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JUNE 26 2018 ISSUE No. 40 (1172) 

Tel.: +38(044) 303-96-19, 

fax: +38(044) 303-94-20 

е-mail: time@day.kiev.ua; 

http://www.day.kiev.ua 

Dear readers, our next issue will be published on August 2, 2018 

REUTERS photo 

Photo by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day 

On trusting each other 

Gerhard GNAUCK: 

“I hope Germans 

will understand what 

a difficult way 

Ukrainians had to go” 

Continued on page 4 

Photo by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day 

Belated but 

Traditionalists and innovators 

indispensable 

On the 

All-Ukrainian 

Triennale 

“Graphics 2018” 

Continued on page 8 

What do The Day’s experts think of the new 

Law “On National Security of Ukraine”? 

2 

Continued 

on page

2 

No.40 JUNE 26, 2018 

DAY AFTER DAY 

WWW.DAY.KIEV.UA 

By Ivan KAPSAMUN, Valentyn TORBA, 

photos by Ruslan KANIUKA, The Day 

Anew security law, “On 

National Security of 

Ukraine,” was passed in 

Ukraine last Thursday, 

with 248 MPs voting for 

the presidential bill. The previous 

law, “On the Fundamentals of 

National Security and Defense,” had 

been adopted as far back as 2003. 

According to Ihor Smeshko, former 

chief of the Security Service of 

Ukraine, the latter was “reasonable 

and balanced enough.” 

“The law was passed when General 

Yevhen Marchuk was Secretary 

of the National Security and Defense 

Council and I was his first deputy 

and, therefore, directly participated 

in drawing up the law. So, I wonder 

why we were never asked, as experts, 

to voice our opinion on the new 

bill. As is known, it calls for repealing 

three laws now in force,” 

Smeshko told The Day (article “On 

unity,” No. 21, April 3, 2018). 

The laws in question are “On the 

Fundamentals of National Security of 

Ukraine,” “On Democratic Civilian 

Control over the Military Organization 

and Law-Enforcement Bodies 

of the State,” and “On the Organization 

of Defense Planning.” 

What is written in the new law? 

Firstly, it lays down the basic principles 

of national security and defense, 

the objectives and guidelines 

of governmental policies which will 

guarantee society and every individual 

protection against dangers. 

More in detail, it specifies the President 

of Ukraine’s powers to exercise 

strategic command of the National 

Guard via the General Staff of the 

Ukrainian Armed Forces when martial 

law has been declared. 

The law also sets out that the 

minister of defense and his deputies 

are to be appointed from among civilians 

and that the offices of Chief of 

the General Staff and Commanderin-Chief 

of the Ukrainian Armed 

Forces will be separated. The Armed 

Forces’ commander-in-chief is to be 

appointed and dismissed by the president 

at the formal request of the defense 

minister to whom he is subordinated, 

while the chief of the General 

Staff is subordinated to the 

Armed Force’s commander-in-chief. 

The document is the first step in 

bringing the uniformed services into 

line with NATO standards. In particular, 

the status of the Security 

Service (SBU) is changing – from now 

on it will be a special body with lawenforcement 

functions, which ensures 

state security, while strictly observing 

the rights and freedoms of 

man and citizen. Investigating economic 

crimes is now beyond the 

SBU’s competence. 

However, this triggered heated 

debates in parliament. Particularly, 

MPs Hanna Hopko and Svitlana Zalishchuk 

insisted that changes about 

stripping the SBU of the function to 

combat corruption and organized 

crime be introduced directly to the 

law on the Security Service, but none 

of their amendments were supported. 

The law separates defense forces 

and security forces. From now on, defense 

forces are to take relevant 

measures to ensure defense of the 

state and military security, whereas 

security forces are supposed to ensure 

Ukraine’s state and community security. 

Besides, the Law “On National 

Security of Ukraine” introduces 

democratic civilian control 

over the security and defense sector, 

including on the part of the Verkhovna 

Rada and the public. 

The document says that allocations 

for the security and defense sector 

should make up at least 5 percent 

of the planned GDP, of which 3 percent 

will be spent on funding the 

Armed Forces. 

