#46_1-8

SEPTEMBER 13, 2018 ISSUE No. 46 (1178)
Tel.: +38(044) 303-96-19,
fax: +38(044) 303-94-20
е-mail: time@day.kiev.ua;
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Dear readers, our next issue will be published on September 20, 2018
Den marks 22nd anniversary
Enlightenment, the Editors’ watchword, along with
comments by regular subscribers, Summer School of
Journalism graduates, contributors, and Editor-in-Chief
Continued on page 6
“Poles have decided
to invite Ukraine to the
Trimarium project”
Mykhailo HONCHAR
discusses key statements
and signals from
the Economic Forum
in Krynica-Zdroj
The factor of responsibility
Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day
Military
intelligence
in Ukraine should
prioritize
new forms
and methods
of combat
operations
and appropriate
training
Continued
4
5
on page Continued
on page

2
No.46 SEPTEMBER 13, 2018
DAY AFTER DAY
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
By Oksana MYKOLIUK
Ukrainian authorities
propose to grant the
children of families with
ATO combatants/KIAs/
POWs the war/combat
conflict victim status.
Experts say this is a strategic
project, considering that Ukraine
claims it is at war with Russia, and
the number or children as war victims
is still to be established. This
data will be important when filing
a damage claim vs. Russia on an international
level; this victim status
is granted ad vitam aeternam
– in other words, for life.
Volodymyr VOVK, Deputy
Head of the Social Policy Ministry’s
Children Rights Protection
and Adoption Department: “Our
social services have done a good
deal of hard work. A total of
35,000 Ukrainian children have
been covered and the victim status
paperwork is nearing completion.
In other words, we’ve covered
one-tenth of the total number of
those entitled to this status. I
mean 240,000 children plus over
400,000 who are in the territories
out of our control [i.e., territories
under Russia’s control – Ed.],
along with some two thousand
children whose parents were killed
in action or are ATO veterans.
Add here those aged 18 [having
REUTERS photo
Some one million victims
Do our children need the war victim status?
come of age under Ukrainian legislation
– Ed.], but who were minors
when the war broke out.”
Today, the best such families
can expect from the state is “social
support” and nothing in terms of
privileges and payments. When
asked, officials explain that the
number of such children has to be
ascertained in the first place. Then
they can be granted this status,
along with feasibility studies. Parents,
aware of this red tape, knowing
that no payments will be forthcoming,
are in no hurry to submit
the required documents.
Oleksandra MAHUROVA,
Ministry of Social Policy’s Advisor
for Internal Resettlers: “We must
launch a large-scale information
campaign, so the children entitled
to this status can apply for and
receive it. This status doesn’t
mean a narrow social guarantee, it
is strategic. I believe that such a
campaign should be carried out using
institutions of learning. After
that we could work out the algorithms
of aid for the children.”
Under the Ukrainian Cabinet’s
resolution, a minor who is a “victim
of the war conflict,” can apply for
this status single-handedly, on
reaching 14 years of age (in the presence
of the required documents).
Experts say that this is all about
having the right to get this status,
not about being obliged to receive it.
By Dmytro DESIATERYK, The Day
Pavlo Kazarin (born December 3,
1983, in Simferopol, Crimean
Oblast, Soviet Ukraine) is a
Ukrainian political journalist,
philologist, and literary critic. A
2005 graduate of Volodymyr Vernadsky
Taurida National University, he has been
in the media since 2004. Kazarin is an ICTV
channel host, the author and presenter of
the “Facets of Truth” project at the 24 TV
channel, and an observer at the Ukrainian
bureau of Radio Liberty.
I planned to speak with Kazarin about
Simferopol, but the conversation’s context
turned out to be much broader.
● “PEOPLE IN CRIMEA HAVE
AN ISLAND MENTALITY”
What are your first reminiscences of
Simferopol?
“The locality where I grew up is an area
of sycamores. I can remember a long
sycamore-lined alley that ran along
Kievskaya Street at a distance of three trolleybus
stops. To get to school and to other
important places, I used electric transport
which was Crimea’s hallmark. We used to
say proudly that we had the world’s second
longest trolleybus line after one somewhere
in Latin America. But for me, mountains
have been the No. 1 thing in Crimea
since I was a boy. For some, it is the sea, and
for me it is the mountains.”
Why?
“Because, among other things, my father,
an avid motorist, adored traveling
across Crimea by car. Irregularity of the
terrain is what makes me feel at home
whenever I come to some place. You cast a
glance across the skyline, and if something
catches your eye, this means you are at a
place that reminds you of home.”
What do you like Simferopol for?
“I remember my friends asking me
three years ago, after I had moved to
Kyiv, which city I liked and I answered it
was still Simferopol. Yes, I know it is an
awkward and small provincial city with
eclectic architecture, but it has the main
thing – a monopoly on my childhood impressions.
You will never forget the first
reminiscences of your courtyard and
school, the first puppy loves and mental
traumas. They are all stored in my personal
Simferopol safe.”
But are there any places that are particularly
dear to you on this territory?
“I liked south-western Crimea –
Bakhchysarai raion – very much, for it is
a place where we used to go backpacking in
our school and university days. Hiking,
tents, and sleeping bags played an important
part in my life from the age of 12 onwards.
At 14, I began going on archeological
expeditions. I visited archeologists’
camping sites, lived and worked with
Photo courtesy of the author
“What happened to
Crimea is a lesson for
the entire country”
them, even though I chose philology, not
archeology. For this reason, Crimea also
means for me the campfire, customary guitars,
wine, and everything associated with
the forest, the mountains, and all of this
touristic, far-from-leisurely romanticism.”
So, we are speaking not about the city
but about its overall geographical context,
aren’t we?
“What is the difference between Simferopol
residents and the rest of Crimeans?
Kerch dwellers will say they are from
Kerch, and Yalta dwellers – that they
come from Yalta. As for Simferopol residents,
they bear an all-Crimean identity,
rather than that of a city. If you ask a Simferopol
resident where he comes from, he
will say: from Crimea. If I speak of my
home, I mean the whole region, while the
people who just vacationed in Crimea have
Simferopol erased from their memory because
it remained a transit place for them.
I always had a sensation that I stay about
40 km from the Black Sea and about 70 km
from the Sea of Azov. People in Crimea
have an island mentality caused by geographical
circumstances. We did not travel
much outside our region just because we
could find all of interesting things inside
it. Here you pass through two climatic and
three landscape zones in an hour of traveling.
You cross the steppe and the
foothills, go up the mountains and step
down to the sea in just 100 km. After I had
An untypical
interview with
journalist
Pavlo Kazarin
about Simferopol
and Crimea
moved, I found it very difficult to forget
the Crimean scale. In other words, in Kyiv
you have to get used to the idea that you are
at least 600 km away from the Carpathians
and won’t be able to have a trip to the
mountains during a weekend. From this angle,
Crimea is really a yardstick by which
you measure how far other places and regions
are from you.
“Crimea is not only a territory or a
landscape. As you grow up, you understand
that any city is people. It comes up on your
map thanks to this. Uzhhorod, Dnipro,
Odesa are my friends – I miss and want to
visit them, although I don’t travel as often
as I should. Also etched on my memory are
my friends with whom I was growing up
and discovering the world and who have remained
like-minded people even in spite of
the events in 2014. This is why I won’t reveal
their names.”
● “FROM THE VIEWPOINT OF A
DETACHED ONLOOKER,
SIMFEROPOL IS LIKED IN
SPITE OF, NOT THANKS TO”
A few more words about Simferopol.
What is its geometry?
“Simferopol was once divided into
squares. Moscow Square, Kuybyshev
Square, the Central Market, and the railway
station form an uneven square. What
By Olesia SHUTKEVYCH, The Day,
Vinnytsia
Last week, on the initiative of the
Podillia Regional Oncology Center,
Vinnytsia hosted an international
conference on oncoplastic surgery
and reconstructive surgery of
breast cancer. In addition to speaking
about multidisciplinary treatment of
malignant tumors in the thorax, some
leading foreign oncologists and their
Ukrainian counterparts delivered a
number of master classes on oncoplastic
surgery, where they showed how to
perform conservative and plastic
operations with the use of artificial
implants. As the operations were
televised live from the surgery unit, all
the conference participants could watch
the process.
“The main goal is to acquaint oncologists,
breast physicians, and plastic
surgeons with the most innovative methods
of treating breast cancer which still
ranks first among female cancerous diseases,”
says Volodymyr SHAMRAI, chief
doctor at the Podillia Regional Oncology
Center. “We recently opened a mammology
ward on the basis of our institution.
From now on, our patients can receive
a wide range of services, begin
and finish a cycle of treatment at the cen-
“We are learning, practicing,
and saving lives”
Leading oncologists from Italy, Georgia, and Ukraine performed
four operations in Vinnytsia to reconstruct the mammary gland
Photo by the author
ter, and be socially adapted. Previously,
most women used to seek plastic surgeons
in order to have implants put in and undergo
rehabilitation. Now we can perform
this kind surgery on the basis of the
center. But we do not forget about education
and state-of-the-art technologies.
We invite worldly-acclaimed oncologists
to hold master classes. We are learning,
practicing, and saving lives.”
The treatment of breast cancer involves
an uneasy choice between radical
surgery, in order to excise the tumor
as much as possible, and a good esthetic
result, in order to maximally preserve
the mammary gland’s tissue. It is usually
possible to strike a balance between
these challenges if the tumor is
small. Therefore, oncologists believe
that early diagnosis will contribute to
a good result.
