&)<br />

equal suspicion attaches to the<br />

testimony of Antigonus, which<br />

must belong to the time when he<br />

was at enmity with Cassander,<br />

though we do not know whether<br />

he made any charge against<br />

34 <strong>ARISTOTLE</strong><br />

For the unexpected news of the sudden death of<br />

the dreaded conqueror called out in Athens a wild<br />

excitement against the Macedonian rule, which, as<br />

soon as the news was fully confirmed, broke into<br />

open war. Athens put herself at the head of all who<br />

were willing to fight for the freedom of Greece, and<br />

before the Macedonian regent Antipater was fully prepared,<br />

he found himself beset <strong>by</strong> superior forces, which<br />

he only succeeded in mastering after<br />

a long and risky<br />

struggle in the Lamian War. 1 From the first this<br />

movement threatened, as was to be expected, the prominent<br />

members of the Macedonian party. Aristotle<br />

Aristotle; (c) it is significant<br />

that the bitterest opponents of<br />

Aristotle, to whom no calumny<br />

is amiss, such as Epicurus, Timseus,<br />

Demochares, Lyco, etc.,<br />

know nothing of the charge;<br />

(d~) almost all who speak of<br />

Alexander's poisoningpreserve the<br />

story (which was clearly connected<br />

with the first publication of the<br />

rumour and was well fitted to catch<br />

the popular fancy) that it was accomplished<br />

<strong>by</strong> water from the<br />

Nonacrian spring—i.e. the Styx<br />

a proof that we are not dealing<br />

with history ;<br />

(c) the accounts<br />

Arrian and Plutarch give us<br />

from the court chronicles as to<br />

the course of Alexander's illness<br />

do not in any way suggest poison<br />

(/) if Aristotle's motive was the<br />

fate of Callisthenes, that could<br />

hardly have caused in him a<br />

hatred that would lead six years<br />

later to murder, nor could he,<br />

after so long a time, have had<br />

any fear as to his own safety;<br />

(g)<br />

it is probable that Aristotle's<br />

own adopted son was in Alexander's<br />

service, and intrusted<br />

with important missions (cf. p. 5,<br />

ii. 7, supra) ;<br />

(A) finally, the<br />

rumour of Alexander's poisoning<br />

is refuted <strong>by</strong> the movement of<br />

events afterwards. Alexander's<br />

death was the signal for an outbreak<br />

in Greece, which in the<br />

Lamian war brought Antipater<br />

himself to great straits. Anyone<br />

acquainted with the politics<br />

of the day would clearly foresee<br />

such a result. If Antipater were<br />

not as much taken <strong>by</strong> surprise as<br />

everyone else was <strong>by</strong> the king's<br />

death, he would have made preparations<br />

either to stem or to<br />

head the rising. If he had been<br />

known as the author of that<br />

which the Greeks acclaimed as<br />

the beginning of freedom, they<br />

would not have begun their re<strong>vol</strong>t<br />

<strong>by</strong> attacking him; and if any part<br />

in it had been attributed to<br />

Aristotle, he would not have had<br />

to fly from Athens.<br />

1<br />

For details, see Dboysbn,<br />

Qesoh. d. Hellen. i. 69 sq.

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