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AUGUST 16, 2018 ISSUE No. <strong>42</strong> (1174)<br />

Tel.: +38(044) 303-96-19,<br />

fax: +38(044) 303-94-20<br />

е-mail: time@day.kiev.ua;<br />

http://www.day.kiev.ua<br />

Dear readers, our next issue will be published on August 23, 2018<br />

Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day<br />

Canadians need<br />

more content<br />

re Ukraine<br />

Canadian Ambassador<br />

to Ukraine Roman<br />

Waschuk comments on<br />

FTA advantages, cultural<br />

heritage, and realism<br />

Continued on page 4<br />

Photo by Anatolii STEPANOV<br />

Photos that<br />

produce new<br />

meanings<br />

Anatolii Stepanov, who<br />

has photographed<br />

Ukrainian defenders<br />

since the beginning of<br />

the war in the east,<br />

speaks about his heroes<br />

Continued on page 5<br />

“Not to act is to let<br />

Oleh Sentsov die”<br />

On August 16, the “prisoner of the Kremlin” will mark<br />

the 95th day of his hunger strike. Artists all over<br />

the world keep up their efforts to save him<br />

Continued on page 2


2<br />

No.<strong>42</strong> AUGUST 16, 2018<br />

“Not to act is to let Oleh Sentsov die”<br />

On August 16, the “prisoner of the Kremlin” will mark<br />

the 95th day of his hunger strike. Artists all over<br />

the world keep up their efforts to save him<br />

By Mariia PROKOPENKO, The Day<br />

The cult film director Jean-Luc<br />

Godard, classic maker of poignant<br />

social cinema Ken Loach, French<br />

Culture Minister Francoise<br />

Nyssen as well as other artists and<br />

cultural figures sent an open letter<br />

calling for the release of Oleh Sentsov and<br />

international mobilization in order to<br />

accelerate this process, reports the<br />

Ukrinform news agency. The letter was<br />

published by the French newspaper Le<br />

Monde recently.<br />

“Since art recognizes no borders,<br />

because it is universal, the rights of<br />

those who create it should be just as limitless.<br />

The freedom of speech and the freedom<br />

of creativity should not stop where<br />

dissent begins. Still, a director is dying<br />

as we speak because he is a dissident. His<br />

life is in danger because of his ideas, just<br />

like it was with Vasily Grossman, Alexander<br />

Solzhenitsyn and others under the<br />

communist regime,” the letter is quoted<br />

on the Ukrinform website.<br />

The letter’s signatories urge quick<br />

action because the director’s condition is<br />

deteriorating and ask the entire international<br />

community “from the EU to the<br />

UN” to join the support campaign for the<br />

“prisoner of the Kremlin.”<br />

“Not to act is to let Oleh Sentsov die.<br />

It means abandoning our values and our<br />

principles, abandoning what we stand for<br />

and what we are. It means agreeing with<br />

the claim that people may be killed over<br />

their ideas, thoughts, positions,” the<br />

signatories emphasize.<br />

By the way, President of France<br />

Emmanuel Macron had a phone call with<br />

President of the Russian Federation<br />

Vladimir Putin this past weekend, the latter<br />

having power to order Sentsov’s release.<br />

According to the Elysee Palace’s<br />

statement, the French president expressed<br />

concern over Sentsov’s condition,<br />

urged Russia to immediately find a humanitarian<br />

solution to the situation and<br />

made several relevant proposals. Putin’s<br />

administration was less inclined to comment.<br />

The website of the Russian president<br />

reported that the two leaders had<br />

discussed the current situation in Syria<br />

and “some other topics.”<br />

Ukrainian artists keep supporting<br />

Sentsov as well. For example, the Dukat<br />

Gallery of Kyiv hosted the art event<br />

“Freedom or Death,” created jointly<br />

with the creative association Babylon’13.<br />

It exhibited posters, installations, and<br />

videos devoted to the “prisoner of the<br />

Kremlin.” Matvii Vaisberg, Kseniia Hnylytska,<br />

and Andrii Yermolenko were<br />

among authors of these works.<br />

Everyone can make a small and somewhat<br />

artistic gesture in support of<br />

Sentsov. An open-ended flashmob called<br />

#FREESENTSOV! #YOUCANDOIT has<br />

started recently outside the embassies of<br />

the G7 countries. As reported on the<br />

event’s Facebook page (https://www.facebook.com/groups/251125322385673/ab<br />

out/), its purpose is to put pressure on<br />

influential countries to make them impose<br />

tougher sanctions on the Russian<br />

Federation.<br />

“Approach the embassy of one of the<br />

G7 countries (the G7 countries include<br />

Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan,<br />

Britain, the US, and the EU) or other influential<br />

country. Take a picture of yourself<br />

holding a poster reading ‘Free<br />

Sentsov’ with the embassy in the background.<br />

Tag the embassy in the photo.<br />

Spread the photo over social networks<br />

with tags #FreeSentsov #YouCanDoIt.<br />

Also, invite to the event friends in<br />

Ukraine and abroad, let them join the effort<br />

where they can. Then e-mail the photo<br />

to the embassy, asking the official representatives<br />

of that country to help us get<br />

the political prisoner Oleh Sentsov released,”<br />

they describe the action plan on<br />

the social network.<br />

One can download posters and find<br />

addresses of Kyiv-based embassies on the<br />

Facebook page. The initiative has no<br />

specific organizer and is run in a spontaneous<br />

manner.<br />

DAY AFTER DAY<br />

ACTOR DMYTRO YAROSHENKO (VASYL STUS, THE PROTAGONIST OF THE FILM<br />

STUS, ORIGINALLY TITLED THE BIRD OF SOUL) WITH DIRECTOR ROMAN<br />

BROVKO (RIGHT)<br />

#Film or no film?<br />

By Olesia SHUTKEVYCH, The Day,<br />

Vinnytsia<br />

According to the announcement,<br />

the film about Vasyl<br />

Stus, which won the Ukrainian<br />

State Film Agency’s<br />

(Derzhkino’s) 10th competitive<br />

selection, deals with bright pages<br />

in the life and a Sixtier poet and his<br />

mysterious death. As the authors noted,<br />

events “unfold during the KGB’s last<br />

attempt to tempt the poet with<br />

‘freedom.’” Quite logically, Ukrainian<br />

audiences expected to see a truthful<br />

story of Stus’ arrest, a false “accusation<br />

of anti-Soviet propaganda,” and,<br />

finally, the trial after which the poet<br />

was sent into exile which was<br />

tantamount to a death sentence because<br />

he never came back. But, according to<br />

actor Hennadii Popenko, the authors<br />

did not shoot all the scenes and offered<br />

spectators half-truth, concealing<br />

inactivity of Viktor Medvedchuk, Stus’<br />

lawyer at that time and an oligarch now.<br />

● THE PREMIER’S DISSERVICE<br />

The film’s shooting ended in late<br />

July. It is planned to premiere it in<br />

Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day<br />

On the causes and effects<br />

of a scandal around<br />

the film about Vasyl Stus,<br />

or when the truth “does<br />

not fit the runtime”<br />

February 2019. Everything would be<br />

OK if Prime Minister Volodymyr Hroisman<br />

had not posted a video clip on hid<br />

Facebook page on August 8. He announced<br />

joyously that a full-length<br />

film had been made about Vasyl Stus,<br />

with about half of the picture’s budget<br />

(20 million hryvnias) coming from<br />

Ukrainian state coffers. Readers inquired<br />

in comments about who was to<br />

play the role of Stus’ lawyer Medvedchuk.<br />

“He is a tragically significant<br />

figure in the life of Vasyl Stus. It is<br />

Medvedchuk who defended in court the<br />

Ukrainian poet who was eventually<br />

sentenced to exile from which he never<br />

came back,” Natalie Sedletska commented.<br />

But Alexander Derkach writes<br />

that “there will be no such character in<br />

the film.” In other words, this antihero<br />

was in the script, an actor was cast to<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