Ihor Smeshko is rather critical 

of the new law. “I can conclude 

from what I saw that it is in fact a 

collection of political slogans that do 

not explain the essence of the law’s 

name and considerably worsen governance 

in the sphere of defense 

and national security,” he says. 

(For more details, see the abovementioned 

interview.) 

Logically enough, the pro-presidential 

PPB faction came to a positive 

conclusion. According to MP 

Ivan Vynnyk, the bill signals the beginning 

of the Ukrainian army’s 

transition to NATO and EU standards. 

“An essential innovation is 

introduction of parliamentary and 

civil control over the Armed Forces 

and volunteer formations,” the party’s 

press service quotes the MP as 

saying. 

What do The Day’s experts think 

of the new draft law? 

● “IT WOULD HAVE BEEN 

BETTER TO PASS THIS LAW 

IN THE VERY BEGINNING” 

Dmytro TYMCHUK, Member of the 

Ukrainian Parliament: 

“The law on national security 

should lay the groundwork for all 

the reforms associated with the security 

and defense sector and aimed 

at Euro-Atlantic integration. We 

are really in the mess, for we have 

put the wagon ahead of the horse. 

There was a Ministry of Defense 

concept, and there was a Strategic 

Bulletin – already a road map for 

THE LAST CORRECTIONS 

carrying out reforms in line with 

Belatedbut indispensable 

What do The Day’s experts think of the new 

Law “On National Security of Ukraine”? 

NATO standards. These documents 

are being actively implemented today, 

and military control bodies 

are being reformed. But it is all details. 

We need a law that will basically 

determine interconnection between 

reformation processes and 

become a reference point of sorts for 

reforms in the sectors of security 

and defense. And it is very important 

to provide for the security and 

defense sector. It should be a single 

MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT AFTER VOTING FOR THE LAW ON NATIONAL SECURITY 

body. The problem of interaction between 

the uniformed services has 

been very acute since the first days 

of Russia’s war against Ukraine. 

But, of course, it would have been 

better to pass this law in the very beginning. 

We are late here to some 

extent. 

“To tell the truth, there is a traditional 

rivalry between special services, 

between intelligence and other 

branches… And this rivalry has existed 

since the beginning of independence. 

Nobody wants a rivaling 

body to penetrate into an alien territory 

and begin to establish their own 

order. It is this approach that hinders 

interaction. Now our goal is to 

break these stereotypes and switch 

to NATO standards in the finest 

sense of the word. It is not the compatibility 

of gun calibers that matters 

to NATO. What really matters to 

them is effectiveness of defense and 

security in the country as a whole. 

The No. 1 thing is to standardize legislation, 

which we are busy with 

now. One should also take into account 

that NATO standards have 

been honed for dozens of years and 

are the most effective, and we need 

them not only for moving towards the 

Alliance but also, and first of all, for 

boosting the effectiveness of our security 

and defense sector.” 

● “IN REALITY, THIS LAW SETS 

OUT A RIGID CHAIN OF 

COMMAND FOR TWO 

PEOPLE – THE PRESIDENT 

AND THE RNBO 

SECRETARY” 

Valentyn NALYVAICHENKO, former 

chief of the Security Service of 

Ukraine: 

“In the text of the Law on National 

Security, I first of all see the 

increase of the existing and the provision 

of new supervisory powers of 

the National Security and Defense 

Council (RNBO) secretary. I can see 

strict subordination of security and 

defense powers to the president and 

the RNBO secretary. 

“Secondly, whether or not parliament 

wanted it, it is unexpected to 

me, and I don’t think it is a right 

measure – parliament gave up supervision 

over almost all the governmental 

bodies in the defense and 

security sector, including the SBU. It 

is accountability and many other 

ways of control. The law demands 

that all security agencies submit a 

written report to parliament once a 

year only. This innovation considerably 

narrows parliamentary control 

over the security and defense sector. 