“Unfortunately, in Ukraine many
initially found tumors in the breasts of
women give them no chances to preserve
the mammary gland – obviously,
due to late diagnosis. This is why I had to
perform mastectomy [the operation of removing
all of the mammary gland – Ed.]
today. But I left enough skin to reconstruct
the mammary gland later,” says
Professor Irakli KOKHREIDZE, head of
the Oncology Department of Tbilisi State
Medical University. “In Georgia, this
kind of surgery accounts for about
20 percent. In most cases, it is organpreservation
operations because we spot
the disease at an early stage. For this purpose
we have state-sponsored programs,
well-tuned screening systems, and a solid
diagnostic basis.”
Patients with a cancerous pathology,
who had already undergone operations
in the past or needed to have the
tumor removed urgently, were chosen
for surgical interventions. Advantage
was given to low-income women who are
unable to pay for reconstruction of the
mammary gland. These operations were
performed at the expense of the pharmaceutical
companies that made all
the necessary preparations and remedies
available.
Breast cancer ranks first among oncological
diseases in women and is one of
the main causes of female mortality all
over the world. It is in fact every fifth
case of a cancerous disease. In Ukraine,
the rate of this ailment has increased
fourfold – from 17 to 70 cases per
100,000 women – in the past 20 years. In
the last while, this disease has tended to
grow among working-age women. Fiveyear
survival rate of breast-canceraffected
women is 80-82 percent in Europe,
91 percent in the US, and only
56 percent in Ukraine.

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
DAY AFTER DAY No.46 SEPTEMBER 13, 2018 3
is between them can be called downtown.
We used to roam there, crossing the
perimeter from time to time. Simferopol is
a city which, on the one hand, saw no major
battles of World War Two, and, on the
other, is rather Soviet in terms of architecture.
The only particularity is that no
tall buildings can be built downtown because
of soft soils. As a result, 2-5-storey
buildings came up in the center and highrises
on the dormitory outskirts. Those
‘anthills’ rose on the rock-based hills. I
lived in a nine-storey tenement built in
1982. The downtown never pressed upon
you. Like the whole city, it was commensurate
with you. Of course, as a detached
onlooker, I understand that Simferopol is
liked in spite of, not thanks to.”
But what singled it out among the other
cities of Crimea?
“The administrative status of Crimea’s
capital. It lacked the esthetic middle-class
air of Yalta, the military bearing of Sevastopol,
and the provincial home coziness
of Hurzuf. What gave the city the main advantage
was the classical Soviet and post-
Soviet story of centripetalism. Throughout
the former USSR the greatest potential and
adequate money was concentrated in capitals.
The same holds good on the regional
level. That’s why we were really proud
of Simferopol because we knew that residents
of other Crimean cities – beautiful
and brilliant – would have no option but to
seek employment in our city.”
What prompted you to leave?
“Crimea and Sevastopol are regions of
negative selection. If you wanted to develop
professionally, you faced sooner or later the
necessity of leaving that place. Only vectors
differed – some went to Kyiv, some to
Moscow. Besides, the attitudes to Simferopol
of the people who were leaving it differed
very much.”
On what basis?
“Depending on what you did before the
departure. If one achieved success in Kyiv,
he or she had a never-ending feeling that
Simferopol did not appreciate them, that
this city was a big fat zero. Those who were
OK in Simferopol and left it just in search
of further development liked coming back.
“When I was leaving Crimea in November
2012, I was OK. The city just
seemed to be too small, for it had given me
all that it could. I knew it would be worse
in the new place, I would earn less and have
to adapt for quite a long time. I remember
putting off the departure until the last moment:
I anticipated bad weather, an ugly
autumn with biting winds so that Simferopol
left precisely this imprint on my
memory, but I never saw this. I flew off on
a crystal clear November morning with a
fully blue sky and +15C? to a city that met
me with snow and somberness. The cunning
Simferopol didn’t allow me to leave, bearing
a grudge against it.”
CRIMEAN TATARS ARE COMING BACK HOME
● “THE TALK ABOUT AN
ANCESTRAL RUSSIAN LAND
EVOKES A SPECIAL SMILE”
Crimea is, at least historically, a later
development of different cultures. To
what extent is this felt there?
“In 2014, after moving to Kyiv, I visited
my archeologist friends in the Chernihiv
region. If you dig a meter into the
ground there, you’ll find Slavs, two meters
– Slavs again, and so on. But if you dig
in Crimea, you’ll find anybody but Slavs.
That’s why the talk about an ancestral
Russian land evokes a special smile. I was
lucky. Crimean Tatars began to come back
in the late 1980s, and I belong to the generation
which has always seen them in
Crimea. We went to school and university
together. In this sense we differed from the
older generation which had grown up on Soviet
myths about ‘bad Tatars.’ We just
lived together in the same space and did not
pay much attention to different phenotypes
or names. When I came to Kyiv, I was surprised
at how homogeneous it was. Crimea
accustomed me to seeing diverse faces on
the street and hearing diverse names. One
friend is Petro, the second is Nariman, the
third is Bilial, and the fourth is Aleksey,
which is normal. In my view, restaurant
culture is one of the signals of reciprocal
integration – you open the menu and see
borsch, solianka [a spicy soup of vegetables
and meat or fish – Ed.], shurpa [a soup consisting
of mutton, vegetables, rice, and
spices – Ed.], and laghman [a dish of
pulled noodles, meat, and vegetables –
Ed.]. ‘Apartheid’ has disappeared even
on the level of gastronomic culture and begun
to disappear in other spheres. This
pleased me very much because it shattered
the stereotypes our parents used to
live with.”
● “CRIMEA IS PRO-SOVIET,
NOT PRO-RUSSIAN”
What are the myths about Crimea and
to what extend are they true to life?
“The main myth is that Crimea is a pro-
Russian region. It’s wrong. It has never
known Russia. It is pro-Soviet. Why were
Crimea and the Donbas so vulnerable to
Russia aggression? Because their golden
age was in the USSR. Crimea was the most
popular resort, and coalminers could earn
more than Soviet professors. All of these
people were struck with nostalgia, for they
were accustomed to being exceptional in the
Soviet era. Crimea used to say proudly
that it was a ‘medal on the planet’s chest,’
an ‘area of gardens and vineyards,’ an
‘unsinkable aircraft carrier,’ and it went
very painfully through the 1990s, when it
turned out that there were similar mountains
in Montenegro, you could swim and
suntan in Egypt all year round, and Turkey
was much better in terms of service.”
Maybe Ukraine also did too little to
“digest” the peninsula.
“Crimea is said to have taken little interest
in what was occurring on the Ukrainian
mainland. But it is a reciprocal lack of
interest. For the average Ukrainian,
Crimea meant two weeks of vacationing on
the beach. Unpretentious Soviet service,
far from the best hospitality, Crimean
Photo by Andrii NESTERENKO
XVII INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION
PHOTO — - 2015
Tatar gastronomic exotics, the sea, and the
mountains… Nobody was trying to overcome
these stereotypes and take more care
about the peninsula. Of course, the peninsula
reacted accordingly. It is even the
question of not so much stereotypes as of
the absence of a full-fledged idea of what
Crimea is.”
Speaking of myths, we can’t help recalling
Vassily Aksyonov’s The Island of
Crimea.
“Some Crimeans loved to cite this
novel because they liked the format of
Crimea’s existence described by Aksyonov
– sort of a Singapore next to a huge
China, a republic of freedom next to an empire
of slavery. The point is we like something
because it is unattainable. The world
in this book had nothing to do with reality.
Aksyonov’s Crimea is progressive,
wealthy, effective, and multicultural. But
the real Crimea was isolationistic and never
became a trend-setter. The ideas born
there were utterly secondary. The real
Crimea was perhaps willing to see itself in
this mirror but was doomed to failure.”
So who is the typical Crimean?
“It is a person who does not like
tourists, for he thinks they hinder him
from traveling to the seaside. Except for
those directly engaged in health resort business,
the rest somewhat disdained the region’s
touristic status – they wanted something
else. The typical Crimean is an analogous
person. He does not travel abroad,
does not use banking cards, and prefers
cash. He has a number of favorite little
restaurants which tourists do not patron-
ize, he drinks alcohol, and winter begins for
him when he switches from dry to fortified
wines. More often than not, he goes to the
seaside in September, when tourists have
gone. It is a relatively low-mobile individual,
and even 200 km is too long a distance
for him, not to mention 300 km.”
● “OUR HOME IS AT ODDS
WITH WHAT WE BELIEVE IN”
Where were you during the annexation?
“I worked in Moscow from November
2012 until the spring of 2014. Kyiv was
then a total domain of Yanukovych. When
my acquaintances suggested that I work in
Russia, I agreed because mass-scale
protests had just begun on Bolotnaya
Square and I wanted to see this from inside.
Thanks to this, I witnessed Russia’s transformation
from Bolotnaya rallies to
‘Crimea is ours.’ When it all began in
Crimea, I quit and went there to write about
what was going on. When I understood that
all main actions had already been determined,
nothing would be changed, and the
epicenter of all events would be on the
Ukrainian mainland, I just packed up,
and put the baggage into the car trunk. I’ve
been here since November 2014. I can
clearly remember being mostly worried
about logistics – how I will cross the border
and whether I will manage to reach
Kyiv on the same day. I had no feeling that
I was leaving for good.
“I will say again that it was very
strange. Simferopol and Crimea is a faraway
province. Crimean political scientists
have always looked like ‘pique waistcoats’
in a novel by Ilf and Petrov. As those people
reduced all the complicated items on the
world’s agenda to whether Chernomorsk
will be proclaimed a free city, the Crimeans
in turn reduced everything to the status of
Crimea. We, the younger generation, always
mocked at this Crimea-centricity –
look, folks, we are a backwater, let’s not
overestimate ourselves. But in March
2014 you wake up, switch on television and
see a BBC correspondent reporting from
your native city’s neighboring street. Unbelievably,
your provincial home has suddenly
become an object of worldwide politics.
But this did not last long.”
Did you feel any danger?