play him, but the scene was cut out.<br />

Actor Hennadii Popenko confirmed<br />

this fact on August 10. He<br />

wrote in Facebook that, according to<br />

those who take part in the making of<br />

the full-length film The Bird of Soul,<br />

directed by Roman Brovko and written<br />

by Serhii Dziuba and Artemii Kirsanov,<br />

the trial scene had really been<br />

deleted. “It was withdrawn from the<br />

shooting schedule without prior notice.<br />

There is no longer such a character<br />

as Medvedchuk in the film. But an<br />

actor was cast for this role. He was<br />

preparing to play,” Popenko wrote.<br />

The actor added that, in all probability,<br />

what caused the mysterious disappearance<br />

was the fact that “producers<br />

received a call from Medvedchuk’s inner<br />

circle and told to remove the scene<br />

of Stus’ trial if they wanted to shoot<br />

the film to the end and didn’t want<br />

provocations.”<br />

● REACTION TO SELECTIVE<br />

SUPPRESSION<br />

Popenko’s post gathered thousands<br />

of likes in 24 hours, causing<br />

quite a stir. On the whole, 13,000<br />

users reposted and more than 950<br />

commented on it.<br />

“The situation with the Vasyl Stus<br />

film is shameful. The public must not<br />

leave this intact – not only because a<br />

half of the film’s budget (20 million<br />

hryvnias) is money from Ukraine’s national<br />

budget but, above all, because<br />

Medvedchuk is a significant figure in<br />

the life of Stus (as well as in the life of<br />

Lytvyn). And even if – just in theory –<br />

nobody phoned from him, the story of<br />

the Poet cannot be told without this<br />

tragic episode in which Medvedchuk<br />

was involved because this amounts to<br />

a selectively suppressed story, and<br />

doesn’t matter whether it was suppressed<br />

intentionally or through stupidity.<br />

You don’t have to be a serious<br />

analyst to understand who stands to<br />

gain,” poet Serhii Tatchyn said in a<br />

comment on the situation, as did a lot<br />

of other Ukrainian writers and cultural<br />

figures.<br />

Donetsk National University,<br />

which is named after Vasyl Stus,<br />

chose not to comment, while Stus’ son<br />

Dmytro said in a video clip posted in<br />

the film’s official Facebook page that<br />

the 1980s situation is being absolu-<br />

By Ruslan HARBAR<br />

The media continue to discuss the<br />

killing of three Russian journalists<br />

in the Central African<br />

Republic (CAR). What sort of<br />

a country is this? What is<br />

going on there? Why did they go<br />

there? What is the reason why they<br />

were killed? What is Russia’s<br />

interest in the CAR?<br />

The CAR, a former colony of<br />

France, is a small African country<br />

with a population of almost five million,<br />

of which Christians (50 percent<br />

of them are Protestants) account for<br />

80 percent and Muslims for 20 percent.<br />

Christians are mainly engaged in<br />

crop farming and Muslims in nomadic<br />

cattle-raising. It is one of Africa’s<br />

poorest countries with a per capita<br />

GDP of about 700 dollars. One dollar<br />

a day is considered not so bad. Seventy<br />

percent of children are illiterate.<br />

Like almost all the countries of Africa,<br />

the CAR is rich in mineral resources –<br />

gold, diamonds, uranium, oil, etc.<br />

The CAR was a problem country<br />

from the very moment of gaining independence.<br />

It has seen never-ending<br />

coups (as a rule, incited by France) and<br />

intertribal clashes. It is here that the<br />

notorious “emperor” Jean-Bedel<br />

Bokassa, who liked to relish human<br />

flesh, ruled. Incidentally, French<br />

President Giscard d’Estaign called<br />

him his relative and friend. In 2012 or<br />

so, the clashes began to show the<br />

clear signs of an interdenominational<br />

conflict between Christians and<br />

Muslims. Muslims and Christians<br />

Central African Republic, Wagner, and diamonds<br />

How Russia is establishing a “new world order” in Africa<br />

formed the Seleka and the Antibalaka<br />

organizations, respectively, which are<br />

constantly fighting for power. France<br />

and the UN moved in their peacekeeping<br />

forces which reduced violence a little.<br />

Yet a million people had to leave their<br />

homes. The year 2016 saw the election<br />

of a neutral Faustin-Archange Touadera<br />

as president. But his government controls<br />

the capital and its suburbs only. After<br />

several French soldiers were killed,<br />

France withdrew almost all of its troops.<br />

The 12,000-strong UN peacekeeping<br />

force is only busy ensuring its own security.<br />

Two battalions of the local army<br />

(1,300 men) have no modern arms and<br />

equipment. The capital is surrounded by<br />

Selaka detachments.<br />

REUTERS photo<br />

THE CAR HAS ALWAYS BEEN A PROBLEM COUNTRY SINCE IT GAINED<br />

INDEPENDENCE – NEVER-ENDING COUPS (AS A RULE, INCITED BY FRANCE),<br />

TRIBAL CLASHES, ETC. IN 2012 OR SO, THE CLASHES BEGAN TO SHOW THE<br />

CLEAR SIGNS OF AN INTERDENOMINATIONAL CONFLICT BETWEEN<br />

CHRISTIANS AND MUSLIMS<br />

Who can the president rely upon in<br />

his desire to establish order in the<br />

country? He requested the president of<br />

France to bring back the troops. Emmanuel<br />

Macron refused to do so. In October<br />

2017 Touadera met with Sergey<br />

Lavrov in Sochi. As soon as in March<br />

2018 Moscow announced rendering<br />

free military aid to the CAR. The UN<br />

Security Council approved this, although<br />

there has been an embargo on<br />

weapon supplies to the CAR since<br />

2013. Touadera met with Vladimir<br />

Putin in late May 2018 in St. Petersburg.<br />

Russia sent 5 military and<br />

170 civilian instructors to teach local<br />

soldiers to use the supplies weapons.<br />

Thus the CAR saw some young polite<br />

“little men” (not to be confused with<br />

“green little men”) with military bearing.<br />

In addition to their main occupation,<br />

they undertook to provide the<br />

president’s security. Touadera has also<br />

appointed a Russian, Valery Zakharov,<br />

as his national security adviser.<br />

They are all associated with the private<br />

military firm Wagner run by the<br />

well-known Russian billionaire Yevgeny<br />

Prigozhin who is close to Putin. The<br />

Wagner commander Dmitry Utkin, a<br />

former military intelligence officer, is<br />

subordinate to Prigozhin.<br />

Formally, everything is clear and<br />

open here – the president’s invitation<br />

and a UN SC approval. The experienced<br />

Russian journalists were apparently<br />

interested in something else, while<br />

Wagner’s activity was just a not so reliable<br />

cover. This is why they did not<br />

insist much when they were refused<br />

entry to the Wagner base at the former<br />

residency of “emperor” Bokassa.<br />

Instead, they went north, to the place<br />

of Lobaya Invest diamond mines.<br />

This firm is a subsidiary of M-Invest<br />

which belongs to the abovementioned<br />

Prigozhin. Although considered in<br />

Russia to “specialize” in African gold<br />

(Sudan, CAR), he does not shun diamonds,<br />

of course. It is risky and dangerous<br />

to do such cost-effective business<br />

in such as troubled country, all<br />

the more so that there are already<br />

about 1,400 Russians in the CAR.<br />

There are also journalists among<br />

them, who are engaged in anti-French<br />

propaganda. The fact that 175 Russian<br />

military instructors came with<br />

UN SC permission shows Russia’s<br />

professionalism in combining high<br />

diplomacy (at the UN level) with<br />

business interests of its oligarchs. The<br />

Russian embassy is also working in<br />

Bangui and, as events show, they<br />

are quite worth their salt. The Russian<br />

journalists must have intended to<br />

trace the “Wagner-business-diplomacy”<br />

connection. And who will allow<br />

somebody to poke their nose into<br />

the holy of holies – into oligarchic<br />

deals? The punishment was quick<br />

and harsh. I am sure nobody will<br />

ever know the truth. The most “ironclad”<br />

version Russia’s Foreign Ministry<br />

supports is robbery. A total of<br />

8,500 dollars the journalists had is<br />

big money in the CAR.<br />

Continued on page 5 ➤


WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

CULT URE No.<strong>42</strong> AUGUST 16, 2018 3<br />

tized. “Undoubtedly, the defense<br />

attorney behaved inadequately.<br />

But many people behaved inadequately<br />

in those conditions. And if<br />

the point had been in the lawyer only,<br />

this wouldn’t have had any impact.<br />

Let us then recall investigators<br />

and the people who worked in<br />

ideological institutions. Let us<br />

then speak about all the other<br />

things if we are prepared for a conversation<br />

like this,” he says.<br />

● THE TRIAL SCENE WILL BE<br />

LEFT INTACT<br />

The public heatedly debated<br />

about the film scandal for several<br />

days, demanding explanations from<br />

Minister Nyshchuk, Derzhkino, and<br />

a response from the prime minister.<br />

The latter did it quickly. Hroisman<br />

wrote on his Facebook page on August<br />

11 that he had instructed the<br />

Ministry of Culture and the Ukrainian<br />

State Film Agency to urgently<br />

gather this film’s makers and the<br />

public and do their best to avoid any<br />

distortions in the film about the<br />

Ukrainian poet and dissident Vasyl<br />

Stus – the picture should be shown<br />

truthfully and completely.<br />

On the same day, a few hours later,<br />

the film’s authors made an official<br />

statement, promising to re-shoot<br />

the scene of the Stus trial, including<br />

the dissident’s lawyer Medvedchuk,<br />

in the immediate future. The film<br />

crew also admitted that, removing,<br />

among other things, this scene from<br />

the latest draft script, they “took an<br />

insufficiently serious approach to<br />

analyzing its importance for society.”<br />

Earlier, film director Brovko had<br />

explained to the media that the decision<br />

to remove Medvedchuk was<br />

made “in order to keep the dissident’s<br />

family emotionally calm and<br />

reduce the runtime,” as well as because<br />

the film crew was afraid that<br />

Medvedchuk might sue them in case<br />

some scenes were not true to fact.<br />

● “A BITTER SYMPTOM<br />

FOR SOCIETY”<br />

Olha Koliastruk, Doctor of Sciences<br />

(History), a professor at Vinnytsia<br />

State Pedagogical University,<br />

believes that this situation must<br />

not be ignored even if the conflict is<br />

resolved and the film crew resumes<br />

shooting the film, particularly the<br />

trial scene. For we have another<br />

Stus now – Oleh Sentsov who has already<br />

turned from a political prisoner<br />

into a dissident. If you compare<br />

their life stories, you can find many<br />

points of contact. Therefore, if we<br />

forgive the system for maltreating<br />

Stus, we will thus repudiate<br />

Sentsov, displaying Soviet slavish<br />

obedience again.<br />

“This situation is a bitter symptom<br />

for Ukrainian society. We are<br />

reading our history just nominally<br />

again, we do not plumb its depths,<br />

and we are not learning the ethic and<br />

moral lesson we need in order to<br />

hold out. If a director cuts out a<br />

scene that is supposed to show opposition<br />

to the system in a court of law<br />