“Thirdly, societal control. In reality, 

this law does not introduce 

any forms of societal control. On the 

contrary, it narrows them. Societal 

control is confined to participation in 

discussing certain matters – no more 

than this. I remind you that societal 

control in accordance with European 

norms is a possibility to monitor the 

legality of all the law-enforcement 

and security bodies’ activity. The 

law absolutely ignores this important 

moment. I think our European partners 

will first of all criticize us for 

failure to introduce this kind of societal 

control. 

“Fourthly and mainly, my expert 

opinion is that lawmakers did 

not dare write in the passed law that 

protecting the security of every individual 

is the No. 1 task of security 

and defense bodies. I emphasize this. 

This law is about national security, 

but where is security of the Ukrainian 

citizen? 

“In general, what is written in 

this law concerns the activities of 

RNBO. There is nothing new in it. In 

reality, the current law on national 

security set out a rigid chain of command 

for two people – the president 

and the RNBO secretary. But it still 

says nothing about counterintelligence 

or an antiterrorist center. Instead, 

this law simply repeats provisions 

of the existing laws – a juridical 

tautology of sorts.”


DAY AFTER DAY No.40 JUNE 26, 2018 3 

By Natalia PUSHKARUK, The Day 

Recently, President of 

Ukraine Petro Poroshenko 

made two new appointments 

to the Ukrainian 

diplomatic service: he 

approved the appointment of retired 

Ukrainian army commander 

Lieutenant-General Petro Lytvyn 

as our ambassador to Armenia, 

and that of Ihor Tumasov as ambassador 

to the Republic of Peru. The 

decrees have been made public on 

the website of the Presidential 

Administration. 

The decision to appoint Lytvyn 

caused a wave of dissatisfaction. 

After all, the official biography 

of Lytvyn makes clear that he graduated 

from Kyiv Armor Engineering 

Academy, the National Defense 

Academy of Ukraine and 

served in various officer postings. 

However, it lists no experience in 

the diplomatic service. In addition, 

there have been numerous 

damaging media reports, most recently 

repeated by MP Yurii 

Bereza, who said in the chamber on 

June 20: “This is the Lytvyn who 

abandoned his soldiers in the Sector 

D in eastern Ukraine. This is the 

Lytvyn whose actions might have 

cost me and my brothers-in-arms 

our lives.” 

It is worth recalling that the 

Lytvyn family is quite prominent in 

Ukrainian politics. Petro Lytvyn’s 

brothers Volodymyr and Mykola also 

held high positions. Volodymyr 

Lytvyn was speaker of the Verkhovna 

Rada and chief of the Presidential 

Administration, while General 

of the Army of Ukraine Mykola 

Lytvyn served as chairman of the 

State Border Guard Service. “I 

want to remind you that we have a 

‘heroic’ little family here, with 

one of its members sitting here in 

the chamber, who welcomed the 

Kharkiv Agreements and has attacked 

the Ukrainian state and 

Ukrainians every time he has spoken... 

And another hero is the newly 

appointed ambassador of 

Ukraine to Armenia,” Bereza noted 

in his speech as well. 

“Mr. President, look into the 

eyes of the mothers of those who 

have not returned from this war..,” 

the MP continued. “Lytvyn’s appointment 

confirms the thesis that 

there is corruption in this chamber... 

Unfortunately, the aggressor 

state spends a lot of money to ensure 

that such people as Lytvyn retain 

influence on the government 

policy of Ukraine. I would like to 

appeal once again to Foreign Minister 

Pavlo Klimkin. Friends, you 

have crossed the line... I know that 

such a person would not have been 

allowed to become ambassador in 

any other country. Shame on you.” 

Chairperson of the Verkhovna 

Rada Committee on Foreign Affairs 

Hanna Hopko has criticized 

the president’s decision as well. 