“No. I knew the stories of my colleagues
thrown into dungeons. But 2014
was the time of a wild thrill. I was aware
that the seemingly motionless gears of history
suddenly began to spin with a screech,
shedding away the rust. It is a very rare occasion
when you find yourself inside real
history. I was in a boyish rapture of sorts.
I visited my parents in Crimea to see in the
New Year, and only in the summer of
2015, after a journalist friend of mine was
arrested, I understood that the window of
opportunities to visit my home was closed.”
Read more on our website
What do Ukrainians know about NATO?
Photo by Pavlo PALAMARCHUK
By Valentyn TORBA, The Day
The Ilko Kucheriv Democratic
Initiatives Foundation held a
news conference jointly with
the Foreign Ministry’s Civic
Council on September 11 in
Kyiv. Its topic was “What Do Ukrainians
Think and Know About NATO?”
Among other things, those present
heard an analysis of polls. After Russia
invaded Ukraine in 2014 and occupied
a part of its territory, Ukrainian public
opinion became noticeably more NATOoriented.
This and the fact that Ukrainians
had been brainwashed into seeing
NATO as the number-one enemy for
decades. Even in independent Ukraine
there was a slogan that read “We Don’t
Need NATO!” after the administration
adopted the so-called multi-vector
policy. Behind that policy was a process
that was ruining our nation-state. That
policy and, later, Ukraine’s non-bloc
status did not protect our country
against Russia’s aggression. The West
began to regard Ukraine as Moscow’s
post-Soviet satellite. The Ukrainian
Almost 42 percent Ukrainian
respondents say NATO
membership is the best
guarantee of national security,
but old myths die hard...
RAPID TRIDENT 2018 UKRAINE-U.S. MILITARY EXERCISE
territories bordering on the Russian
Federation were thoroughly Russified and
brainwashed by Kremlin propaganda, so
the number of local negative responses to
the possibility of NATO membership is not
surprising. The important question is:
How will Ukrainians in Donbas react to
Ukraine’s NATO membership?
There are several scenarios and a short
digression into recent history seems in order.
During that news conference, I found
myself thinking back to the year 2002
when NATO Secretary General George
Robertson and RNBU [Ukr. acronym of the
National Security and Defense Council of
Ukraine – Ed.] Secretary Yevhen Marchuk
visited Donetsk. George Robertson was of
Scottish parentage and had lived in a coal
miners’ region. He took close to heart the
disaster at the Zasiadko Mine. He went to
the local church... but what was most important,
his visit to Donbas was a friendly
gesture, a signal of support. And the
fact remains that there were no rallies of
protest. In other words, the local attitude
to NATO was calm. It is a factor that can
hardly be assessed by using poll results.
What was there to turn public opinion
against NATO as Ukraine’s only chance to
ensure its national security? The presidentialcampaign.LeonidKuchmahadtosecure
his influence and wealth. This hardly
needsexplaining,consideringthatVladimir
Putin said in an interview that Leonid
Kuchma had asked him to support Viktor
Yanukovychduringthe2004campaign.After
Leonid Kuchma met with Vladimir
Putin in 2004, NATO membership was
deleted from Ukraine’s military doctrine.
This would eventually cost Ukraine thousandsofKIAs,tensofthousandsofwounded,
crippled, and territories lost.
Back to official statistics. Since 2014,
most Ukrainians have been in favor of NA-
TO membership as the best way to ensure
Ukraine’s national security. In August
2018, almost 42 percent respondents said
NATO membership was the best way for
Ukraine. This doubtlessly suffices to call
a referendum. A number of experts say
that a referendum would be the best way
to demonstrate to the West Ukraine’s
preparedness to join the collective security
system. However, there are Russia-occupied
territories where the holding of an
election or referendum is impractical.
Ukraine is at the legal crossroads. Official
Kyiv hasn’t appointed its NATO representative.
During meetings with NATO officials
behind closed doors in Brussels,
some of them frankly wondered about
Ukraine’s desire to become a member of the
Alliance. Also, we see that the most pressing
issues are once again placed on the official
agenda as part of the canvassing campaign
preceding the next election here.
The big question remains: Should
NATO membership be made an amendment
to the Constitution of Ukraine?
The alarming aspect is that no amendments
can be made to the Basic Law when
the country is in a state of war. In other
words, any legislative initiative in this respect
would serve to level off the fact of
Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. Also,
should any amendments be made to
demonstrate to NATO Ukraine’s preparedness
to join the Alliance? One is reminded
of the notion of political will.
Read more on our website

4
No.46 SEPTEMBER 13, 2018
TOPIC OF THE DAY
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
Futureonfrontpage
Den’s Photo Contest participant
Daria DUNET on children’s
emotions in front of camera and
regeneration of Mariupol
By Daria TRAPEZNIKOVA, The Day
Daria, an accountant by
profession, used to work
at the local still mill. Her
mathematical mindset
combines with artistic
qualities. A few years ago Daria came
to a Mariupol photo club and has
been actively looking for her place in
various genres of photography since
then. She particularly likes
photographing little ones. “Children
show sincere emotions, and an adult
will never play like this on camera. So
it’s easy to take good snaps with
them,” Daria says.
The woman learned about our
contest, its popularity, and longtime
history from her friends. As novices
always find it interesting to hear an
expert opinion on their works, she
sent several pictures to the 18th Den
International Photo Contest. The picture
“Fine Fragrance,” which portrays
Daria’s niece with a delicate
flower, became part of the exposition.
This and other photos reached Mariupol
in the spring of 2017, where our
photo exhibit was mounted at the
Arkhip Kuindzhi Center of Contemporary
Art and Culture.
The photographer recalls that
Mariupol residents examined the exposition
thoroughly and with interest.
Naturally, what attracted the greatest
attention were works by Mariupolbased
photographers, especially
Yevhen Sosnovskyi who Dunet says
has done very much to popularize the
city in Ukraine and promote its cultural
development.
Unfortunately, the 19th Den
Photo Exhibit failed to visit the Azov
region, but it still displayed the works
of Mariupol-based masters of the
Photo by Daria DUNET
camera. In particular, Dunet’s blackand-white
“There Is a War Out There”
and “The First Encounter” won in several
nominations. Besides, the former
photo gathered most of the votes
on Den’s website. The picture shows
the author’s sons who stand, hugging,
in the field. It is Mariupol’s southwestern
outskirts which suffered the
least in the course of hostilities. The
boys look into direction of the steel
mill and smoke on the horizon. There
is really a war out there.
Daria believes that Mariupol
has changed for the better after the
ordeal. “The city began to receive
more attention, it seems to have
woken up and reborn. People became
much more conscientious and
spiritually stronger. They are standing
together,” she adds.
The photographer is not planning
to take part in the contest this
year. Yet, musing over its theme –
“Front Page Photo” – she says: “I
think there should be something joyful,
radiant, and promising on these
pictures. This could be children, for
they are our future, they will be further
developing this country. I have
two children; we are pinning great
hopes on them and trying to instill love
for Ukraine, the Ukrainian language,
and all the best things in general in
them. I wish they would not repeat the
mistakes of some representatives of
our and older generations, who are
very far from being patriotic.”
XIX INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION
PHOTO — - 2017
“THERE IS A WAR OUT THERE.” A NEAR-FRONT ZONE ON
MARIUPOL’S SOUTH-WESTERN OUTSKIRTS
By Daria TRAPEZNIKOVA, The Day
Back in 1973, Ukraine, then the
Ukrainian Soviet Socialist
Republic (Ukr. SSR), ratified
the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights
(ICCPR). Since then the government has
been under the obligation to submit
regular reports to the pertinent UN
committee, concerning human rights
violations and measures taken to
eliminate and prevent them. The next
such report is scheduled for May 2019. In
October, our administration will receive
pertinent questions from the UN.
Along with drawing up the report,
local civic organizations can supply the
[UN] committee with alternative data
regarding human rights. A coalition of
NGOs that deal with the rights of internally
displaced persons and residents
of temporarily occupied territories
(TOT) has used this opportunity. Below
are the key clauses of their report.
● STATUS SPELLS MONEY
In the first part of their report, the
human rights activists focus on pensions,
social payments, and obstacles
placed in the way by controversial legislation.
They cite examples like the additional
checkups of beneficiaries by
regulatory authorities, the mandatory
presence of the resettler certificate,
provided the bearer of the certificate is
serviced by only one bank.
The Supreme Court of Ukraine recently
ruled that pension exemptions
based on such checkups are illegal. The
human rights activists believe that the
same applies to the stoppage of social payments
as per “SBU Lists” with the names
of individuals who have, allegedly, returned
to the [Russia-] occupied territories.
The sums paid in terms of aid are
best described as token money, especially
in regard to able-bodied individuals,
and these sums are not adjusted for
the inflation or living wage ratios.
The inner resettler status does not
suffice to secure the refugee’s basic human
rights, including the right to vote
during local elections. Quite a few
refugees come up with important civic
initiatives, but their integration will
not be complete without the right to
vote. There is also the housing issue.
There are several national programs
which provide for partial rent or mortgage
payments, but the resettlers are
taking part in them on general terms
and conditions. In addition to the other
problems, the funds available are
supplied on a first-come-first-served
basis, so not all of the people who need
the money from the state can receive it.
There is no temporary or social housing
foundation. Some refugee families settled
in dorms, civic hotels and module
towns at the start of the ATO [Ukr.
Certificate in lieu of
human rights protection
Civic activists prepared a report on violations
of war victims’ civil and political rights for UN
acronym of Anti-Terrorist Operation
which is actually Russia’s war against
Ukraine in its eastern regions – Ed.].
No acceptable alternative was found.