and thinks that it can be deleted in order<br />

to reduce runtime, why then he<br />

took up this hard work, the truth?”<br />

Koliastruk asks. “Stus is a poet of<br />

enormous height, and he is not easy<br />

to read because this requires one to<br />

show the philosophy of thought and<br />

the ability to rise to him. He cannot<br />

be read for several hours in a row.<br />

You should read a few lines and analyze.<br />

He demands being prepared to<br />

reach his level. And the question is:<br />

are we all prepared to be at the same<br />

height with him?”<br />

The situation around the Stus<br />

film shows that there are still people<br />

in Ukraine, who influence not only<br />

political and business processes, but<br />

also journalism, art, and cinema. In<br />

other words, they are dictating what<br />

should be shown and who to. So, the<br />

question remains open: what are we<br />

going to see at the premiere of the<br />

film about Vasyl Stus – truth or<br />

half-truth?<br />

By Mariia PROKOPENKO, photos<br />

by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day<br />

What do the giant Kalevipoeg<br />

from the eponymous<br />

Estonian epic<br />

and the hero of Oles<br />

Honchar’s novel Perekop<br />

about the war of 1917-20 Danko<br />

Yaresko have in common? Both works<br />

were illustrated by Serhii Yakutovych<br />

in the 1980s. In both cases, the artist,<br />

who was a scion of a famous creative<br />

dynasty, was creating a powerful<br />

image of the hero. Now these series of<br />

illustrations can be seen at the<br />

exhibition “Serhii Yakutovych. Idols”<br />

at the art center “Ya Gallery” in Kyiv.<br />

● THE EPIC CONFLICT<br />

“The theme of heroes, which is<br />

raised in the exhibition, is always<br />

highly ambiguous, and it is so now<br />

too. Actually, who is the hero?” the<br />

curator of the exhibition Polina Limina<br />

asked. “Two series, dissimilar in<br />

stylistics and significance, are on display<br />

here. Honchar’s Perekop is an agitprop<br />

Soviet fiction book dealing<br />

with revolutionary topics. Kalevipoeg<br />

is an Estonian epic, which needed to be<br />

made relevant again in the Soviet<br />

Union in order to insert the Estonian<br />

culture into the general context. The<br />

two are quite different, but both turn<br />

to the theme of heroes. When they are<br />

shown in the same space, it can create<br />

a kind of conflict, a collision, which<br />

helps to demonstrate additional meanings<br />

involved in the concept.”<br />

A total of 44 works are presented<br />

at the exhibition, accompanied by the<br />

books Kalevipoeg and Perekop. The<br />

graphic works come from the Yakutovych<br />

archive, which is currently<br />

studied by the Ya Gallery team, led by<br />

the founder of the art center Pavlo<br />

Hudimov. Limina remarked that<br />

these works had not been exhibited<br />

since the late 1980s if not longer, and<br />

very few people had ever seen them.<br />

● HERO, ENVIRONMENT, LOVE,<br />

ENEMIES<br />

The debate around the heroes is<br />

reflected also in the fact that the<br />

works of the two series are “mixedup.”<br />

Kalevipoeg on horseback with a<br />

sword raised over his head can be seen<br />

next to Yaresko, also on horseback<br />

and looking at the viewer with piercing<br />

eyes. Love stories and images of<br />

enemies from both books are also exhibited<br />

next to each other.<br />

As Limina noted, the exhibition is<br />

notionally divided into four parts.<br />

One room houses works featuring<br />

both heroes and the environments in<br />

which they live and fight. The second<br />

room reveals the relationship between<br />

the hero and his woman, love stories,<br />

as well as the theme of enemies.<br />

“It all started with Kalevipoeg,”<br />

Limina recalled how the idea of the exhibition<br />

appeared. “This is not a very<br />

prominent position among Yakutovych’s<br />

works. I looked at the book,<br />

and when I thought of displaying<br />

Kalevipoeg alone, it seemed to me that<br />

it might fail to reflect the artist’s impetuous<br />

nature. It does not have its<br />

own internal conflict, it needs to be<br />

confronted with something, provided<br />

with a contrast, so that it becomes<br />

more than just a very well-made legend.<br />

For me, Perekop has always been<br />

like Kalevipoeg’s opposite number in<br />

the legacy of the same artist. Therefore,<br />

the book with the Estonian epic<br />

was the initial impulse, but Perekop<br />

came to join it later.”<br />

● TOPICAL “BEASTS”<br />

Yakutovych depicted Nestor<br />

Makhno very much like an ape in<br />

Perekop. “It deserves a separate discussion<br />

– why the enemies were commonly<br />

reduced to beastly images.<br />

Speaking of the late 1970s and the<br />

1980s, it was often used to portray the<br />

‘American enemy’ as well. For example,<br />

a capitalist was depicted in the<br />

form of an ape or a pig, since precisely<br />

these animals were considered the<br />

MAKHNO. AN ILLUSTRATION TO THE BOOK PEREKOP, 1987 AN ILLUSTRATION TO THE BOOK PEREKOP, 1987<br />

The battle of our dreams<br />

The project “Serhii Yakutovych. Idols” is showing<br />

almost unknown works of the iconic painter<br />

AN ILLUSTRATION TO THE BOOK KALEVIPOEG, 1981, DONE IN THE ARTIST’S<br />

OWN TECHNIQUE<br />

personification of hostility in the collective<br />

public opinion. Here, it is<br />

transposed into more distant historical<br />

stories with a certain irony,” Limina<br />

commented. By the way, something<br />

beastly, wolfish is present in<br />

Yaresko’s depiction as well. It brings<br />

to one’s mind totems, which were actually<br />

heroes for the primitive people<br />

“at the beginning of time.”<br />

Regarding the opportunistic nature<br />

of Perekop, Limina said: “Of<br />

course, there is always the financial<br />

aspect to the commission, but Honchar’s<br />

Perekop differed from other opportunistic<br />

works. Also, this is the only<br />

book work of Yakutovych done in<br />

the period when he turned to more<br />

modern themes and away from depicting<br />

the Cossacks and epic stories. It<br />

seems to me that it also played a role,<br />

as he wanted to try his hand in a more<br />

contemporary-themed project.”<br />

Illustrations in Perekop are special<br />

in that they contain colored fragments.<br />

“While working on Perekop,<br />

Yakutovych experimented with color,<br />

it is one of the few book series of those<br />

years which he also painted with watercolors,”<br />

Limina remarked. Blue,<br />

red, and green ribbons designate different<br />

political forces, so the reader<br />

can determine which side this or that<br />

figure represents.<br />

● LOOKING BACK AT AN IDOL<br />

Finding the name for the project<br />

was an issue in itself. “Were we to call<br />

the exhibition ‘Serhii Yakutovych. A<br />

Hero,’ it would have immediately created<br />

an association with the artist. Although<br />

I consider him to be one of the<br />

best in the 20th and 21st centuries, I<br />

do not want to predispose the viewer<br />

from the start to thinking that they<br />

are going to the exhibition of, let us<br />

say, a heroic artist. I try to avoid ascribing<br />

to artists clear traits of prominence,<br />

fame, heroics or something like<br />

that,” Limina thought aloud. “Another<br />

issue is that the word ‘hero’ immediately<br />

associates in one’s mind with<br />

something close and not distant in<br />

time, while here we turn to history, to<br />

events we can look back at from a certain<br />

distance. As for me, this is a fairly<br />

convenient division, as speaking of<br />

an idol, we speak about something<br />

that has already been relegated to the<br />

past, and now we can analyze it.”<br />

This idea is reflected in the curatorial<br />

text accompanying the exhibition:<br />

“An idol has already firmed up,<br />

taken a certain shape, just as a visual<br />

work is completed; meanwhile, a hero<br />

appears to be more dynamic, indeterminate,<br />

and variable. The first one is<br />

easier to analyze, the second one is<br />

easier to take inspiration from.”<br />

● TO MEET KALEVIPOEG<br />

In a sense, Yakutovych met his<br />

Kalevipoeg on a Tallinn street. The<br />

artist mentioned this in his autobiographical<br />

records. “Heorhii Yakutovych<br />

[Serhii’s father, an iconic<br />

graphic artist. – Ed.] suggested that he<br />

needed to enter this culture, to see<br />

these people. Serhii went to Tallinn for<br />

that very purpose and actually saw this<br />

type on the streets of the city, meeting<br />

a very tall, athletic blond young man,”<br />

Limina said. By the way, Kalevipoeg’s<br />

plot originated with ancient folk tales,<br />

and it emerged as a literary work in the<br />

mid-19th century, when it was shaped<br />

as one by the educator and physician<br />

Friedrich Reinhold Kreutzwald, while<br />

his friend Friedrich Robert Fahlmann<br />

was the author of the idea. The work<br />

was presented as a reconstruction of<br />

the oral epic. Estonia was then part of<br />

the Russian Empire, and the first version<br />

of Kalevipoeg failed to obtain a<br />

censor’s approval.<br />

● A MIRROR OF SOCIETY<br />

The images of Kalevipoeg and<br />

Yaresko have a certain kind of exaltation<br />

in common. It is clear that the author<br />

tries to downplay negative traits<br />

in the figure who is claimed to be a<br />

hero, while positive ones are put to the<br />

forefront. “Also, the hero’s traits<br />

seem to be a reflection of what their<br />

society wants to see. So, another<br />

shared feature of both works is their<br />

use of a laconic dream image of one’s<br />

own people,” Limina said.<br />

The search for a hero is very relevant<br />

for the contemporary Ukrainian<br />

society as well. “This exhibition can<br />

help anyone who thinks about the<br />

modern hero-making. First of all, it<br />

helps to understand for oneself that<br />

the hero is often somewhat artificial.<br />

Traits which we ascribe to the hero do<br />

not come from nowhere, they often do<br />

not belong to a particular person either.<br />

It is said that beauty is in the eye<br />

of the beholder, and in the same way,<br />

the image of a hero can tell more about<br />

us,” Limina said. “Perhaps even our<br />

contemporary notion of heroism,<br />

which we ascribe to different people,<br />

is more likely to show what we lack.”<br />

Those trying to understand what<br />

we lack and get acquainted with Yakutovych’s<br />

Idols can visit the Ya Gallery<br />

till August 28. Also, one can read<br />

about the theme of heroes in the<br />

artist’s legacy in a story which has recently<br />

been published on the Yakutovych<br />

Academy website, it being a<br />

media project on art and society as<br />

seen through the prism of the history<br />

of the Yakutovych dynasty.<br />

***<br />

One can find a concise retelling of<br />

the Estonian epic on the Internet. After<br />

a series of adventures, Kalevipoeg<br />

became king of Estonia, and was quite<br />

a successful one before eventually succumbing<br />

to the curse of the blacksmith,<br />

whose son he had killed at the<br />

beginning of the story. A magical<br />

sword cut off the hero’s legs. The god<br />

Taara revived him and sent him to<br />

guard the gate of hell. Having been removed<br />

from the pedestal, the hero<br />

now guards antiheroes. Still, the<br />

pedestal is never empty.