She reminded those present that 

her committee had been advocating 

the norm requiring candidates for 

ambassadorial positions to undergo 

preliminary consultations, so as 

to allow the committee to “sift out 

unprofessional people who bring 

dishonor to Ukraine.” “Instead, 

we have seen Poroshenko appointing 

his own associates. Are we really 

so short of people? Is the 

Ukrainian diplomatic service totally 

lacking people who can represent 

Ukraine with dignity? We 

saw other personnel appointments 

before. I now understand why 

Poroshenko has vetoed the Law of 

Ukraine ‘On the Diplomatic Service,’ 

which we approved here on 

April 5 with 276 votes in favor. He 

did not like consultations in the relevant 

committee. And this is not 

about specific people serving on the 

committee. This is about institutions, 

about the principle which 

“Are we really so 

short of people?” 

people fought for after the Maidan, 

I mean ensuring that the institutions 

defend human rights regardless 

of who occupies what position,” 

she said. 

How are experts commenting on 

this appointment? 

● “WE SEE A WEAK 

CANDIDATE AND A WEAK 

POLITICAL DECISION 

WHICH REFLECTS A 

SYSTEMIC PROBLEM” 

Bohdan YAREMENKO, chairman of the 

board at the Maidan of Foreign Affairs 

Foundation: 

“Appointment of Petro Lytvyn 

as ambassador of Ukraine to Armenia 

illustrates a systemic problem 

plaguing foreign policy governance 

in Ukraine. In accordance 

with the Constitution, the president 

of Ukraine, unusually for 

mixed parliamentary-presidential 

systems, has been given executive 

powers: he not only represents 

Ukraine in international relations, 

but effectively manages all foreign 

policy activities, and also very 

carefully protects his right to stay 

uncontrolled. 

“Recently, the parliament attempted, 

with the law ‘On the 

quainted with a matter, while consultations 

are a form of approval, 

and hence a form of control. We, 

meanwhile, do not have public and 

parliamentary control over foreign 

policy activities. Therefore, 

the president, guided by the belief 

that he is constitutionally empowered 

to do so, makes decisions at his 

own discretion. 

“In this case, this decision is 

subject to criticism in every regard. 

Firstly, the candidate itself 

looks suspicious. Why is a soldier 

getting appointed, and not a 

diplomat, who knows the Armenian 

language or understands the 

intricacies of the diplomatic service? 

Is not there a better candidate? 

Moreover, that soldier has, 

unfortunately, a very problematic 

reputation, which is associated 

with the Ilovaisk tragedy. In addition, 

he is a brother of 

Volodymyr Lytvyn. Obviously, 

this appointment is based precisely 

on such connections and 

nepotism. He has no professional 

qualities, knowledge, skills needed 

to serve as an ambassador, especially 

in such a complex country 

with which we have a lot of fundamental 

disagreements. I do not 

understand why his candidacy is 

Diplomatic Service,’ to enact provisions 

requiring consultations in 

the parliamentary committee when 

appointing ambassadors, but the 

president has vetoed it. However, 

he made a counter-proposal to present 

candidates for ambassadorial 

positions to the committee, but 

presentation and consultations are 

different things, since presentation 

is just a way to get people acany 

better than the candidacy of 

any department head in the Ministry 

of Foreign Affairs. 

“Secondly, why is our ambassador 

getting appointed to Armenia 

at all? After all, that country, 

which is an ally of Russia, officially 

voted against the UN resolution 

that supported the territorial 

integrity of Ukraine, and 

therefore, Armenia does not rec- 

Hanna Hopko, other politicians and experts have sharply criticized the 

appointment of career soldier Petro Lytvyn as ambassador to Armenia 


ognize the territorial integrity of 

our state. Thus, the absence of a 

Ukrainian ambassador there can 

be considered a way of expressing 

disagreement with its position. 

This is a weak demarche, but a demarche 

nevertheless. 

“That is, we see a weak candidate 

and a weak political decision 

that cannot be explained, because 

we are completely in the dark about 

personnel selection with its defining 

principles and criteria, since it 

happens behind closed doors and 

shuttered windows in the Presidential 

Administration. 

“All this testifies to the fact 

that the diplomatic service is in a 

state of decay, and it is probably 

already as bad as it gets. The foreign 

policy service has turned into 

a PR department for the president. 

And this is not only about 

Poroshenko, such a situation took 

shape quite a long time ago, and it 

was like this, in fact, with all the 

presidents. The president has the 

right to appoint ambassadors at 

his own discretion, but whether 

this is reasonable and what criteria 

are used in exercising this 

right, we do not know. And this is 

a big problem.” 