Property is uppermost on the mind
of all refugees/resettlers. Ukrainian
legislation reads that the property title
is to be preserved, that any legislative
decisions made by the self-styled DNR
and LNR are null and void. In reality,
this legislation doesn’t work. Some resettlers
have to abandon their property
and those who try to bring some property
with them confront bureaucratic
procedures: customs clearance and tax
regulations/restrictions. ATO damage
claims can be filed only under Article 19
of the Law of Ukraine “On the Struggle
Against Terrorism.” There is nothing
about pertinent procedures. In other
words, the claimant can’t expect any refund,
even if with a court ruling in
his/her favor. Ukrainian legislation
makes Russia, the aggressor state, accountable
for all damage. Who, being of
sober mind, will expect any damage payments
from the Kremlin?
● THE UNNOTICEABLE
The second and third parts of the report
are dedicated to the people who had
to stay in the [Russia-] occupied territories,
as well as to the prisoners of war.
Transport and business contacts between
these occupied territories and
Ukraine are formally nil, save for holders
of special entry-exit visas. ID papers
issued by the DNR, LNR, and Crimea occupation
authorities are not recognized
in Ukraine. One can receive a birth or
death certificate, if and when in an occupied
territory, but only by a court ruling.
There are no administrative procedures.
No school or college diplomas
issued there are legally valid in Ukraine.
There are the Crimea-Ukraine and Donbas-Ukraine
education centers, but
there is an increasingly lower number of
applicants. Another problem is the absence
of the Ukrainian language, history
and literature in the curriculum. This
has an adverse affect on the graduates
from the occupied territories who apply
for enrollment in Ukraine’s institutions
of higher learning.
The human rights activists emphasize
that each resettler must have a
displaced person’s certificate. This is
the best way to have one’s civil rights
protected. With people entitled to an old
age allowance, it is more complicated.
Only those entered in the List of Separate
Donetsk and Luhansk Regions
(ORDLO) can expect to be paid. Residents
of Crimea must bring with them
documents signed by a Russian authority,
attesting to their non-Russian
citizenship. If entitled to old age allowance,
they will have to wait for
their papers to be sent from Crimea via
Russia. This pension-giving bureaucratic
procedure is fraught with danger.
Official statistics differ from the actual
number of people who are resettling in
Ukraine and need help from the state.
Prisoners of war, when released,
have no legally defined personal status;
they can’t count on free medical and psychological
assistance. Their service to
their country is not acknowledged.
Their return to their old jobs is not protected
under law. The Cabinet of Ministers
of Ukraine ruled in January that
such POWs receive a one-time payment,
provided they were released between
December 27, 2017 and January
24, 2018. Other prisoners of war, released
outside this timeframe, are left
with nothing, period. They can get medical
help on general terms [i.e., having
to pay mind-boggling sums for treatment
and medicines – Ed.]. There are no
social and psychological rehabilitation
programs for them, just as there is no
data regarding veteran’s benefits. There
are two bills on POW status submitted
to the Verkhovna Rada, but none mentions
their families. These families need
social and psychological help, almost as
much as the POWs.
***
At the end of the report, the human
rights champions offer the UN Committee
on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights a list of questions to be answered
by the government, including
funds, measures to be taken to eliminate
the discriminatory rules, access to higher
education, various kinds of aid, and
a number of restrictions to be revised.
By Alla DUBROVYK-ROKHOVA, The Day
The 28th Economic Forum in Krynica-Zdroj,
better known to the Ukrainian
reader as the “Polish Davos,”
ended on September 6. The largest
economic forum in Eastern Europe
is first of all a great place to discuss important
topics, especially on the sidelines.
It is here that one can talk in an informal
setting to politicians, experts, international
affairs professionals who are involved with
NATO and national governments and find
out what Ukraine should expect. But there
is more to it. The theme of the forum as well
as subjects of its discussions and even
presentations themselves are all indicators
of sorts. And, unfortunately, in the opinion
of president of the Strategy XXI Center for
Global Studies Mykhailo Honchar, the
gathering in Krynica-Zdroj displayed
disappointing symptoms: an absence of
fresh ideas, reluctance to speak on complex
and urgent issues, and, which is unfortunate
for Ukraine, a misunderstanding of the
threat coming from the Kremlin. You can
find more in an exclusive flash interview,
which Honchar gave to The Day on the
sidelines of the Krynica-Zdroj event.
The theme of this year’s International
Economic Forum in Krynica-Zdroj is
“Europe of Common Values or Europe of
Common Interests?” What do you think,
why has the organizing committee raised
precisely this question? Do Poles claim
some sort of a civilizational role for themselves
in the EU?
“As usual in Krynica, the forum looks
monumental. However, there is a crisis of
the ‘genre.’ Interests dominate, although
everyone talks about values. They just interpret
the values in such a way that they
confirm the interests.
“There are many discussions and a
huge number of single-subject panels,
which is also characteristic of the Forum
in Krynica. What is striking is the reluctance
to discuss serious issues. They pretend
to be just oblivious of them.”
Why is it so?
“The logic is simple: there are too
many divisive issues in the EU. Therefore,
they decided to speak only about matters
that unite them. For example, health care
is one. No one in the EU opposes people enjoying
good health, why not talk more
about that?
“Meanwhile, they try to evade really
high-profile issues, including social, international,
and security ones, probably
guided by the principle: if you do not
speak about a problem, you can pretend
that it does not exist.
“To a large extent, the Forum is
evading the problematic issues of Nord
Stream 2. It was not offered as a separate
“Poles have decided to invite
UkrainetotheTrimariumproject”
Mykhailo HONCHAR discusses key statements and
signals from the Economic Forum in Krynica-Zdroj
subject at all, while the Russian energy
policy in the EU is considered only within
two panels, and even there in a cursory
manner.”
Photo from the website FORUM-EKONOMICZNE.PL
How do you explain this crisis of the
genre? Why even choose such an ambitious
theme for the Forum, then, if you do
not have fresh ideas?
“The theme is actually ambitious. And
Poland, indeed, as you say, claims a prominent
role for itself in the EU. There is a lot
of talk about Poland here, about its opportunities
and perspectives.
“But again, one of the key panel discussions
was devoted to the balance of values
and interests, and it featured Hungarian
Minister of Foreign Affairs Peter Szijjarto.
He blamed the European Commission
for its inability to block Nord Stream 2, accusing
it of double standards, political
correctness, and hypocrisy. He claimed
that the authorities in Brussels had grown
distant from the people and neglected the
traditional Christian values, on the basis of
which Europe had arisen. He also stressed
that countries such as Poland and Hungary
demonstrated other approaches, ones based
on the values that the old Europe had neglected.
Of course, this is what the two nations’
governments want to exploit today.
At the same time, Szijjarto gave his true
motives away in full, since it was not some
considerations of a fundamental nature that
made him an opponent of the Russian project,
but the fact that the European Commission
blocked another of Vladimir Putin’s
corrupt pipeline projects, called South
Stream, in 2014; had it gone forward,
Hungary would have received generous payments
from the Kremlin trough.”
Read more on our website

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
TOPIC OF THE DAY No.46 SEPTEMBER 13, 2018 5
By Valentyn BADRAK, director
of the Center for Army, Conversion,
and Disarmament Studies (CACDS)
“No endeavor whatsoever can succeed
without a spy.”
Lao Tzu, an ancient Chinese philosopher,
6th to 5th centuries BC
The war is not only still going on,
but is also increasingly expanding the
spectrum of non-violent actions and
special operations being conducted at a
considerable distance from the frontlines.
They take place in almost all
spheres of society’s life: from overt
terrorist operations that kill Ukrainian
citizens to exerting active influence on
society through information and psychological
actions, use of some population
groups to create anti-Ukrainian
movements or protests. All means are
being used: bribing Ukrainian show
business figures and European politicians,
shameless use of religious symbols,
inviting Ukrainian industrialists
to joint projects, poaching highly skilled
personnel, and secretly removing technologies
from Ukraine, not to mention
the international arena, where the
Ukrainian state is being slandered systematically
and relentlessly.
Consequently, even as we need our
military to grow stronger fast, the issue
of the activities and capabilities of the
nation’s intelligence agencies is getting
more acute and urgent. Unfortunately,
although the draft Law of
Ukraine “On Intelligence” was prepared
three years ago to replace the Law of
Ukraine “On the Intelligence Agencies
of Ukraine,” it has not yet been submitted
for the legislature’s consideration.
It is noteworthy that back in June
2016, the Expert Council on National Security
(a non-governmental association
of security experts established in April
2014 on the initiative of the CACDS) emphasized
the need to increase the
Ukrainian authorities’ attention to the
nation’s intelligence agencies in order to
increase the efficiency of their efforts,
in particular through creation of a separate
committee on security services
(the Foreign Intelligence Service (FIS),
the Main Intelligence Directorate of
the Ministry of Defense (MIDMD), and
the Security Service of Ukraine) in the
Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Among
other things, such a step would have enhanced
parliamentary control over and
proper legislative provision for these
agencies as well as ensured a balance between
political trust in chiefs of intelligence
agencies and the necessary level
of their professionalism. The recently
passed Law “On National Security” of
June 21, 2018 prescribed the creation of
such a committee of the Verkhovna Rada
and made it possible to return to enacting
specific reform measures in the
security services and, in particular, the
military intelligence.
One can agree that the reform of intelligence
agencies and security services
in general was difficult to implement in
the past, among other reasons, because
Russia had left powerful agent networks
in the Ukrainian security services
themselves. One need only to recall
that the uniformed services were led by
appointees of the Russian Federation,
and an employee of the Russian Embassy
was recorded instructing the minister
of justice of Ukraine, whose husband
was the chief of the FIS at the
time. Another example is Russia taking
over the management of the Ukroboronprom
defense industry concern through
its agent Dmytro Salomatin, which cost
The factor of responsibility
Military intelligence in Ukraine should prioritize new forms
and methods of combat operations and appropriate training
Ukraine the loss of the huge Iraqi arms
market to Russia. There are dozens of
such examples, and they have made a
lasting impact.
