Program & Abstract Book - EPFL Latsis Symposium 2009

Program & Abstract Book - EPFL Latsis Symposium 2009 Program & Abstract Book - EPFL Latsis Symposium 2009

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EPFL Latsis Symposium 2009: Understanding Violence S-7 32 February 11-13 2009 ty p e s o f a g g r e s s i o n a n D t y p e s o f b r a i n m e c h a n i s m s . th e r o l e o f g l u c o c o r t i c o i D s Haller, Joseph Behavioural Neurobiology Department Institute of Experimental Medicine Budapest, Hungary Aggression is a behavioral mechanism of competition, which consists of acts that are aimed at or threat with, inflicting physical harm in social conflict. Aggressiveness is expressed by all species that are endowed with appropriate motor skills and neural systems. As such, this behavior cannot be considered abnormal per se. Yet, aggressiveness constitutes a major problem in human societies. Those manifestations of aggression that raise the largest concerns either loose their competitive role (they are internally driven rather than goal oriented) or disregard social rules, for which reasons they cannot be considered normal any more. Not surprisingly, such abnormal manifestations of aggressiveness usually occur in the context of various psychological disorders. We argue here that the neural control of normal and abnormal aggression is different, and changes in glucocorticoid secretion patterns are among the factors that underlie the behavioral and neural shifts that lead to abnormal aggression. This proposal will be substantiated by laboratory studies involving models of abnormal aggression. We will show that factors that lead to psychopathology-associated abnormal aggression in humans result in the development of abnormal aggression patterns in laboratory rodents. Among the eliciting factors, the ones that affect glucocorticoid secretion will be in focus. We will also show that the neural control of such abnormal aggression patterns is different from the one that underlies male rivalry aggression, which can be considered normal in laboratory rodents. Important differences were found at many levels of the neuronal circuitry that controls aggression, e.g. in the prefrontal cortex, septum, extended amygdala, hypothalamus, and brainstem. We will also show that normal and abnormal aggression responds differently to pharmacological agents, suggesting that agents that decrease rivalry aggression will not necessarily decrease abnormal manifestations of aggressiveness. We suggest that different types of human aggression need different pharmacological approaches. Our findings demonstrate that aggression is not a unitary phenomenon, neither in terms of behavioral manifestations nor in terms of neural control. A differentiated view on these phenomena offers the chance of a deeper understanding and may enable the development more efficient treatment strategies.

EPFL Latsis Symposium 2009: Understanding Violence S-8 th e vi o l e n c e o f in e q u a l i t y Abstracts for Speakers Wilkinson, Richard University of Nottingham Medical School, UK; International Centre for Health and Society, University College London Rates of violence and homicide in societies are part of a wider pattern of social dysfunction. If you look at rich countries and compare life expectancy, mental health, homicide rates, conflict between school children, teenage birth rates, drug abuse, obesity rates, levels of trust or the strength of community life, you find that countries which tend to do well on one of these measures tend to do well on all of them, and the ones which do badly, do badly on all of them. What accounts for the difference? The key seems to be the amount of inequality in each society. The picture is consistent whether we compare rich countries or the 50 states of the USA. It seems likely that the extent of income inequality in each society serves as a determinant and expression of the scale and importance of social class stratification. The greater the inequality, the greater the status competition and the more prevalent are all the problems associated with relative deprivation. However, although the amount of inequality has its greatest effect on rates of problems among the poor, its affects extend to almost all income groups reducing levels of well-being among the vast majority of the population. Inequality has always been regarded as socially corrosive. Now comparisons between rich market democracies show that even small differences in inequality affect the quality of social relations in society at large. Research on the social determinants of health provides some pointers to why are we so sensitive to inequality: it increases status insecurity, raises the “social evaluative threat” and heightens issues of respect and disrespect. Particularly important are the effects of low social status, poor friendship networks and early childhood experience. These affect forms of psychosocial insecurity, anxiety and people’s sense of whether they are valued and appreciated. Through these pathways inequality not only affects social relation within a society, but also leads to differences in international relations. 33

<strong>EPFL</strong> <strong>Latsis</strong> <strong>Symposium</strong> <strong>2009</strong>: Understanding Violence<br />

S-8<br />

th e vi o l e n c e o f in e q u a l i t y<br />

<strong>Abstract</strong>s for Speakers<br />

Wilkinson, Richard<br />

University of Nottingham Medical School, UK; International Centre<br />

for Health and Society, University College London<br />

Rates of violence and homicide in societies are part of a wider pattern of social<br />

dysfunction. If you look at rich countries and compare life expectancy,<br />

mental health, homicide rates, conflict between school children, teenage<br />

birth rates, drug abuse, obesity rates, levels of trust or the strength of community<br />

life, you find that countries which tend to do well on one of these<br />

measures tend to do well on all of them, and the ones which do badly, do<br />

badly on all of them. What accounts for the difference?<br />

The key seems to be the amount of inequality in each society. The picture is<br />

consistent whether we compare rich countries or the 50 states of the USA.<br />

It seems likely that the extent of income inequality in each society serves<br />

as a determinant and expression of the scale and importance of social class<br />

stratification. The greater the inequality, the greater the status competition<br />

and the more prevalent are all the problems associated with relative<br />

deprivation. However, although the amount of inequality has its greatest<br />

effect on rates of problems among the poor, its affects extend to almost all<br />

income groups reducing levels of well-being among the vast majority of the<br />

population.<br />

Inequality has always been regarded as socially corrosive. Now comparisons<br />

between rich market democracies show that even small differences in<br />

inequality affect the quality of social relations in society at large. Research<br />

on the social determinants of health provides some pointers to why are we<br />

so sensitive to inequality: it increases status insecurity, raises the “social<br />

evaluative threat” and heightens issues of respect and disrespect. Particularly<br />

important are the effects of low social status, poor friendship networks<br />

and early childhood experience. These affect forms of psychosocial insecurity,<br />

anxiety and people’s sense of whether they are valued and appreciated.<br />

Through these pathways inequality not only affects social relation within a<br />

society, but also leads to differences in international relations.<br />

33

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