4<br />

No.<strong>42</strong> AUGUST 16, 2018<br />

TOPIC OF THE DAY<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

By Yana KHROMIAK, Den’s Summer<br />

School of Journalism, 2018<br />

The Ukrainian Diaspora was<br />

founded in Canada 127 years<br />

ago. A significant part of the<br />

Canadian multiethnic community,<br />

it is an intermediary between<br />

two powerful nations, Ukraine<br />

and Canada. Canadian Ambassador to<br />

Ukraine Roman WASCHUK says<br />

Ukraine provides Canada with<br />

proactive energetic people who are<br />

helping to develop Canada. More on<br />

Canada-Ukraine partnership and better<br />

communications in the following<br />

interview.<br />

● “IT’S AN OPPORTUNITY FOR<br />

UKRAINE’S PARTNERS IN<br />

THE WEST TO COMBINE<br />

EFFORTS IN COMBATING<br />

THE OCCUPATION OF<br />

CRIMEA”<br />

Sofiia POSTOLATII, Sumy State<br />

University: “Hanna Hopko wrote on<br />

Facebook that the Crimea Declaration<br />

is doubtlessly a historic document,<br />

and that the consolidated stand<br />

taken by the West in regard to<br />

Ukraine is extremely important. The<br />

document reads that the United<br />

States rejects Russia’s annexation of<br />

Crimea and reaffirms Ukraine’s territorial<br />

integrity and sovereignty.<br />

Mr. Ambassador, how do you personally<br />

assess the Declaration and its advantages<br />

for Ukraine?”<br />

“The Declaration was adopted<br />

timely, making the stand taken by the<br />

United States in the matter clear. It’s<br />

an opportunity for other [NATO]<br />

member countries to reaffirm their<br />

non-recognition stand, following in<br />

the footsteps of many countries, including<br />

Germany and Great Britain.<br />

Canada is still sleeping on it, but it<br />

will follow suit before long. It’s an opportunity<br />

for Ukraine’s partners in<br />

the West to combine efforts in combating<br />

the occupation of Crimea. Interestingly,<br />

it [the Declaration] was<br />

issued to coincide with [the anniversary<br />

of] the 1940 Welles Declaration<br />

[condemning the occupation by the Soviet<br />

Union of the three Baltic states of<br />

Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, and<br />

refusing to recognize their annexation<br />

as Soviet republics]. This adds more<br />

international weight to the [Crimea]<br />

Declaration.”<br />

● MORE INVESTMENTS<br />

IN THE GRAY ZONE NEEDED<br />

Yana KHROMIAK, Borys Hrinchenko<br />

University, Kyiv: “Minister of<br />

International Development Marie-<br />

Claude Bibeau was shown Donbas as<br />

part of her visit to Ukraine (July 18-<br />

23). She saw Kramatorsk, Bakhmut<br />

(former Artemivsk), Kurdiumivtsi,<br />

and the Maiorske Checkpoint. How<br />

would you describe your minister’s<br />

visit to the so-called Gray Zone of<br />

Ukraine? Who came up with the initiative,<br />

considering that few Ukrainian<br />

politicians have dared visit the<br />

conflict zone?”<br />

“We elect only brave individuals<br />

as ministers. It was our initiative and<br />

it was wholeheartedly supported by<br />

the Joint Forces Command. I can tell<br />

you that much has been accomplished<br />

and that we’re trying to keep up the<br />

good job. That five-day-long trip<br />

through Ukraine would have been incomplete<br />

without her seeing, with her<br />

own eyes, what was happening in that<br />

crisis area and how our and our partners’<br />

money was being spent to help<br />

stabilize the region and keep it under<br />

control. I must say that the Maiorske<br />

Checkpoint has shown great progress.<br />

From what I know, it is being completely<br />

rebuilt and will be significantly<br />

improved. The Ukrainian side<br />

should be credited with better organization<br />

and follow-through. We also<br />

have Project International Organiza-<br />

Canadians need more content re Ukraine<br />

Canadian Ambassador to Ukraine Roman Waschuk<br />

comments on FTA advantages, cultural heritage, and realism<br />

fer, what with its ‘suspended’ status.<br />

Such situations should be avoided.”<br />

Mykola SIRUK: “Does Ms. Bibeau<br />

have other initiatives?”<br />

“She has announced two big initiatives.<br />

One is a new call for 30 million<br />

CAD preliminary proposals [entitled<br />

‘Growth that Works for Everyone<br />

– Inclusive and Shared Prosperity<br />

in Ukraine’]. This project is aimed at<br />

aiding Ukraine’s problem areas, the<br />

role of women in the rural areas, and<br />

other groups that aren’t adequately<br />

represented economically. The second<br />

one is support [worth $4.75 million]<br />

of a Women’s Voice and Leadership<br />

initiative in Ukraine. Ms. Bibeau said<br />

Canada will continue funding our development<br />

and security programs in<br />

Ukraine, without a military component,<br />

and that amounts to some<br />

50 million CAD.”<br />

● UKRAINIAN CANADIAN<br />

COMMUNITY, PART AND<br />

PARCEL OF UKRAINE<br />

tion for Migration. It is meant to help<br />

keep the transition points better informed.<br />

We saw that the Ukrainian<br />

authorities and their partners had upgraded<br />

and simplified the procedures<br />

for Ukrainians who side with Ukraine.<br />

“The villages in the Gray Zone –<br />

those we saw – left us depressed. I<br />

think they need more attention on the<br />

part of the Ukrainian authorities. The<br />

Budget Code imposes restrictions on<br />

capital investments in the Gray Zone.<br />

On the one hand, with reason, considering<br />

that the business/facility you<br />

invest in may well be destroyed by artillery<br />

fire. On the other hand, how<br />

can such investments be audited to<br />

prevent corruption? Lack of investments<br />

makes the local community sufspect<br />

their language and culture. Is<br />

he right or wrong? I mean considering<br />

that you have your annual event Miss<br />

Ukraine Canada?”<br />

“I’ll never object to what the<br />

Ukrainian ambassador to Canada has<br />

to say on the matter. As a media man<br />

[by profession], he accurately conveys<br />

these trends. People – among<br />

them individuals of non-Ukrainian<br />

parentage – are being very active,<br />

supporting and showing empathy for<br />

Ukraine and what’s happening there.<br />

A festival was recently held in Ottawa,<br />

one of the local Top 3 annual<br />

events. A similar event took place in<br />

Toronto as one of Canada’s most expensive<br />

public projects. I think that<br />

this is proof of Ukrainian heritage<br />

Ya.Kh.: “Ukrainian Ambassador<br />

to Canada Andrii Shevchenko said in<br />

an interview that the Ukrainian Diaspora<br />

is changing its attitude to<br />

Ukrainian realities, particularly<br />

stressing that Ukrainians actually rebeing<br />

actively shared with fellow<br />

Canadians, rather than merely trying<br />

to preserve it or share one’s nostalgia.<br />

The reason is that the Ukrainian<br />

Canadian community boasts a<br />

long 125-year-old-plus history, being<br />

part and parcel of our state.”<br />

Ya.Kh.: “Is it true that the<br />

Ukrainian embassy in Canada is an<br />

initiator and/or co-organizer of such<br />

events?”<br />

“It is an active co-organizer. I<br />

think that the ambassador and his<br />

wife, both media people, understand<br />

the role played by culture. It is necessary<br />

to combine diplomacy with other<br />

activities, such as addressing the Canadian<br />

public as broadly as possible.”<br />

● FTA – MORE ADVANTAGES<br />

FOR UKRAINE, COMPARED<br />

TO PREVIOUS YEARS<br />

Khrystyna SAVCHUK, Taras<br />

Shevchenko National University,<br />

Kyiv: “August 1 marks one year since<br />

the signing of the Canada-Ukraine<br />

Free Trade Agreement. What are the<br />

CUFTA advantages and shortcomings,<br />

in your opinion?”<br />

“CUFTA has certain advantages<br />

for Ukraine, compared to previous<br />

years. Canadian statistics point to 27-<br />

30 percent growth in Ukraine’s exports<br />

to Canada. This is a tangible increment.<br />

Our exports last year were down<br />

in terms of coal and steel products, but<br />

the statistics are lower this year. In<br />

contrast, non-coal and resources exports<br />

are on an upward curve, with the<br />

lists of goods being extended by both<br />

sides. Businessmen hear about exports<br />

opportunities, so they give it a try, one<br />

or two shipments. We’ve launched a pilot<br />

Ukraine-Canada export project. Together<br />

with Ukrainian experts, we selected<br />

five sectors: furnishing,<br />

footwear, textiles, confectionery industry,<br />

and IT.<br />

“IT is actually an invisible sector<br />

whose scope is superior to that of all<br />

exports put together. It is categorized<br />

Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day<br />

as ‘Services,’ but this fails to embrace<br />

the freelancers and firms that keep<br />

operating on the market. I mean, it<br />

has a great development potential.”<br />

● LOOKING FOR UNITS<br />

WISHING TO EVOLVE<br />

Olha KRYSA, Ivan Franko National<br />

University, Lviv: “This year<br />

Ukraine and Canada signed a military<br />

cooperation agreement. What does it<br />

spell for both countries?”<br />

“It provides for combined military<br />

training and cooperation in the<br />

military and technological spheres.<br />

Such training continues and keeps<br />

expanding. Three years back, it was<br />

just the Yavoriv Training Center, located<br />

not far from Lviv. Today,<br />

Canadian servicemen are stationed in<br />

12 localities across Ukraine. The contingent<br />

remains the same, though reorganized.<br />

We’re looking for<br />

units/institutions that want to<br />

strengthen. We don’t look at a<br />

map/chart and point to a locality at<br />

random, to send personnel there. We<br />

want commanding officers who will<br />

support the reform effort – like<br />

those at the Military Academy of<br />

Odesa and the Desna Training<br />

Ground where our [joint] exercises<br />

took place. We’re very glad to have<br />

Lieutenant-General Michael Rouleau<br />

in charge of the Canadian Joint Operations<br />

Command and Outdoor<br />

Troops. He’s acquainting himself<br />

with the new command. Apart from<br />

the agreement on military and technological<br />

cooperation, there was the<br />

decision on weapons exports to<br />

Ukraine, made in December. Currently,<br />

this matter is being negotiated<br />

by companies and institutions.<br />

With any luck we hope to see some<br />

positive results later this year.”<br />

● CULTURAL CONTACTS<br />

INCREASINGLY ACTIVE<br />

Anastasiia KOROL, Vasyl Stus<br />

Donetsk National University: “Canada<br />

was among the first to recognize<br />

independent Ukraine. Your country<br />

has been upholding cultural projects,<br />

including documentaries reflecting<br />

the early phase of our national independence<br />

effort. What about the current<br />

cultural cooperation between<br />

Ukraine and Canada?”<br />

“That’s a very good question, but<br />

may I pose one in return? Who is there<br />

[in the audience] prepared to write a<br />

review on a literary work? I have four<br />

books on me and I’ll be happy to leave<br />

them for you to keep after the interview.<br />

There is a noticeable growth in<br />

the [bilateral] cultural contacts, and<br />

some of them are nonstandard – I<br />

mean, they do not necessarily involve<br />

the Diaspora, but have to do with contemporary<br />

culture. We’ve started negotiating<br />

an agreement on filmmaking<br />

and audio/video cooperation that<br />

will be signed before long.”<br />

O.K.: “What is Ukraine as seen<br />

through the eyes of the Canadian in<br />

the street? Does the Canadian public<br />

at large know what is happening<br />

here?”<br />

“Let me answer the last one,<br />

whether Canadians know about what’s<br />

happening in Ukraine. I always tell<br />

people who’re visiting Ukraine that it<br />

is sometimes difficult to figure out<br />

what’s actually happening here, considering<br />

that it’s hard for the Ukrainians,<br />

too. It’s a process in the course of<br />

which each is trying to figure out the<br />

situation. Canada is one of the few<br />

countries where practically no one<br />

needs to be told who Ukrainians are<br />

and what they’re all about. Various<br />

delegations have seen this, saying in<br />

the end: ‘We don’t need any further<br />

education forums.’ The Ukrainian<br />