Thus, there are compelling reasons
to reflect on the substance of the forthcoming
reform.
● IDEOLOGY, PLACE
IN THE NATIONAL
SECURITY SYSTEM,
AND THE INTELLIGENCE
COMMUNITY’S AMBITIONS
This is the main component of the
reform, because without increased ambitions,
it is impossible to succeed. But
this issue is not for intelligence officers
to decide, but rather for the nation’s
military and political leadership. It
seems that the war itself requires changing
the attitude to the military intelligence
as well as to all the intelligence
agencies of the country. It is worthwhile
to restore the intelligence committee under
the president of Ukraine, which was
dissolved for no good reason. Again,
back in the summer of 2014, the vast
majority of experts serving on the
above-mentioned CACDS Expert Council
called for the creation of an intelligence
community in Ukraine. It should
include the nation’s joint coordinating
center which would receive information
from all intelligence agencies and coordinate
activities of these specific services.
Experts then called for subordinating
to such a coordination body not only
the FIS, the MIDMD, and the intelligence
agency of the State Border Guard
Service, but also the services involved in
financial and technical intelligence. It is
worth adding that it would be highly advisable
to include into the coordination
body information warfare units – both
those of technical character (cyber
units) and ones responsible for informational
and psychological or content operations.
At the same time, experts
stressed the need to preserve the full autonomy
of the national intelligence
agencies and ensure full protection of
their information sources. Specialists
note that in the context of the war, it is
extremely important to strengthen the
intelligence agencies of Ukraine, especially
the military intelligence, which
now provides 80-90 percent of intelligence
support for the Combined Forces
Operation in eastern Ukraine. It should
involve both increased funding of intelligence
services and improving their
technical equipment.
It is clear that our intelligence services
are not ambitious enough. While the
enemy services, namely the FSB, the
GRU, and the SVR of the Russian Federation,
have always operated “in all corners
of the world,” Ukraine did not even
dare to fulfill its ambitions as a regional
leader (it could not even implement such a
perfect idea as the GUAM alliance).
Hence, we have had a low level of funding
and intelligence equipment, as well as the
lack of attention to them on the part of
the nation’s top military and political
leadership (one should only ask how many
times the head of state met face to face
with the head of the military intelligence
or the FIS in the past six months). Consequently,
the bar for the military intelligence
(and other intelligence agencies)
must be set much higher. The MIDMD
should become an information and analytical
center not only for the processing
of information and preparing draft decisions,
but also the implementation of
modern forms of actively counteracting
the enemy. By the way, it should not be
limited to the information sphere.
Strengthening the intelligence agencies
of Ukraine should become part of the general
doctrine, calling for providing them
with adequate technical equipment and
agent network capabilities, the transformation
of intelligence objectives, and the
formation of a coordination body. Modern
intelligence is not just a support service.
It actively operates itself!
The issue of delineation of spheres
and levels of intelligence activities is
non-trivial as well. As it is, it does not
stand up to criticism. For example, the
FIS claims the exclusive right to deal
with military-technical intelligence and
military-technical cooperation (MTC) issues,
even though any exclusivity is inappropriate
given the current character
of intelligence activities in the context
of all-encompassing globalization.
Moreover, the MTC is an area where the
military intelligence is the center of
competence a priori.
● THE MILITARY
INTELLIGENCE:
HOW TO STRENGTHEN IT
AND WITH WHAT?
The military intelligence has always
been unique in that it has developed primarily
in the organic environment of
servicepersons as well as those civilians
who are closely connected to or working
for the needs of the military. Such capabilities
have developed for decades, and
they cannot be shifted to the shoulders
of “civvies” who do not fully understand
the issues of military strategy, or to the
shoulders of staff officers who often do
not understand the difference between
war-related and military aspects of intelligence
activities.
A key component of the MIDMD is its
SAI – strategic agent intelligence. Under
an ideal scenario, while implementing its
tasks, it should influence through its networks
decisions of individual foreign
politicians and even governments as well
as positions of international organizations,
create and conduct special events
with the participation of the nation’s top
managers.
Let us try to outline the main directions
of strengthening intelligence agencies
and ways to implement these ideas.
Direction No. 1 is legal support for a
military intelligence reform in accordance
with the requirements of the time,
including the requirements of approaching
NATO standards. This means not only
the creation of expert reform working
groups, but also the legislative formulation
of clear national military intelligence
tasks within the framework of the
nationwide intelligence community’s
operations. Of course, it should involve
the revision and adoption of the Law of
Ukraine “On Intelligence” in order to
implement NATO standards in the nation’s
intelligence sector. Among other
things, we need a clear division of powers
between intelligence agencies for the
possible elimination of function duplication
as well as an improved interaction
between them. Undoubtedly, it should
shape the optimal forms of parliamentary
control over intelligence agencies
and determine legal aspects of the appointment
and dismissal of chiefs of intelligence
agencies as well as qualification
requirements for them.
Direction No. 2 is making the organization
and establishment of the
Ministry of Defense of Ukraine fit the
nature and scope of the national leadership
demands on the military intelligence.
The problem itself is derived
from the already discussed ambition
problem. As a result of the incomprehensibility
and blurriness of the legal
foundations of its operations, the areas
of responsibility and authority in general,
the possible ineffectiveness of the organization
and establishment also becomes
evident.
Read more on our website
Televisionrespondsasymmetrically
The main problem of Putin and his information
aides is that they are trying to tackle 21st-century
problems with 19th-to-mid-20th-century methods
By Igor YAKOVENKO, Moscow,
special to The Day
The Union of Russian
Journalists (URJ) has
suggested licensing for video
bloggers. In the view of this
organization, this is necessary
for combating fake news.
“One of the main problems now is
fake news. If we do not combat this,
such a huge wave will sweep over the
world in a few years’ time that nobody
will be able to tell the lies from the
truth,” says Vladimir Solovyov who
chairs the “union of journalists” in a
country, where the chief producer of
lies is state-run media. According to
Solovyov, the state must decide which
of the supervised individuals will enjoy
the right to place their video in social
media and which ones will be
strictly forbidden to do so. The motives
of URJ head Solovyov are clear.
The audience of such fake newsmakers
as he and his namesake
V.R. Solovyov mostly consists of the
over-50s who are extremely enraged
at the predatory pension scheme.
Young people do not watch this television
at all, preferring Dud’ and
Navalny. The only way to fight this is
a ban. To tell the truth, the obscurantism
of this proposal of the URJ
boss is compensated with its absolute
impracticability. As far as I remember,
a law has already been passed on
mandatory registration as media of
bloggers with an audience of more
than 3,000. Hey, prohibitors! Where
is your prohibition? When people,
who consider iron-hand mentality
the backbone of a personality and
the prison camp a home, find themselves
in the open country, they set up
a barrier in the hope of being able to
control the movement of free travelers.
They hardly succeed, though.
As television is losing to video
bloggers and the influence of Solovyov-
and Kiselyov-like newsmen is on
the wane, Putin’s Russia is suffering
one defeat after another on the international
arena. The latest of these
is an absolutely unambiguous statement
of Ecumenical Patriarch
Bartholomew that Constantinople is
determined to grant autocephaly to
Kyiv, as well as a speech of British
Prime Minister Theresa May who
said the Skripals had been poisoned by
Russian intelligence officers on the
orders of Russia’s leadership.
The problem of Putin’s Russia is
that it is totally unable to respond to
these challenges. It has just no instruments
to prevent the liberation
of Ukrainian Orthodoxy from Muscovite
captivity. Putin’s Russia has
such a reputation that none of its
words and deeds will convince the
world that the Scotland Yard is
telling lies, the Skripals got poisoned
with stale beer, and the two intelligence
officers on the photo are
ordinary tourists from the back of
beyond. Of course, if the Kremlin finally
loses the feeling of self-preservation,
they may invent something
like a “Chinese draw,” when a player
drops figures a few moves before
the defeat and turns over the chessboard.
Something can be done to
the Patriarch of Constantinople:
for example, to poison all hierarchs
or secretly persuade Istanbul police
to imprison them for drug peddling.
They can resort to a new provocation
so that the world forgets about the
Skripals. This will not only not save
the situation for the Kremlin but
will inevitably complicate it and
speed up the regime’s collapse. Russia
will never again become the main
player on the field of worldwide Orthodoxy.
Russia will never be able to
deceive the globe by showing it the
way to a deadlock, as was the case in
the Soviet era.
For want of real responses, the
Kremlin responds asymmetrically –
it switches on television at full blast.
Vladimir Solovyov responded asymmetrically
to hostile challenges in the
“Evening” program on September 5,
2018. The “Orientalist” Bagdasarov
said that Patriarch Bartholomew is
a “man of straw,” and it is not he but
some mysterious “other people” who
made a decision on autocephaly.
“The state must stand up with all its
might for its citizens in Ukraine, including
our believers,” Bagdasarov
demanded. And, as usual, he began
to throw a scare: “What Poroshenko
is after – autocephaly – is a terrible
thing!” Solovyov immediately supported
him: “God forbid this happens!
A religious war will break out!”
Then the “political scientist”
Mikheyev joined the religion-related
debate, announcing: “A schism in
the worldwide Orthodoxy is in the
offing!” Solovyov immediately
agreed with him, saying meaningfully:
“The year 1054!” Comparing
the current defeat of the Russian Orthodox
Church with the Great
Schism that shaped the destiny of
Europe for a thousand years is an
overt manifestation of megalomania
which Putin’s inner circle and information
aides are inclined to.
To rebuff Theresa May, the
“Evening” studio got in touch with
the London-based “political scientist”
Aleksandr Nekrasov who always
introduces himself as former advisor
of Boris Yeltsin. If it is true, this
only proves that the late Yeltsin was
a poor judge of character, which is also
confirmed by another job placement
whose consequences Russia and
the whole globe have been facing for
almost 20 years now. Nekrasov is
known for many original ideas, including
the claims that “Putin could
also win elections in Britain” and
that Boris Nemtsov was killed near
the Kremlin by runaway oligarchs.
“Experts” of this kind are in special
demand on Russian television today.
To prove Russia’s non-participation
in the attempted murder of
the Skripals, “political scientist”
Nekrasov asked a rhetorical question:
“Does Russia need this? There
must be some motive.” He added that
“the best minds” still cannot understand
why Russia should want to
kill Skripal. The fact that Sergey
Skripal is the former colonel of the
General Intelligence Directorate and
was convicted in Russia for espionage,
while people with such facts
in their life stories tend, for some
reason, to die a violent death, failed
to prompt “the best minds” the real
motive for killing Skripal. Yet
Nekrasov himself immediately identified
the reason why Theresa May is
blaming Russia.
Read more on our website

6
No.46 SEPTEMBER 13, 2018
SOCIE T Y
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
Den marks 22nd anniversary
Enlightenment, the Editors’ watchword, along with
comments by regular subscribers, Summer School of
Journalism graduates, contributors, and Editor-in-Chief
The first issue of Den came off the
presses on September 11, 1996.
Today’s issues of Den/The Day
are very different in terms of
makeup and design, complete
with color photos, being more compact,
using various fonts. It remains
Ukraine’s first periodical to have started
being published with online versions.
Beginning in 2012, every Friday issue
has had a glossy supplement entitled
“Route No. 1,” featuring historic and
cultural sites, along with other tourist
attractions.
Den became a major media brand, including
the unique education projects
Summer School of Journalism and Library
Book Series (this year’s Book Forum
in Lviv will boast the 35th book entitled
“Ave. Centennial of Hetman Pavlo
Skoropadsky”) and the International
Photo Contest (this year it will be held
for the 20th time).
With all upgrading, the Editors remain
true to their credo: intellect, truth,
and principle.
Below are comments by regular subscribers,
Summer School of Journalism
graduates, and Editor-in-Chief
Larysa IVSHYNA.
What Den has taught us
These past 22 years have been like
a page-turning thriller, an intellectual marathon
Editor-in-Chief Larysa IVSHYNA:
“When we were discussing what materials
to include in the jubilee issue, Alla
Dubrovyk-Rokhova suggested that I
answer the question ‘What has Den
taught us.’ To begin with, Den hadn’t existed
before I became editor-in-chief,
so I believe that we made Den come to be,
and that this periodical has helped our
progress... Now and then we see beautiful
online photos by Serhii Piaterykov
and Valerii Miloserdov, dating back to
the early 1990s, like in Kievskiye vedomosti.
We recognize some faces, including
those of today’s noted media people,
and tell ourselves those were the
days... we were so young, the boys and
girls were so handsome and pretty. The
atmosphere was great! True, but it is important
to know what those people would
do in the long run, what kind of journalism
they’d come up with. I believe the
day will come when we’ll have a true story
about Ukrainian journalism, mentioning
facts and names.
“Den offered us an opportunity to make
anentryintoourhistory.Westartedbyboldly
competing with the leading periodicals [in
Ukraine]atthetime,butIrealizedintheend
that it was a bad mistake, that we should’ve
started by developing our own journalism,
starting from scratch. These past 22 years
have been like a page-turning thriller, an intellectual
marathon. Not everyone involved
from the start has reached the finish line.
There has been a lot of frustration, disillusionment
and sad departures, but also there
have been those who held the fort and who
have shared our joy as we realized that
we’dnotlaboredinvain.Imeanourbonafide
journalists and partners. They all took risks
when everyone knew that supporting Den
was fraught with danger... From day one,
Den has been more than an opposition periodical;
it has supported an alternative to the
neo-oligarchic narrative. Our periodical is
evolving; it is meant for both the Ukrainian
in the street and power brokers. Let me remind
you of one book in our Library Series,
entitled Return to Tsarhorod (2015). When
it appeared in print, no one would’ve even
considered the possibility of the Tomos
[i.e., autocephaly for the Ukrainian Church,
granted by Constantinople – Ed.]. Today, we
hear that our society is prepared to accept it,
but is it, really?
“I recommended to read the book The
Power of the Soft Sign or Return to Rus’ka
Pravda [the soft sign has a number of
meanings in Russian, and Rus’ka Pravda
(Rus’ Justice or Rus’ Law) was the legal
code of Kyivan Rus’ and the subsequent
Rus’ principalities during the times of feudal
division; it was written in the early 12th
century and remade during a number of
centuries – Ed.]. It was published in 2011
and was actually a warning.
“Regarding the first question – what
Den has taught me – it has taught me patience
(given my innate impatience) and optimism.
And I mean optimism without an
alternative. One of our slogans reads:
‘Sow the Seeds and Reap the Benefits!’”
■ COMMENTARIES
● DEN ALLOWS ONE TO
GLIMPSE THE FUTURE
Vasyl SHCHUR, Head of Aesthetic
Education Laboratory, Kotsiubynsky
State Pedagogic University,
Vinnytsia:
“I’ve long subscribed to Den and
I can’t imagine myself without a
fresh issue in hand. Your periodical
offers systemized data and allows one
to figure out the situation that has
developed; it offers contact with
people who are living the Ukrainian
way, who are moral authorities. I’m
personally interested in features
dealing with history, also writers,
historians, scholars, and economists’
comments. Experts on economy
sometimes come up with useful recommendations;
they tell you what
you should do to cope with these
troublesome times. Ukraine is at the
international crossroads. There are
more questions than answers. What
will happen tomorrow? What should
be done to make our economy work,
protect ourselves against political
corruption, and keep our financial
system in one piece? Den offers answers
to these questions and, most
importantly, allows one to glimpse
the future, offering features that
deal with various walks of life, various
problems ranging from the new
Ukrainian schools to healthcare reform
with its challenges and consequences.
Your periodical offers data
that allows one to find answers to
certain questions. My daughter is an
English teacher. She wants to know
what’s new, what’s happening elsewhere.
She reads your newspaper
and receives this information. Sometimes
my wife reads it, too, and often
shares what she has read. My congratulations
on Den’s anniversary
and best wishes for your team and
personally for Ms. Ivshyna, with
whom I met in Vinnytsia this year.
I’m proud that we have a Ukrainian
newspaper meant for Ukrainians.”
● LOTS OF MATERIAL
USED IN CLASSROOM
Vasyl LYZANCHUK, Ph.D., Head of
Radio and Television Chair, Ivan
Franko National University, Lviv:
“Den is one of the best periodicals
published in Ukraine, in terms of an
intellectual and analytical approach
to our history, current realities, and
the building of a future united
Ukraine. I refer to your coverage of
various public and civic spheres:
economy, culture, language, religion,
and national history. For many,
including yours truly, Den is an eye
opener on history, a valuable source
of information on a number of issues
that have been topping the Ukrainian
agenda for thousands of years. It’s
good that your newspaper refers to
Kyivan Rus’ (which this year marks
its 1,180th anniversary). Recent research
papers relating to Byzantine,
European, and Arab archives,
demonstrate that a powerful state
under the name of Rus’ became
known, back in 838 AD, in Europe
and what is now the Middle East. Den
carries features that illustrate the
Ukrainian people, its problems and
progress, since the time they were referred
to as Rusichi. I use lots of such
material in my classroom. I can only
congratulate Editor-in-Chief
Larysa Ivshyna on her talent, I mean
her singular ability to put together
a team of young gifted people who
write so well, which is graphic proof
that this periodical is keeping high
intellectual and moral standards,
helping the audiences to assert their
national identity. Now that we’re
facing another election campaign,
even if officially undeclared, Den is
serving the people by providing
truthful information about what is
happening in Ukraine. I wish your
Editors, the staff, the best of success,
a hundred years for you and your
close and dear ones; may Jesus support
you in your effort to assert a
united Ukraine.”
Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day
■ FACEBOOK COMMENTARIES
● “THE SYSTEM
OF COORDINATE
IN WHICH I LIVE”
Oleksandra KLIOSOVA, student,
Taras Shevchenko National University,
participant in Den’s Summer
School of Journalism (2017):
“They say at the Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
that time is passing us by, but the
Academy is eternal. This best describes
my attitude to Den. I’ve spent ten years
as its student, five years as a subscriber,
and the last year as a contributor.
This is my personal experience and
I’m proud of it. The system of coordinate
in which I live. Happy birthday to you,
my beloved intellectual Den!”
● DEDICATION
TO THE NATION
Iryna PITS, student, Ivan Ohiienko
National University, Kamianets-Podilskyi,
participant in Den’s Summer
School of Journalism (2018):
“Happy birthday to Ukraine’s daily
Den! I was 18 when I first read your
newspaper and realized that it was
Ukraine’s leading periodical, that the
Editor-in-Chief, Larysa Ivshyna, was a
top-notch journalist. I hope my small
post will convey my heartfelt message.
I want to thank you for your dedication
to the Ukrainian nation, for your Herculean
effort over the past 22 years; for
your generous sharing of your professional
skills with young journalists. I
wish your newspaper every success
and I’m sure that you will come up with
new interesting projects.”
● DEN MAKES ONE’S LIFE
HAPPIER
Vladyslava SHEVCHENKO, student,
Kyiv-Mohyla Academy, participant in
Den’s Summer School of Journalism
(2018):
“Congratulationsandbestwishesfor
the staff and, personally, for Editor-in-
Chief Larysa Ivshyna! I am 18 and Den
is 22. Strange as it may seem, I started
reading your periodical only three
months ago, but quality comes first and
quantitysecond.I’vejustreadMs.Ivshyna’s
post that has these lines: ‘The only
hope is that it would have been worse
without us.’ Indeed, my life would’ve
been worse without reading Den. My
mother isn’t happy about my majoring
in journalism, yet she told me recently
that she couldn’t imagine another day
without my stories about Den and without
seeing the next issue, adding that
reading your newspaper made her hope
for a better future for Ukraine. Thanks
to Den, I learned true journalism and I
now see my own coordinate system and
believe that one’s dreams can come true.