Canadian community is made up of<br />

people whose family roots are in<br />

Ukraine. People have a positive attitude<br />

to this community and [appreciate]<br />

its contribution [to Canada], but<br />

this attitude doesn’t necessarily extend<br />

to Ukraine. The Ukrainian embassy<br />

is doing well, lending a hand to<br />

the construction of this ‘Acceptance<br />

Bridge.’ There is a great deal of sympathy<br />

for Ukraine, but one must work<br />

to add current realities to Ukraine’s<br />

image as seen by Canadians. Their attitude<br />

is positive, but they need more<br />

content re Ukraine. Historically, immigrants<br />

from the west of Ukraine<br />

were numerically superior, so that<br />

people now have a vague idea about<br />

the Hutsul or Kherson regions. This is<br />

where the Ukrainian embassy steps in.<br />

Our Canadian embassy is working for<br />

the good of all of Ukraine, just as our<br />

Ukrainian counterpart in Canada is<br />

working for the good of the Diaspora<br />

and the rest of the country.”<br />

Project Summer School of<br />

Journalism was carried out<br />

with support from the NATO<br />

Information and Documentation<br />

Center in Ukraine


WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

TOPIC OF THE DAY No.<strong>42</strong> AUGUST 16, 2018 5<br />

By Volodymyr KOSTYRIN, The Day<br />

The exhibit “Warriors” at the “Kyivan Fortress”<br />

museum caused quite a stir recently. The project<br />

featured selected works by the photographer<br />

Anatolii STEPANOV. Emphasis is put on the<br />

soldiers born after Ukraine had gained<br />

independence. The youngest of them is only 18. Courage,<br />

experience, childish naivety in their faces, confidence<br />

and recklessness are conveyed so masterfully that<br />

visitors find themselves eye on eye with the horrors and<br />

heroism of the frontline routine, which a certain part of<br />

society is, frankly speaking, trying to abstract away<br />

from. Bu the war is on.<br />

Earlier, Stepanov worked for Reuters and Associated<br />

Press, but when the Russian-Ukrainian war broke out in<br />

the Donbas, he went there and began to make photo reports<br />

of the events, thus documenting our contemporary<br />

history year after year. Anatolii is also a longtime participant<br />

in and a prizewinner at Den’s international photo<br />

competitions. The talented photographer told us<br />

about the heroes of his pictures, a special power of photographs,<br />

and the war itself which he not only watches<br />

through his camera’s lens, but also takes to heart.<br />

● “THIS UKRAINIAN WOUND IS JUST<br />

ROTTING”<br />

One can see at the exhibit a lot of soldiers born after<br />

1991, after this country gained independence. Do you<br />

think they have a special perception of the frontline situation<br />

in comparison with older servicemen?<br />

“They have signed contracts, and it is their profession<br />

to be a soldier. And, not to deceive himself, a soldier<br />

must first of all know how to kill the enemy. These<br />

20-, 22-, and 23-year-old boys must possess this skill<br />

right now. As a matter of fact, most of these people are<br />

young enough to be my sons. My daughter is 22… But<br />

fate decreed that they have to risk their lives, lose their<br />

health and sometimes life every day in the war. They are<br />

very young and should enjoy their life, learn, love, and<br />

have children. Instead, they are over there so that we<br />

could live normally here.<br />

“Thanks to these boys, thanks to the army, the war<br />

in the Donbas has frozen and is smoldering. We sustain<br />

losses – 15 or more people are killed or wounded every<br />

month – they get serious injuries, lose a hand or a foot,<br />

and become disabled for life. Down here, we’ve stopped<br />

thinking about this – all is OK, we are planning a peaceful<br />

life. But in reality the war is just lying low. Essentially,<br />

there was a real war in 2014 and 2015,<br />

which then gave way to low-profile skirmishes. The<br />

Minsk Agreements froze this situation, and it is smoldering<br />

now. This Ukrainian wound is just rotting. So<br />

far, I can’t see a sound-minded solution of how to pull<br />

out of this situation.”<br />

Among your exhibited works, there is a photo of the<br />

25-year-old Hero of Ukraine Vasyl Tarasiuk. Could you<br />

tell us about him?<br />

“I love Vasyl very much. I was invited to this position<br />

[‘Eagle’ on the outskirts of Avdiivka. – Ed.] in April.<br />

We’d just begun to launch the press – in fact for<br />

24 hours. I had a very good relationship with the<br />

Ukrainian army’s 72nd Independent Mechanized<br />

Brigade. I like this brigade of the 2017 version very much<br />

because I could visit those positions and work without<br />

hindrance. The battalion commander with the nom de<br />

guerre ‘Slav’ said I would stay there from lunchtime to<br />

night but sleep over at the ‘Festival.’ ‘Festival’ is also<br />

a position, but it is deep in the woods. There is a very<br />

well-protected dugout there, which can withstand even<br />

By Olesia SHUTKEVYCH, The Day, Vinnytsia<br />

The nongovernmental organization Center of<br />

Visual Projects is planning to reproduce thirty<br />

architectural monuments and over a hundred<br />

secondary objects in the 3D format. Ten<br />

experienced designers and beginners from among<br />

Vinnytsia senior school pupils will be working gratis on<br />

mockups. The main goal is to make an interactive map<br />

of the city’s historical part of the period of architect<br />

Hryhorii Artynov – from the former girls’ high school<br />

(now School No. 2) to the island of Kempa, from<br />

Kumbary to St. Nicholas’ Church in the Old Town. It will<br />

comprise both saved and destroyed objects. There will<br />

be free access to the whole content, including graphic<br />

images. The developers have already made trial mockups<br />

of the Tower – the city’s main symbol, – the ruined Belle-<br />

Vue hotel, and the railway station.<br />

“The idea emerged because not all Vinnytsia residents<br />

know well the history of their city. And it would be good<br />

if, standing in a line at ‘Transparent Offices,’ one<br />

could, for example, see the interactive map of Vinnytsia<br />

of the period of Artynov or Ovodov, when it turned from<br />

a small provincial town into a prosperous center of the<br />

guberniya,” says Andrii CHERNENKO, a representative<br />

of the NGO Center of Visual Projects. “The matter became<br />

topical recently. A film is being made in Vinnytsia<br />

about the reformer mayor Mykola Ovodov. Director Vasyl<br />

Medianyi has come across a problem: Vinnytsia has<br />

become too modern and has no authentic locations for<br />

shooting historical films because there are renovations<br />

and plastic windows everywhere. We have arranged that<br />

Anatolii Stepanov, who has<br />

photographed Ukrainian defenders<br />

since the beginning of the war in<br />

the east, speaks about his heroes<br />

the hit of an artillery projectile. So I came to the ‘Eagle’<br />

at lunchtime. There were young boys there – Roman<br />

Chaika, Vasyl Tarasiuk, and a lot of other guys with<br />

whom I am still in contact.<br />

“It was clear even at that time that Vasyl was every<br />

inch a military. You know, his composure, looks… His<br />

subordinates held him in very high esteem. Nobody ever<br />

said it out loud, but you could see it immediately. We approached<br />

him, and I said: ‘Vasyl, can I take a picture of<br />

you here and there?’ Then we began to make the round<br />

of our positions, and I photographed him against the<br />

background of badly cut trees. The impression was the<br />

Apocalypse had come.<br />

“Then somebody called me in late April and said Vasyl<br />

was in a Kyiv hospital. Supposedly, he ‘butted’ with<br />

a tank. I went to hospital, and we had a very warm meeting.<br />

He said the tank had begun to pound the neighboring<br />

position and hit the dugout. Some were killed and<br />

wounded. And he jumped out and began to fight a oneon-one<br />

duel with the tank. He hit the tank three times,<br />

the tank smoked a little, but he failed to put it out action.<br />

Vasyl says he saw a projectile flying over the head. In other<br />

words, he was doing this deliberately. He drew fire to<br />

make the tank stop shooting at the neighboring position.<br />

The second projectile whizzed somewhere close by, and<br />

the third landed on the position Vasyl was on. He was seriously<br />

wounded and shell-shocked. But the enemy tank<br />

no longer shelled that position because Vasyl drove it off<br />

in this way – at the price of his health. I am proud to have<br />

met him, for he is a superb soldier and officer. I think our<br />

army has lost a nice officer due to his wounds.”<br />

Photo by Anatolii STEPANOV<br />

Photosthatproducenewmeanings<br />

Over130objects<br />

Vinnytsia IT specialists develop<br />

a visual interactive map<br />

of the city’s historical center<br />

the railway station will resume its old appearance for one<br />

scene. We are now actively working on this object, for<br />

the film is to be shown on City Day.”<br />

Andrii adds they continue to gather information,<br />

photographs, and video files that depict the city’s historical<br />

objects. The developers are receiving help from<br />

historians, including Oleksandr Fedoryshen, director of<br />

the Vinnytsia History Center. But the main problem is<br />

that there is no technical documentation for the ruined<br />

monuments, which makes a full-fledged process of reproduction<br />

impossible. For example, the photo of the<br />

Belle-Vue hotel shows its facade only, while it is not exactly<br />

known how it looked from the sides or the back. For<br />

this reason, not only historians, but also architects and<br />

art experts work in the IT designers’ team.<br />

The active phase of work will begin in September and<br />

last for at least two years. The IT people are planning to<br />

present the finished visual product as an interactive 3D<br />

map which is likely to be displayed at the Vinnytsia City<br />

Hall for public view.<br />

● “ANIMALS ARE A DIVERSION<br />

FOR SOLDIERS”<br />

One of your photographs shows a soldier with a dog.<br />

The photo seems to beam warmth. What is the story of<br />

this snap?<br />

“‘Wolf’ is the soldier’s nom de guerre, and Patron<br />

is the puppy. Actually, when soldiers are at war, on the<br />

battlefield, they are always under a strain. People die,<br />

you are awaiting fire all the time, hide and shoot… But<br />

a human cannot be always under stress, so tenderness<br />

and warmth accumulate. If one is at home, he has a wife,<br />

children, and human contacts. And here it is animals that<br />

play the role of a relaxer of sorts, a consoler. You just<br />

can’t imagine how much tenderness you show towards<br />

these animals. Incidentally, both cats and dogs stick together<br />

there. I’ve never seen a dog chase a cat, although<br />

this may happen.<br />

“I saw a puppy grow into a big fox at Butovka [a<br />

coalmine on the outskirts of Donetsk, were the Ukrainian<br />

military are stationed. – Ed.]. She was friendly to cats<br />

and dogs and could eat out of your hands. This must have<br />

destroyed her. She died in October because she used to<br />

come too closely to people. As soldiers lurked at the listening<br />

post at night, the fox began to rustle the dry fallen<br />

leaves. You can’t see who is there and may think that<br />

somebody is creeping towards you. So, they threw a<br />

grenade and saw a dead fox in the morning. A wild animal<br />

must not stay next to people – one way or another,<br />

it is the law of nature. But I used to hold her in my hands<br />

when she was a little cub, like a dog puppy. She liked to<br />

be caressed, scratched behind the ear, play with other puppies<br />

and cats. But, as she grew older, she began to show<br />

a wild behavior, prowl somewhere, and seclude herself.<br />

Although she no longer lived with people and roamed<br />

somewhere, she would come over every evening. She ate<br />

canned meat with pleasure and could even take food from<br />

your hand. Animals are such a diversion for soldiers.”<br />

Read more on our website<br />

Photo courtesy of NGO Center of Visual Projects<br />

Central African<br />

Republic, Wagner,<br />

and diamonds<br />

Continued from page 2 ➤<br />

Russia “kills several birds” at a<br />

time in this story:<br />

1. It gets rid of uncontrollable, inquisitive,<br />

and oppositional journalists<br />

who were friendly to Ukraine to boot.<br />

2. There is an opportunity to “kick”<br />

again the oppositionist Mikhail Khodorkovsky<br />

who financed this trip.<br />

3. This shows complete failure of<br />

the French and UN “blue berets” to establish<br />

order in the country the ostensibly<br />

control.<br />

4. This shows the Russian government’s<br />

“concern” over the destiny of its<br />

citizens all over the world, including the<br />

faraway Africa.<br />

The current events in the hitherto<br />

uninteresting CAR spotlight quite essential<br />

changes in global politics.<br />

Lavrov said recently in Rwanda:<br />

“Africa is an important cornerstone in<br />

the formation of a new world order.” He<br />

also promised to help African countries<br />

increase their role in the UN. So far,<br />

Russia is actively increasing its own<br />

role in Africa. A Bangui-based UN official<br />

said that “France, the US, and the<br />

EU… did not expect the Russians to arrive.”<br />

He described the mechanism of<br />

their “arrival” quite correctly: “They<br />

shamelessly bribe all those who open the<br />

right door to them.” Another UN diplomat<br />

concludes: “This may be a real<br />

test of decisiveness, strength, and influence<br />

for the West. If we surrender<br />

the CAR, we will surrender all of<br />

Africa.” Here is an interesting example.<br />

To somewhat neutralize the impression<br />

of the supply of Russian weapons, the<br />

US handed over a few dozen Ford automobiles<br />

to the CAR army. And now<br />

Russian commandos are riding on them<br />

across the capital. Ronak Gopaldas,<br />

director of South Africa’s consulting<br />

company Signal Risks, sums up Russian<br />

policies in Africa as follows: Russia’s<br />

strategy in Africa is a combination<br />

of a hard governmental policy, first of<br />

all, military operations, and energy<br />

diplomacy. Russia already has sort of<br />

an enclave of dependent countries in<br />

Africa today. It is Sudan which suggests<br />

that Russia build a naval base in the Red<br />

Sea; Burundi, where, as a result of the<br />

national public vote, the current president<br />

will reign until 2034; and now the<br />

CAR. The newspaper Den wrote more<br />

in detail about Russia’s policy in Africa<br />

on March 7-8, 2018.<br />

Experts believe there is also a Chinese<br />

link in the CAR events. It is unavoidable<br />

in Africa. As part of the Big<br />

Maritime Silk Road project, China<br />

plans to connect Western African countries<br />

with Eastern African ports. For<br />

this purpose, they intend to build a major<br />

West-East transport corridor centered<br />

in the CAR. For China to implement<br />

this idea, the CAR should be stable<br />

and calm. Who can provide this?<br />

There is little hope for the national government.<br />

The US and Europe fall away,<br />

for they are rivals. It is Russia that<br />

meets all the demands of China as a<br />

BRICS partner. This is why China supported<br />

Russia’s steps in the CAR and<br />

even tried, immediately after Russia,<br />

to get permission for supplying<br />

weapons and, accordingly, sending<br />

Chinese instructors to the CAR. China<br />

has even stockpiled arms on the border<br />

with Cameroon. But the UN SC did not<br />

like and rejected this idea of China.<br />

The developments around the CAR<br />

are only one example of the gradual<br />

and, at the same time, very fast establishment<br />

of a new world order based on<br />

the right of force. The US and Europe<br />

are gradually receding to the background,<br />

for they are unable to counterpoise<br />

China’s economic might, on the<br />

one hand, and Russia’s cynicism and aggressiveness,<br />

on the other. And Africa<br />

is becoming the main field of this<br />

geopolitical battle.<br />

By Ruslan HARBAR, director<br />

of the Center of African Studies


6<br />

No.<strong>42</strong> AUGUST 16, 2018<br />

SOCIE T Y<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

Kuchmism and society<br />

The Day’s experts comment on main stages<br />

in Leonid Kuchma’s two consecutive presidencies<br />

By Ivan KAPSAMUN, The Day<br />

The second president of Ukraine marked<br />

his 80th birthday on August 9. Much<br />

has been said and written about his role<br />

in Ukraine’s recent history by<br />

politicians, public figures, and media<br />

people. Whereas public opinion shows a<br />

realistic attitude, the political community<br />

apparently lacks it. Roman Bezsmertnyi<br />

wrote on Facebook: “Leonid Kuchma’s first<br />

presidency was aimed at rescuing the<br />

economy, in the first place, and the second one<br />

was meant to rescue the state.” Most responses<br />

to his post proved negative.<br />

Volodymyr Boiko wrote: “So Kuchma is a<br />

hero? Human memory is short, indeed…” He<br />

is echoed by Anatolii Mazurenko: “As an ordinary<br />

Ukrainian, I remember Kuchma primarily<br />

as the creator of a feudal-oligarchic system<br />

in our country. He also made his son-inlaw<br />

an oligarch after giving him state-owned<br />

enterprises as a present. And his ‘privatization’<br />

of the metallurgical complex in Kryvyi<br />

Rih was a rip-off. Kuchma brought<br />

Yanukovych to power and was rewarded by<br />

Akhmetov. Medvedchuk, this enemy of the<br />

Ukrainian state, was a snake cherished in<br />

Kuchma’s bosom. There is a long list of political<br />

self-serving acts.”<br />

Some politicians, however, offered a different<br />

view. MP Ihor Huz wrote on Facebook:<br />

“[He was] the employer in the contract killing<br />

of journalist Georgy Gongadze. [He was the]<br />

politician during whose presidencies the main<br />

oligarchic clans took shape. He is a ‘red director’<br />

who preserved the Soviet system in independent<br />

Ukraine. All who took part in the<br />

campaign ‘Ukraine without Kuchma’ – among<br />

them yours truly – have to admit with regret<br />

that they had at best only limited success.”<br />

As the years passed, despite the herculean<br />

political, financial, and media efforts<br />

of the Kuchma-Pinchuk Family to whitewash<br />

the second president’s image, hiring authors<br />

to write books, filmmakers to produce<br />

documentaries, organizing projects and events<br />

like “Tomorrow.UA,” “New Leaders” or YES,<br />

there have been increasingly fewer illusions<br />

about Leonid Kuchma’s “merits.” The results<br />

of our poll, carried by Den/The Day, are<br />

quite informative. The question was “How<br />

should Ukrainians feel about the second president’s<br />

anniversary of birth?” Greetings were<br />

extended by 19 percent of respondents; 5 percent<br />

scorned it (“The man doesn’t deserve being<br />

mentioned…”); 15 percent wrote that the<br />

Kuchma regime [aka Kuchmism. – Ed.] is a<br />

lesson worth being learned and that no one<br />

should cast a ballot for a single Kuchmist;<br />

34 percent believed he should be in jail;<br />

14 percent wrote it’s high time the servilityto-success<br />

tradition were broken; 13 percent<br />

didn’t care one way or another.<br />

Ukrainian society remains reflective<br />

while part of the political community – people<br />

supposedly in possession of more accurate<br />

and detailed information – continue singing<br />

praises to Leonid Kuchma. Inna Bohoslovska<br />

believes that he “built a Ukrainian state<br />

that had never existed – and which no longer<br />

exists. Kuchma marked the beginning of the<br />

post-Soviet period when he introduced new<br />

institutions…”<br />

Why such political shortsightedness?<br />

First, because some remain in the dark.<br />

They stand a chance of correcting their eyesight<br />

by using a vast data resource pertaining<br />

to Leonid Kuchma’s career. All they<br />

have to do is dig deeper, look up sources<br />

(books, media reports, etc.) other than those<br />

made to the Family’s order. Second, because<br />

some are just pretending not to understand.<br />

This is a far worse scenario as such pretenders<br />

are playing into the hands of dark forces, de<br />

facto turning traitor to their Fatherland,<br />

telling lies to society and replacing truth with<br />

propaganda. This is unacceptable. How can<br />

such politicians run for president and conduct<br />

other activities without seeing the<br />

causal link between past actions and modern<br />

realities?<br />

Photo by Valerii MILOSERDOV<br />

REUTERS photo<br />

➤ In October 2004, prior to the presidential elections, Vladimir Putin met with<br />

Leonid Kuchma, whose [second] term was drawing to a close, and asked him directly<br />

whom Russia should back in the presidential campaign. The reply was as<br />

direct: Viktor Yanukovych. The Russian president told this addressing the<br />

Youth Forum Seliger-2014, ten years after the event. At the time, he wasn’t<br />

sure it was Leonid Kuchma’s final choice. He asked him again as final arrangements<br />

were being made for the presidential campaign. Leonid Kuchma replied<br />

that the issue had been resolved and the final decision made, adding that he<br />

would appreciate Russia’s assistance in terms of information and political resources.<br />

Russia complied.<br />

Photo by Dmytro AMIDOV (TABLOID.COM.UA)<br />

➤ In 1994, Leonid Kuchma was elected President of Ukraine, aided by Moscow. The<br />

following is an excerpt from Den’s interview with dissident Levko Lukianenko<br />

(Aug. 26, 2011): “Kuchma was one of the ‘red directors.’ Under Kravchuk, managers<br />

of industrial enterprises, heads of kolkhozes and state farms began to gain strength, so<br />

they brought one of their own to power during the 1994 elections. Needless to say,<br />

[President] Kuchma began serving the red directors who wanted to privatize their enterprises.<br />

As a result, there began a privatization campaign that eventually turned into<br />

one best described as grabadization. All this badly damaged our economic complex.<br />

We should’ve used the economic potential left by the Soviet empire and adjust it to the<br />

new conditions instead of destroying it. As it was, we kept tearing it apart and creating<br />

nothing in its place, doing all this with Kuchma’s blessings and under his supervision.<br />

Kuchma caused a great deal of damage by introducing an unethical and illegal<br />

personnel selection system. It was under Kuchma that ministerial posts were put up<br />

for sale (something never practiced during Kravchuk’s presidency). It got so, persons<br />

of dubious character, often with CR, started receiving important executive positions.<br />

High positions were handed out based upon greed rather than merit. Over the years in<br />

office, Kuchmakcreated a system we can’t get over even now.”<br />

➤ In April 2009, oligarch Viktor Pinchuk, son-in-law of the second president,<br />

and the Pinchuk Center played the key role in implementing the Family’s interests,<br />

using various projects and events, including the Yalta European Strategy<br />

(YES). Journalist Otar Dovzhenko told Den (Sept. 18, 2017): “I’m outraged to<br />

see politicians attend Pinchuk’s forum on a date marking the anniversary of<br />

Gongadze’s murder. I’d be hard put to assess each of these politicians, just as<br />

it’s difficult for me to evaluate [Yurii] Lutsenko’s conduct. I mean the degree of<br />

these politicians’ innate hypocrisy and cynicism. The question which we all must<br />

answer is: Why haven’t we worked out or found some viable alternative? Unlike<br />

many fellow countrymen, my memory is pretty good. I remember only too well<br />

what Kuchma is all about. However, the impression is that most Ukrainians have<br />

started forgetting – much to the pleasure of the existing regime, considering<br />

that Kuchma keeps officially representing Ukraine during the talks in Minsk,<br />

and that the man keeps using this regime to his advantage. A pretty good compromise<br />

for all those ‘upstairs.’ I think that it is the journalist’s task to keep reminding<br />

his/her readers of who Kuchma really is – and not only in conjunction<br />

with the Gongadze case. People used to come out against Kuchmism and shed<br />

blood, got arrested and killed. Kuchmism is a multifaceted phenomenon that<br />

haunts Ukraine to this day and prevents positive change.”


WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

CLOSE UP No.<strong>42</strong> AUGUST 16, 2018 7<br />

By Viktoriia HONCHARENKO,<br />

Den’s Summer School of Journalism, 2018<br />

Mayor of Dnipro Borys Filatov, who came<br />

to Kyiv specifically to meet with students<br />

of Den’s Summer School of Journalism,<br />

discussed how to restore citizens’ trust<br />

in government, what issues worried<br />

residents most, and what the real powers and resources<br />

available to a mayor were. The students went to the<br />

meeting well-prepared. The speaker intended to have<br />

an interesting and productive conversation. The end<br />

result was in line with expectations.<br />

● “A LOT OF PROBLEMS HAVE BEEN<br />

ACCUMULATING FOR DECADES”<br />

Iryna LADYKA, Ivan Franko National University<br />

of Lviv: “You stated in one of your interviews<br />

that there was now a complete distrust for government.<br />

Do you have a recipe for restoring this kind<br />

of trust?”<br />

“The recipe is very simple. One needs to talk less<br />

and do more! We have an issue with the public. People<br />

believe that full responsibility lies, firstly, with<br />

the president, then with the governor, and lastly with<br />

the mayor. People do not understand the separation<br />

of powers and authority. The top leader is held personally<br />

responsible for everything. It is under such<br />

conditions that it becomes difficult to ascribe any<br />

achievement or defeat to the individual responsible.<br />

“In order to restore trust, one must first show<br />

work done.<br />

“When I entered the latest election campaign, only<br />

5 percent of citizens aged over 50 trusted me. Now<br />

the level of trust and satisfaction with the work of the<br />

mayor in this age category is about 50 percent, that<br />

is, it has increased tenfold. The share has changed because<br />

people can have different general outlooks, but<br />

when they see work done every day – in their courtyard,<br />

on the street, on TV screens, on the pages of<br />

newspapers – they change their attitudes, including<br />

ones towards those leaders with whom they may be<br />

in disagreement on certain political issues.<br />

“We, I mean local communities, have received a<br />

serious financial resource after decentralization,<br />

which has allowed us to implement many projects.<br />

But when people talk about it, they forget about the<br />

hryvnia repeatedly and sharply falling against the<br />

US dollar. When funding is set against prices of materials<br />

and infrastructural projects, it becomes<br />

clear that we do not have that much more money.<br />

“A lot of problems have been accumulating for<br />

decades. Even taking into account the ‘massive’<br />

budget of ours, it is impossible to solve these problems<br />

immediately, because despite the spending<br />

amounting to 14 billion, 10 billion of it are protected<br />

items: wages, welfare payments, etc. There are<br />

huge problems with water supply and environment.<br />

For example, nobody knows where and which communication<br />

lines lie in this city. We begin to dig and<br />

find pipes bearing Russian Imperial era emblems. To<br />

conduct an audit of underground communications,<br />

I need like 200 million hryvnias.<br />

“Decentralization is a success now, because the<br />

communities have enough money, plus many young,<br />

ambitious teams have come along with new mayors.<br />

There are many regional politicians who want to show<br />

a result and win public respect with it. We share experiences,<br />

help each other. In general, I believe<br />

that decentralization needs to be enhanced.”<br />

Evelina KOTLIAROVA, Taras Shevchenko National<br />

University of Kyiv: “You said in an interview<br />

that the fight against corruption was a sixth- or even<br />

seventh-placed priority for the public now, while improving<br />

standards of living was all-important.<br />

What else is important for the Ukrainians?”<br />

“I see it when communicating with people, and<br />

this is evidenced by opinion polls and a focus group<br />

we had as well. In order to make adequate decisions,<br />

one has to get down to earth. Unfortunately, the chattering<br />

classes, various commentators and experts<br />

quite often exist in a virtual world of sorts. Since you<br />

are future journalists, I want to convince you to look<br />

at the world not through the prism of social trends<br />

that we are creating ourselves. Today, we have<br />

many people getting involved with fighting corruption.<br />

Probably this is a right thing to do. But as<br />

soon as you get down a level, you know what issues<br />

worry residents most? In the first place, it is utility<br />

rates, followed by public transportation fares. People<br />

do not have enough money. When they do not<br />

know how to pay utility bills and feed their families,<br />

they are not interested in political scandals.”<br />

● “THE PRESENCE OF POLITICAL WILL IS<br />

OF GREATEST IMPORTANCE”<br />

Solomiia NYKOLAIEVYCH, Lesia Ukrainka<br />

Eastern European National University: “You said<br />

in an interview that you were awaiting the presidential<br />

election with anxiety, because you were satisfied<br />

with the status quo, and there might be<br />

chaos after the election. I wonder if you have a list<br />

of traits that a worthy president should have?”<br />

“We will not allow a revanche”<br />

Borys FILATOV discusses personnel issues,<br />

paternalism, Viacheslav Lypynsky, and political will<br />

“I await the election with dread because I am interested<br />

in the status quo being preserved since I am<br />

the leader of a local community, and I impartially<br />

discuss and raise in communications with mayors of<br />

other cities the fact that now the central government<br />

does not intrude much into the affairs of local<br />

communities. It is clear that the public opinion colors<br />

all administrations as equally bad. However,<br />

things are not the same as before at the level of the<br />

regional councils, the prosecutor’s offices, the Security<br />

Service of Ukraine, or the police. There are<br />

no required vote quotas, nobody invents designs<br />

aimed at getting mayors into a tight corner or<br />

forcing them to promote someone. There are, of<br />

course, many different speculations. I saw a TV<br />

channel, for example, broadcasting a story about<br />

Petro Poroshenko allegedly trying to force Filatov<br />

to support him in the election. But this is not true.<br />

When they begin to invent a conspiracy theory<br />

(which is interesting at the first glance) stating that<br />

Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day<br />

still sit on the city council, still live in this city, I<br />

would never be able to send them to the Moon together<br />

with the voters who vote for the Opposition<br />

Bloc each time. Therefore, when one understands<br />

that the situation cannot be resolved otherwise, one<br />

begins to negotiate.”<br />

● “I AM UPSET BY THE PATERNALISM<br />

OF PEOPLE”<br />

Olha KRYSA, Ivan Franko National University<br />

of Lviv: “You are the head of a million-resident<br />

city. Unfortunately, many people still have that<br />

post-Soviet inertia. Who provides you with most<br />

support in your work? And which group is the<br />

most problematic?”<br />

“I am upset by the paternalism of people. Many<br />

of them feel that the nation ends on the doorstep of<br />

their own home. They cannot agree who will mop the<br />

staircase shared by four apartments, or clean it up<br />

“<br />

The city government has no priorities, we do everything. Speaking about<br />

the required traits list, the presence of political will is, obviously, of greatest importance.<br />