I wish you all to keep up the good job,
helping people change their life for the
better, and I hope that other media outlets
will follow your example. Finally, I
want to thank you all for having this opportunityofjoiningyouinwhatisforme
your first anniversary.”

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
By Mariia PROKOPENKO, The Day
Irina Lindqvist, born in Kharkiv,
graduate of the Estonian Academy
of Arts, Tallinn, has lived in
Stockholm for a number of years.
She majors in decorative art, using
mostly metal. She emigrated to Sweden
in the late 1990s, but has kept in touch
with Ukraine and her Project Kultura
in Motion, launched in 2010, is graphic
proof. It includes education programs
involving schoolchildren in Ukraine
and Eastern Africa, museums, research
centers, to mention but a few. KIM’s
latest project took place in Ukraine
when they staged workshop seminar
entitled “Culture as Method for
Change” at the Mykola Yaroshenko Art
Museum in Poltava.
Below, KIM leader Irina Lindqvist
shares her ideas concerning the diversity
of identities and her quest for her own.
● TEAM
Project Kultura in Motion was founded
by me and Joran from Sweden, then we
were joined by Eva (she’d lived in France,
later in London) and our Ukrainian friends.
Our logo belongs to Irina Nikitina, a designer
and artist in Kyiv. We formally registered
our organization in 2013, but our
first Project Men’s Health was launched in
Kyiv, back in 2010. It was a photo exhibit
featuring men using trainers at
Hidropark. Our organization unites people
varying in terms of education, ranging
from management to art to languages.
We have six to nine individuals who regularly
contribute their themes. The total
number of active members varies and we
find independent experts who pass judgment
on a given topic.
● TOPICS
Some of the topics we broach are
pressing, depending on the situation in a
given society or politics, like in Ukraine
and Sweden. We’re preparing a workshop
seminar that will reflect the geopolitical
situation. We’ll hear Ukrainian and
Swedish ranking army officers. Our other
projects have to do with culture, politics,
and education. There’s something
that unites them all: our quest for creativity.
We’re looking for what we can
contribute to other communities, and
we keep learning, considering that each
time it’s a different country or continent.
● ACTIVITIES ACROSS
UKRAINE
Project Creative Leadership for Youth
was underway in Ukraine from 2011 until
2017. We made it in collaboration
with the Swedish Sports Confederation.
They received the project and we helped
get it organized. There were workshop
seminars with lecturers from Sweden and
we looked for lecturers in Ukraine. We
started in Luhansk and in six years we’d
visited Kharkiv, Donetsk, Odesa, Lviv,
Kyiv and suburbs, including Velyka
Katerynivka. We tried to spread out,
visiting small local schools, and I can’t remember
how many we brought back to life.
We invited local students to Sweden,
there were joint youth projects with
Stockholm that took place in Gotland.
● LGBT WARY
With our Project Creative Leadership...
we visited the schools we knew
would welcome new practices. There were
cases when we were told, “No, thanks,
we’re not interested.” Several schools, including
those in Kharkiv and Kyiv, told
us they would allow entry if they knew in
advance every word we’d say; if we said
something wrong about the LGBT or
family values, we’d be very sorry afterward.
In those cases we simply couldn’t
come to terms. Lviv was a pleasant exception
from the rule. We were made welcome
and they were willing to cooperate
because they had cooperated with European
organizations.
The workshop scenarios were in black
and white, save that some lecturers
would add something; there were issues
a local public activist would want to
cope with. The LGBT issue, in the first
place. We discussed all the related problems
and tried to figure out the local children’s
attitude to the issue. Everyone involved
in, or with, the project said the re-
sults were good. We would have continued,
but for the refugee influx in Europe
that cut short our funding, so we had to
stop that project.
● KIDS WHO DON’T KNOW
ABOUT CRAYON
Tanzania proved a great experience.
I’d say each our project was carried out
by people who’d turn up at the right
place and time. Eva’s friend, our team
member, had worked for a [civic] organization
in Norway that helped
African countries. They would send volunteers
to a certain part of Africa. She
found herself in Tanzania, on that coffee
plantation run by that Norwegian lady
who had settled there some 15 years
SOCIE T Y No.46 SEPTEMBER 13, 2018 7
Kultura in Motion’s impact on communities
in Ukraine, Tanzania, and elsewhere
KULTURA IN MOTION OPERATED IN TANZANIA IN 2013, ESTABLISHING CONTACT WITH ELEMENTARY SCHOOLS IN TWO
CHRISTIAN VILLAGES WHERE KIM HELD ART WORKSHOP SEMINARS. IRINA LINDQVIST SAYS THE ABORIGINES ARE
HAPPY LIVING THEIR OWN WAY, BUT THAT THERE IS A DAILY STRUGGLE FOR DRINKING WATER, THAT THE SCHOOL
STUDENTS GET A PAD EACH, BUT NO PENCILS/CRAYONS OR PAINTS
back and decided to change the experience
of the next-door villages for the better
by growing organic coffee beans. We
knew little about her when traveling to
Tanzania in 2013. We’d read something
on the subject, but we realized what it
was all about only after arriving at the
plantation. A coffee bean bush takes at
least nine months to grow and separate
from the mother tree, then it can be
planted elsewhere, and then it will yield
fruit in about several years.
We found ourselves in a locality that
looked more like a Hollywood Nevada
Smith site. We met kids who knew nothing
about crayons – and this considering
that we were a short distance from
IN TANZANIA, KIM PEOPLE WANTED TO VISIT A PLANTATION STARTED BY A
NORWEGIAN LADY. THEY WERE GROWING ORGANIC COFFEE BEANS AND
THEIR BUSINESS INVOLVED TWO NEARBY VILLAGES
International creativity language
Arusha, a more or less civilized city by
Mt. Kilimanjaro. There were places
where the tarmac would end, replaced by
dirt roads that would turn into a mudbath
during the rainy season. The populace occupied
three to four square miles, yet
each aborigine seemed to be happy living
that way. They kept their residence area
tidy, but they had to keep up the daily
struggle for drinking water and their
kids had to make do with a single pad per
capita at school, and they hadn’t seen a
single crayon or paint before we arrived.
● SMALL PLANTATION THAT
CHANGED TWO VILLAGES
habited by Christians, courtesy of the
German missionaries way back. Tanzania
is a mix of creeds, but mostly Christian
thanks to the missionaries, and most
people speak understandable English.
Some locals had never visited the “big
cities.” The school we visited arranged for
a bus ride to the local airport, so the kids
could see it and discuss their impressions
on the ride back. We talked to some of the
locals, varying in age, in order to learn
their worldviews.
Lots of coffee and banana plantations
around, and a small local business
founded by a single person, with a limited
budget, that would produce a tangible
effect on the entire community. This
While in Tanzania, we wanted to see
the effect of that sole plantation, started
by a Norwegian lady, on the two nearby
villages. Both villages turned out to be inbusiness
made them turn quantity into
quality when they started growing organic
coffee beans, with each bush yielding
a different kind of fruit, earning
them much more money.
● NO CONTACT BETWEEN
SCHOOLS PROFESSING
DIFFERENT RELIGIONS
While in Tanzania, we visited schools
in two Christian villages. One was an elementary
school and the other one looked
more like a college. We held art workshop
seminars in both, then we took children’s
paintings and tried to establish contact
with a Muslim school in Zanzibar. They
seemed to welcome our initiative, but
there was no response. We couldn’t establish
contact between schools professing
different religions.
● SWEDISH MUSEUMS
ARE VERY IMPORTANT
We’d spent quite some time looking
for a topic before embarking on a project
involving Ukrainian museums. Finally,
we selected museums whose stock
and orientation answered today’s and future
missions – I mean their impact on
various civic categories. We also used
our experience when operating in Belarus
and Sweden.
We wanted to compare the Ukrainian
museums’ experience to that of
their British and Swedish counterparts,
to the extent we could study that experience
on site. It is true that the Swedish
museums have a great deal of impact on
the general public. They are visited by
adults and children, for education and
entertainment purposes. Almost every
museum offers a series of lectures for
various age groups. Now the big issue in
Sweden is whether such museums should
be used as guidelines, telling people
what is right and wrong, drawing the
line between true history and the way it
was taught in the Soviet Union, and the
way it is being taught in North Korea.
Our project in Ukraine will continue.
We’ve made arrangements with the
Swedish Institute. We’ll have to submit
a feasibility study report in November-
December, then they will make the final
decision in January. If Belarus, Sweden,
and Ukraine joined the project in spring,
we’d start looking for partners in Armenia
and, possibly, in Georgia, in order
to ensure a cross of cultures.
● ART AND CLIMATE CHANGE
There is the notion of Nordic countries,
meaning Sweden, Denmark, Finland, Norway,
Greenland, and Iceland. We keep in
touch with the University of Helsinki,
with a team of researchers who specialize
in climate change and have state-of-the-art
equipment, including towering climate
stations that are placed in certain localities
and do the job of large teams. Helsinki researchers
have sold several such stations to
the United States. Similar stations are in
China, totaling some 20 across the world.
What we have in mind is a research and
culture project, aimed at combining art
with science. We want to combine it with
similar projects in several countries. We’re
especially interested in Iceland and Greenland.
These countries are geographically
very dependent on climate change, in the
first place. For example, Denmark will become
one of Europe’s biggest countries –
if and when the snow melts in Greenland.
In that case, the living conditions in Iceland
and Greenland would essentially change in
several years. We rely on scientists and
their planned research to figure out what
cycles there are in nature and how man affects
the environment. The next step will
be to find a way to link this to creativity –
the way the artist sees man’s influence on
the climate.
● FEELING AT HOME IN FIVE
YEARS
When they ask me to tell about myself,
I reply that I’m from Ukraine, that I lived
in Kharkiv for 20 years and then went to
Tallinn to enroll in an institution of higher
education. I stayed there until 1996 and
then I flew to Sweden. I’d spent 12 years in
Estonia and the experience was such that
I found it hard to return to Ukraine. I’d
gone to Estonia because the local school of
art was very different from any counterparts,
anywhere under the Soviets. There
was a degree of true freedom there. No one
said or did anything anti-Soviet, but its professors
could undergo practical training in
Europe – in Finland, what was then Czechoslovakia,
and even in Italy. There were no
such professors in Kharkiv.
I spent two years in the south of Spain
and two years in Paris. When you stay
somewhere for two years, you feel like a
guest, but after five years you start feeling
at home. I felt at home in Ukraine, then
in Estonia, and later, in Sweden.
● LEARNING A FOREIGN
LANGUAGE CHANGES ONE’S
MENTALITY
Learning the language of the country
of residence has been important for me.
When you learn a foreign language, it
changes your mentality, you start thinking
differently. Its logic changes your logic.
Language isn’t only about words and
transcription; it’s about the new kind of
logic. You stay at a certain place long
enough to learn the language – like I did
when in Sweden – and then you begin to
understand why people behave there the
way they do.
● WHAT SWEDES KNOW
ABOUT UKRAINE
Swedes tend to have curious ideas
about Ukraine. Many don’t know the difference
between Ukraine and Russia, who
Stepan Bandera was, and so on. After the
Euromaidan, my friends and I spent quite
some time meeting with journalists, appearing
on the radio, doing our best to tell
them the truth about Ukraine. Now the situation
seems to have settled. People have
learned more about Ukraine, but all appear
to stick to their previous views. Some may
even tell you that there are fascists in
Ukraine – and this after the screening of
many documentaries and meetings with
politicians. Swedes have also been active in
this sphere, but we know that there’s lots
of work still to be done. There is a clear line
drawn here between those who feel for Russia
and for Ukraine. Everything depends
on the party line – and the kind of relationships
between that party and Vladimir
Putin. This topic is once again among the
main ones on the political agenda.

8
No.46 SEPTEMBER 13, 2018
TIMEO U T
Fashionis...“slowingdown”and“growingsmarter”
Photo courtesy of the Ukrainian Fashion Week’s organizers
ELENA BURENINA SS 2019
How did the Ukrainian Fashion
Week hold its spring-summer
season of 2019, dedicated to
“sustainable consumption”?
POUSTOVIT SS 2019
Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day
By Alla DUBROVYK-ROKHOVA, The Day
Atotal of 72 designers, 50 shows, 9 presentations,
3 special projects, all in seven days demonstrating
the super power of the Ukrainian fashion
– these are just some of the numbers
describing the Ukrainian Fashion Week SS19.
The headliners of the Ukrainian Fashion Week
SS19 included designers and brands that have
successfully represented Ukraine in the world fashion
arena: POUSTOVIT, LAKE STUDIO, IENKI IENKI,
RUSLAN BAGINSKIY, and KSENIA SCHNAIDER.
Lilia Litkovska, too, has returned after a creative
pause in our market. Since last year, she had been
showing her new collections only in Paris. However, she
held a presentation of her brand’s collection LL by
Litkovskaya on August 31 within the framework of the
Ukrainian Fashion Week.
● COMING HOME FROM PARIS
The LL is Litkovska’s city brand, founded in 2013.
Democratic and urban in appearance, it transmits the main
values of the designer, but speaks in a simpler language.
Over five years since it started operating, the brand had
already been recognized in France, the US, Korea, Japan,
Kuwait, and elsewhere, but had not been officially presented
to the Ukrainian public until 2018. To fix this,
Litkovska held a presentation of the LL summer collection
in Kyiv. The show took place on the steps of the Toronto-
Kyiv Business Center on August 31, 2018. Singer Alina
Pash became the face of the LL by Litkovskaya label, having
broken into this country’s musical scene this summer
with her single Bitanga.
● LILIA PUSTOVIT USED CLOUDS
AS THE BACKDROP
Another major figure of the Ukrainian fashion industry,
Lilia Pustovit, had a debut of sorts as well.
Ukrainian designer Pustovit devoted her new
spring-summer collection to the freedom which started
for her with the very choice of venue. Her brand,
which traditionally holds presentations on the main
Ukrainian Fashion Week podium, showed the new
season collection on the roof of the Skyline apartment
block, where clouds offered the best backdrop for
gentle images of the POUSTOVIT brand. Models in
snow-white attire (since the white color in various
shades and factures was the preferred choice in the
brand’s spring-summer collection of 2019) resembled
free birds who know no borders. The designer herself
compares this playing with whiteness to artworks of the
impressionists, which always emanate feelings of understatement
and lightness.
● “RESPONSIBILITY” IS THE KEYWORD
OF THE SEASON
“This is a great season. The authority and popularity
of designer brands that take part in the Week, the
number of collections on offer, the scope of projects – the
Ukrainian Fashion Week SS19 is very impressive.
Speaking of the keyword of this season, I would say it is
‘responsibility.’ Several projects are dedicated to responsible
clothing and responsible consumption. The Forum
of Creative Industries is dedicated to one’s responsibility
for the nation’s authority and for the quality
of the exported ‘product.’ The 43rd and all previous
seasons of the Ukrainian Fashion Week are dedicated to
the responsibility for the development of the Ukrainian
fashion industry as a whole,” organizer of the Ukrainian
Fashion Week Iryna Danylevska noted at the preevent
press conference.
Yet another feature of the Ukrainian Fashion Week
this season was the fact that the organizers dedicated it
to the sustainable development, which is a “fashionable”
theme all over the planet.
The sustainable fashion is a new philosophy of contemporary
fashion aficionados, including environmentfriendly
clothing, wearing vintage attire, engaging in
clothing exchange, recycling and upcycling, ethical
production, high quality and timeless designs.
Accordingly, all events of the Ukrainian Fashion
Week SS19 were aimed, as said by the organizers, at shaping
a new fashion philosophy in Ukraine.
“We will talk about things which are important for
fashion, about the need to consume clothes very consciously.
And we think designer clothes offer an alternative
to the so-called fast fashion, when you buy a very
cheap T-shirt, and throw it out after five days because
it has either lost its qualities or you are not interested
anymore, and it is so cheap that you can afford to
throw it out, etc.,” Danylevska told us.
The sustainable fashion is also a thing within the
so-called slow fashion concept. The slow fashion is when
a dress, a bag, a pair of boots, or something else does not
tell everyone what season you bought it in. This is when
the fabric is high-quality and natural, when the leather
is well-treated, or, if it is a synthetic material, or as it
is now called, a material of the “new generation,” it must
necessarily be ergonomic, that is, pleasing to the body
and not obstructing the normal processes of our body’s
life. If it is so, that item lives with you for more than
just a season and is relevant for many occasions.
Read more on our website
WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA
20 th International
Photo Contest
FRONT PAG
STANDINGS:
Ukrainian World
Politic
Photo with History
The World Through Children’s Eyes
(open to photographers aged under 18)
Photos are referred to standings as determined by the Jury
TERMS AND CONDITIONS:
This Photo Contest is open to
professional and news photographers,
amateurs, and minors
aged under 18.
Each contestant can submit up
to 20 black-and-white and color
photos of exhibit quality, in
any standard electronic format,
along with a CV * .
SPECIAL CLAUSES:
Photos with persons aged under
18 [i.e., minors] can be displayed
only with their parents’ knowledge
and consent (sample photo
consent form attached).
Minors can submit photos only
with their parents’ knowledge and
consent (sample consent form attached).
Sample consent forms will be provided
by the Editors on request.
Contest entry fee: UAH 100.00
Photos submitted that fail to meet
the above requirements will be
disregarded by the Jury.
By taking part in this Photo Conand
guarantee that they are the
authors of the works submitted,
that they have not transferred
their copyright to any other person
except the Organizers of this
Photo Contest, and that their
participation in this Photo Contest
will not infringe upon the
copyright of a third person.
Should any data with regard to
copyright and guarantees, listed
hereinabove and provided hereunder,
prove inaccurate and/or
untrue, the contestant at fault
will undertake to settle any claims
thereunder, including damage
Organizers.
2018
The works submitted to the Photo
Contest will not be reviewed and
will not be returned.
The Jury of the Photo Contest
has the right to name winners
and assign awards, prizes, and
otherwise encourage them by
having their works carried by
including the Internet versions
of these periodicals, duly acknowledging
their authorship
and paying honorariums as per
editorial rates, and to further
use their photos as per Terms
and Conditions of the Photo
Contest.
WE WAIT FOR YOUR PHOTOS TILL 15.09.2018
www.day.kyiv.ua
WELCOME PARTNERS
pr@day.kiev.ua
The Organizers have the right to
use any of the works submitted in
order to promote this and other
projects of, subject to the condition
that the authors [photographers]
are duly acknowledged.
Winners will receive their awards
only when present during the
ceremony scheduled for October
2018.
Winners of the Photo Contest will
make all tax and duty payments
due them under the laws currentheld
accountable for the authenticity
of information and any and
all documents pertaining to such
payments provided by them.
No prizes will be redeemable for cash.
Each contestant, by accepting the
Terms and Conditions of the Photo
Contest, assumes certain obligations
and undertakes to abide
by certain rules hereof. The Terms
and Conditions of the Photo Contest
constitute a mixed public
contract with elements of participation,
copyright and copyright
transfer agreements.
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вiд 27 липня 2015 року
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