I believe that if there is will, a lot of problems can be solved.<br />

”<br />

Poroshenko came up with all that so that all mayors<br />

become loyal to him, it is total idiocy.<br />

“Therefore, we are satisfied with the status<br />

quo, because nobody hinders our work. It is clear that<br />

everyone has their difficulties: someone has quarreled<br />

with the governor, someone with local security<br />

forces, someone is disliked by the cabinet, so everyone<br />

has their own story to tell. But the situation has<br />

changed dramatically in comparison with the time<br />

when city mayors spend weeks in Prime Minister<br />

Mykola Azarov’s reception room, only to get him to<br />

sign a piece of paper. Therefore, as leaders of local<br />

communities, we sit and think: ‘And what if, after<br />

another president comes to power, we will have to sit<br />

in the reception room again?’ This is quite normal<br />

logic. I, for example, do not know what Yuliia Tymoshenko,<br />

or Anatolii Hrytsenko, or Oleh Liashko<br />

think. Before the election, they are all tenderness incarnate,<br />

they like mayors and the idea of self-government,<br />

but we do not know what chimeras inhabit<br />

their minds. We do know which chimeras inhabit<br />

Poroshenko’s mind, and we can cope with them.<br />

“The city government has no priorities, we do<br />

everything. Speaking about the required traits list,<br />

the presence of political will is, obviously, of greatest<br />

importance. I believe that if there is will, a lot of<br />

problems can be solved. We did some things in the<br />

legally grey zone, but still saw them brought to conclusion.<br />

With political will and determination, one<br />

can do a lot.<br />

“And the second trait is the ability to negotiate.<br />

One should never cross red lines. The city council<br />

was divided in half, with 32 councilors on either<br />

side. The meeting room saw fights, attempts to occupy<br />

the premises. But I understood that I would<br />

never get rid of these people, because they would<br />

and take out the rubbish. At the same time, they constantly<br />

shout that the government has failed to provide<br />

them with something.<br />

“The second problem follows from the first one.<br />

There are things that can be done through self-organization<br />

of people. We already have embryonic<br />

forms of self-organization, and we try to stimulate<br />

it. There is a municipal program under which we have<br />

started to provide people with wheelbarrows,<br />

saplings, paint... People come to the city housing administration<br />

and say they want to hold a volunteer<br />

work day. To do this, we give them everything they<br />

need: flower seedlings, brooms, shovels... And this<br />

is done at the expense of the city. Thus, we stimulate<br />

self-organization.<br />

“Paternalism, passivity, disbelief are the most<br />

important problems. Well, excessive optimism is<br />

there too, because a lot of people think that they know<br />

it all. People do not understand that manning the barricades<br />

and flying flags is one thing, while cleaning<br />

these Augean Stables hour after hour, day after day<br />

is markedly different. Of course, institutional memory<br />

is needed. That is, one just cannot come in<br />

from the street and become director of the city<br />

landscaping administration, without understanding<br />

anything about the trimming of trees. One should understand<br />

how it functions, how local government operates.<br />

I have replaced all the city hall employees, dismissed<br />

all deputy mayors, directors of departments,<br />

almost all heads of administrations. I have replaced<br />

most directors of utility companies. Here, for example,<br />

we have one Valentyn Lazariev who will stay<br />

on his job under every regime, because he knows<br />

where and which communication line lies in the city,<br />

and who owns it. We had one Yurii Lozovenko, who<br />

offered advice on urban infrastructure. Then he took<br />

offense at something and left for Ivano-Frankivsk.<br />

He provided good advice, but where can I obtain hundreds<br />

of millions euros, not hryvnias, which are needed<br />

for its implementation?”<br />

● “WE SELECTED PERSONNEL BY<br />

CAREFULLY PICKING PEOPLE”<br />

Ivan KAPSAMUN: “How did you select your<br />

team?”<br />

“We brought some people over from the regional<br />

state administration, ones we worked with in 2014.<br />

These were young lawyers, people who were engaged<br />

in bureaucratic work. Another part of the team is<br />

made of our party comrades who fought the election<br />

campaign with me. But this does not mean that I took<br />

people in because of personal or party loyalty, no,<br />

they were people who showed professionalism, especially<br />

in business operations and in public administration.<br />

Thirdly, we also took in young, active<br />

citizens and volunteers who were ready to work a lot<br />

and work hard. In particular, we brought people from<br />

Kyiv, for example Maksym Muzyka came here, and<br />

the head of the city health care department came<br />

from Volyn. We selected personnel by carefully<br />

picking people. These were three main ways. Fourthly,<br />

of course, I retained people who were not stained<br />

with corruption scandals. There is one Olha Cherkas.<br />

She was here during every mayor’s term, even in the<br />

Soviet time. When I will leave office, she will keep<br />

working, because she is a high-level financier.<br />

“The personnel problem is the number one problem<br />

for the country. People with business background<br />

do not want to enter the civil service. For example,<br />

we have the position of the city’s chief architect open,<br />

and a famous young architect comes and says: ‘I am<br />

ready to work for 10,000 dollars in monthly salary.’<br />

He says so because he earns that much in business.<br />

Why should he enter the civil service? We hired recently<br />

a young progressive artist Serhii Bilyi. He gets<br />

no salary at all. Bilyi says: ‘What use do I have for<br />

your 5,000 or 15,000 hryvnias salary? I want to<br />

change the city!’ He and his associates draw logos in<br />

their bureau, sell them to businesspeople and make<br />

good money from it.<br />

“Moreover, we were the first in the country to<br />

raise salaries for city officials. Our department<br />

heads earn up to 20,000 hryvnias. Oh, I have heard<br />

many people cursing me and saying that ‘while children<br />

starve, Filatov pays these cannibal-like officials<br />

exorbitant sums.’ However, I cannot demand anything<br />

of people who earn 3,500 hryvnias.”<br />

● “LIVING AMID UNENDING<br />

NEGATIVITY IS JUST IMPOSSIBLE”<br />

Khrystyna SAVCHUK, Taras Shevchenko National<br />

University of Kyiv: “What specifically influenced<br />

your switch from legal profession to journalism?”<br />

“I am actually a creative person, and can be said<br />

to have lived a few lives, so nobody except God can<br />

say what will happen to me next. I did not intend to<br />

become mayor either. I became mayor due to one person<br />

in the world, and this person’s name is Oleksandr<br />

Vilkul. I realized at one point that I would not surrender<br />

my hometown to the ‘Kryvyi Rih gang.’<br />

“When Maksim Kurochkin began his attempt to<br />

capture the Ozerka Market, the city was totally horrified.<br />

I then participated in the trial on the side of<br />

the defense. And at that moment, I realized that it<br />

was time to talk about it on TV. But nobody wanted<br />

to deal with such things because it was dangerous.<br />

Then I went to the Channel Nine, which then belonged<br />

to Ihor Kolomoiskyi. I had one condition only<br />

– nobody was to interfere in editorial policy. Kolomoiskyi<br />

agreed, he never told me what to show and<br />

what not to. I paid the editorial team with my own<br />

money. In essence, they ‘sold’ airtime to me.<br />

“We had sky-high ratings. To stop us from airing<br />

a story, people offered up to 5,000 dollars. It was<br />

a huge sum for the time. We gathered a good team and<br />

created a great project. Viktor Yushchenko even<br />

awarded me the title of Meritorious Journalist for it.<br />

But at some moment, I realized that people had grown<br />

bored with my ‘broadcasts from the basement.’ The<br />

audience began to grow tired of all this pessimism and<br />

horror. Then we created the section entitled ‘People<br />

Talk about People’ and talked there about many interesting<br />

things done by ordinary citizens.”<br />

Viktoriia HONCHARENKO, Dnipro Law<br />

School: “I am very pleased to meet you. As a Dnipro<br />

resident, I can emphasize that our city is really getting<br />

better. But there are people who find nothing<br />

to their liking. How do you deal with this hostility,<br />

what motivates you?”<br />

“Skeptics can only be convinced by deeds. I do not<br />

know how true it is, but political scientists and analysts<br />

say that the index of happiness is increasing<br />

in this country, after all. Living amid unending negativity<br />

is just impossible. Often enough, I respond<br />

to negative assessments with a suggestion to replace<br />

me in the office. People immediately refuse. In order<br />

to understand someone’s path, you need to get<br />

into their shoes.”<br />

Read more on our website


8<br />

No.<strong>42</strong> AUGUST 16, 2018<br />

TIMEO U T<br />

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA<br />

By Daria TRAPEZNIKOVA, photos<br />

by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day<br />

In our time of gadgets and social<br />

media, any loud statement reaches<br />

the other part of the world in a<br />

matter of a second. Any one of us can<br />

become friends with a foreigner and<br />

learn how his compatriots view Ukraine.<br />

However, several centuries ago the way<br />

to any foreign country was long,<br />

difficult, and costly. So the public<br />

opinion about some or other territories<br />

was shaped by the artists, writers, and<br />

cartographers. The employees of the<br />

National Museum of Ukrainian History<br />

made a cross section of the ideas the<br />

foreigners used to have about our<br />

territory in a way of an exhibit “Through<br />

the Eyes of Near and Far Neighbors:<br />

Ukraine in Graphical Works of the 17th-<br />

19th centuries.” It was compiled with the<br />

assistance of Ukraine’s National Museum<br />

of Art and the Vernadsky National<br />

Library. The most of the items from the<br />

funds of the abovementioned institutions<br />

are on display for the first time.<br />

The land of milk,<br />

honey,and…captivity<br />

■ IMPRESSION<br />

Charles XII, which was published up to<br />

100 times in different languages. In this<br />

book the author describes the Cossacks and<br />

Mazepa, Charles’s wandering across<br />

Ukraine, he dwells on the reasons of<br />

Swedes’ defeat in their war against Russia.”<br />

At Napoleon Bonaparte’s order the<br />

history of Zaporozhian Cossacks was researched<br />

by French historian Charlesfrom<br />

Moldavia and Valakhia are also on<br />

display at the exhibit. Such descriptions<br />

with accompanying illustrations and maps<br />

were very popular among the travelers of<br />

that time. For example, the exhibit features<br />

the German travel notes dated 1855,<br />

describing the climate, the soil, the natural<br />

recourses, as well as the folkways of<br />

the Ukrainian peasants.<br />

The National Museum of Ukrainian History shows Ukraine<br />

of the 17th-19th centuries through the eyes of foreigners<br />

us. “On the verge of the 18th and 19th centuries<br />

Ukraine was perceived like a not<br />

enough civilized borderline territory with<br />

patriarchal behaviors and rich history,<br />

which was not completely cognized by the<br />

population. The image of the Cossack nation<br />

has been replaced by their descendants,<br />

peasants suffering from the<br />

Moscow despotism. The task of experi-<br />

life, but they look more mundane. Dominique<br />

Pierre de la Flise, the author of<br />

the ethnographic description of the peasants<br />

of Kyiv gubernia added to its huge<br />

volume an album of five pages and pictures<br />

of their costumes. One can see part of them<br />

under the show-glass. This collection cannot<br />

but include Taras Shevchenko’s landscapes<br />

and several etchings, the frag-<br />

● COSSACKS ON THE BOOK<br />

PAGES AND MAPS<br />

The curator of the exhibit, senior researcher<br />

at the National Museum of<br />

Ukrainian History Yaroslav ZATYLIUK<br />

starts the exhibit tour with the first<br />

sources of information about Ukraine<br />

for Europeans. In 1517 a scholar from<br />

Krakow Maciej Miechowita published<br />

Tractatus de duabus Sarmatiis (“Treatise<br />

on the Two Sarmatias”), which, in particular,<br />

mentions the Ukrainian lands.<br />

“It’s shaping the first stereotypes about<br />

the fertile ‘land of milk and honey,’<br />

which seems to be historically cursed, because<br />

these borderline lands are all the<br />

time facing the risk of invasion and ruinations,”<br />

the curator of the exhibit explains.<br />

The information from this treatise<br />

and other Polish chronicles was used in<br />

the famous European encyclopedia, The<br />

Cosmographia (“Cosmography”) by Sebastian<br />

Muenster in 1556. There is small<br />

book from the “Republics” series with the<br />

description of Polish, Lithuanian, and<br />

Ukrainian lands lying next to these books<br />

at the show-window.<br />

The first more or less full description<br />

of Ukraine in the 17th century was accomplished<br />

by the French engineer and cartographer<br />

Guillaume Levasseur de Beauplan.<br />

During his 20-year-long work on our<br />

territory he created the first general map<br />

of Ukrainian lands and topographical<br />

plans of some of its territories. These accomplishments<br />

are still used in the European<br />

atlases. The perception of Ukrainian<br />

territory as a separate Cossack state is supplemented<br />

by the maps created by outstanding<br />

German cartographer Johann<br />

Baptist Homann in the 18th century.<br />

“The interest to our lands has significantly<br />

increased during the Enlightenment,”<br />

Zatyliuk continues, “It was stirred,<br />

in particular, by Voltaire’s History of<br />

Louis Lesur in his work The History of<br />

Cossacks. Johann Christian Engel’s book<br />

written somewhat earlier is one of the first<br />

works on Ukrainian history. Interestingly,<br />

they were used as a reference by European,<br />

some Russian and Ukrainian historians,<br />

in particular, Dmytro Bantysh-<br />

Kamensky, whose notes about his journey<br />

● A SEPARATE ETHNIC GROUP<br />

The texts and several maps are rather<br />

a supplement to the exhibit, its main<br />

powerful and expressive visual element.<br />

Yaroslav Zatyliuk tells about the perception<br />

of Ukrainians and their settlements,<br />

making references to the items in front of<br />

enced Europeans is to bring here the<br />

achievements of civilization,” the researcher<br />

explains. “The Russian travelers<br />

came to Ukrainian territory to see the historical<br />

monuments from Rus’ time and research<br />

their ancient roots. They thought<br />

the Cossacks, and especially peasants,<br />

were a separate ethnic group which had<br />

nothing in common with the princes. In<br />

fact it’s not something new to the world<br />

history. In that time Europeans stuck to<br />

the opinion that their contemporaries<br />

from Greece had no relation to the ancient<br />

heritage, considering that the French,<br />

Italians, etc. had much more in common<br />

with the heritage of the ancient state.”<br />

The attitude to Ukrainian people as a<br />

talented one, but lazy in terms of state<br />

governing, hence captivated, can be<br />

traced in the landscape engravings. No<br />

matter where we find ourselves, when we<br />

look at the pictures, whether in the Stryi<br />

raion, Kyiv environs, or Poltava oblast,<br />

everywhere the emphasis is made on the<br />

incredible landscapes and impressive<br />

monuments. Both Russian artists, and<br />

Napoleon Orda, who considered himself<br />

a Pole, depicted the meadows and woods,<br />

churches, houses, and palaces, built by the<br />

rulers. But every one of them focused on<br />

what referred to the history of their empires,<br />

the Russian empire and Rzeczpospolita,<br />

correspondingly. The tiny figures<br />

of the peasants busy with their<br />

everyday chores are making the foreground<br />

scene more detailed.<br />

A separate wall in the exhibition is<br />

dedicated to human portraits and depiction<br />

of traditional Ukrainian clothes which<br />

make up the image of the peasant nation.<br />

Mykhailo Klodt’s works depict the life<br />

plots and beautiful relaxed people wearing<br />

bright clothing. The etchings and the portraits<br />

of the peasants by Lev Zhemchuzhnykov<br />

as well as the sketches by Kateryna<br />

Haltseva depict the peasants in everyday<br />

ments from Picturesque Ukraine. For him<br />

this project was the means of presenting<br />

Ukrainians in the best possible way. Unfortunately,<br />

in spite of the big intentions<br />

the project was never finished.<br />

● MAKING THE MOMENT STOP<br />

We should pay the due both to the<br />

artists depicting the Ukrainian lands<br />

and those who have managed to preserve<br />

the treasures. For many items of this exhibits<br />

show to us the monuments which<br />

have already disappeared (for example,<br />

the khan tombs in Bakhchysarai) or look<br />

absolutely different (same old Podil and<br />

the works by Ivan Hryhorovych-Barsky).<br />

The exhibit includes also the Crimean<br />

landscapes dated 19th century, such as<br />

the Sudak Valley, Alushta, and Simeiz.<br />

In the center of the museum hall<br />

there is a huge photo of the Mykolaiv<br />

chain bridge, the first capital passage<br />

across the Dnipro in Kyiv, which existed<br />

in 1863-1920. It was taken by John Cooke<br />

Bourne. Bellow, for comparison, there are<br />

lithograph postcards made at the turn of<br />

the 19th and 20th centuries, with the same<br />

cityscape. “The means of depicting reality<br />

are changing with time,” Yaroslav<br />

Zatyliuk finishes the tour, moving the stationary<br />

magnifier on the glass. “Long<br />

time ago this photo was very expensive. It<br />

was difficult to make. Now nearly all of us<br />

are carrying Smartphones with cameras<br />

and several gigabytes of digital archives.”<br />

So, every one of us has an opportunity to<br />

create not only images of our own, but also<br />

the image of our city and state in the<br />

eyes of the foreigners. But this ease comes<br />

with the additional responsibility. Of<br />

course, Photoshop is powerful software,<br />

but it’s a more complicated challenge to<br />

bring the reality closer to an ideal image<br />

rather than its imprint in the camera<br />

matrix. And it’s much more interesting.<br />

PHOTO FACT<br />

Identity-asserting pictures<br />

Photo by the author<br />

Ukrainian American artist Ola Rondiak’s exhibit in Lviv<br />

By Pavlo PALAMARCHUK<br />

LVIV – Dzyha Gallery is hosting<br />

Ola Rondiak’s Identity, Interrupted<br />

exhibit. These pictures were made<br />

as the artist revised her inner identity<br />

under the impact from political<br />

events in Ukraine.<br />

Ola Rondiak was born to a Ukrainian<br />

emigre family in the United States<br />

and raised in a true ethnic Ukrainian<br />

spirit. She resettled in Ukraine shortly<br />

after the Soviet Union’s collapse.<br />

She says that, ironically, she sought a<br />

true Ukrainian identity in the land of<br />

her forefathers, but found none. Back<br />

in the 1990s, Russian was the language<br />

she heard most on the streets of<br />

Kyiv, and the traditions with which<br />

she’d grown were considered provincial.<br />

She had to re-examine the very<br />

notion of being Ukrainian and found<br />

her national identity interrupted.<br />

This basically prompted her to<br />

create a series of pictures currently on<br />

display. Among them are iconic images<br />

of Ukrainian women reminiscent<br />

of the Byzantine period.<br />

■ This art exhibit will close on<br />

August 19.<br />

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