● “GIVEN THE BAD PUBLICITY, 

THE PRESIDENT WOULD DO 

WELL TO EXPLAIN TO THE 

PUBLIC WHAT THE 

DECISION WAS BASED ON” 

Vasyl FILIPCHUK, chairman of the 

board at the International Center for 

Policy Studies: 

“There are two major ways of appointing 

ambassadors around the 

world. For example, in the US, these 

are mostly purely political appointments, 

while in European countries, 

ambassadors are appointed from 

among career diplomats. In Ukraine, 

as a rule, ambassadors are appointed 

from among high-level career 

diplomats who have worked for a certain 

time in the diplomatic service 

and meet the requirements for an 

ambassadorial posting. Still, a certain 

part of the appointments is political 

by nature: people who have a 

certain political weight get appointed 

to such positions. 

“It is unclear what was the logic 

behind the appointment of this 

person as ambassador to Armenia. 

On the one hand, he is definitely not 

a career diplomat who has gone 

down the diplomatic service path and 

can occupy this post. On the other 

hand, he is not a politician either. 

This is the result of some personal 

decisions on the part of the president. 

Considering the problematic 

qualities of this person, he probably 

had some compelling reasons to 

make this appointment. 

“Indeed, Armenia is not a G7 

country and not one of Ukraine’s 

Top 5 priorities. Still, it is an important 

country for us: we have a 

large Armenian community, there 

are certain interests, we have a 

partnership with Azerbaijan, and 

Azerbaijani-Armenian relations 

are very complicated. Therefore, a 

highly skilled diplomat should be 

appointed to this post. Requirements 

are very high there. Everyone 

in the diplomatic service remembers 

former Ambassador Oleksandr 

Bozhko, who served in Armenia 

for a long time and worked to 

maintain good relations between 

our two countries. 

“Given the bad publicity, the 

president would do well to explain to 

the public what the decision was 

based on. This is not a personal patronage 

service for the head of state 

or a position at his factory. These are 

government positions that require 

nation-level thinking and statesman-like 

responsibility. It is doubtful 

whether the criteria of statesman-like 

responsibility were in fact 

met with this appointment. 

“The question is important and 

significant in public opinion, therefore 

the president should explain to 

the public why he has made such an 

appointment, and what determined 

his decision. 

“Another aspect is that this decision 

calls into question the credibility 

of the diplomatic service. We 

have a lot of good, high-quality career 

diplomats. The ambassadorial 

position is not a sinecure. However, 

the impression is that it is precisely 

that: if you are a good friend of the 

president, but he cannot get you a position 

here, then you can go serve as 

an ambassador for a good salary, 

plus you get to use an ambassadorial 

residence, a car, a chauffeur, and 

so on. The impression is that decisions 

are made sometimes to satisfy 

one’s friends’ avarice. I really do not 

want this to be true.”

4 

No.40 JUNE 26, 2018 

TOPIC OF THE DAY 


By Serhii MORUHIN 

Now, four years after the 

beginning of Russian aggression 

against Ukraine, 

we know like never before 

how important the reputation 

of our country abroad is. It is 

ordinary Europeans – Germans, 

Dutchmen, Frenchmen, Poles, et 

al. – who determine the policy of their 

countries. What they think of 

Ukraine makes a direct impact on 

high-placed politicians. On the other 

hand, Ukrainians are part of 

European civilization. Our history is 

bloody and tragic, we were torn away 

from European culture for a long 

time, and we lost a lot of lessons 

history taught to European countries. 

Now, after 26 years of in-dependence, 

Ukraine is only beginning to 

blaze the trail to Europe, and we 

must learn to understand Europeans 

better and improve the way we tell 

them about ourselves. 

Gerhard Gnauck is a German 

journalist who worked for the most 

influential publications. He currently 

contributes to the newspaper 

Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and 

has been taking interest for many 

years in what occurs to the east of 

Germany. Herr Gnauck agreed to 

answer The Day’s questions. 

● “THOSE EVENTS 

‘PROGRAMMED’ MY 

INTEREST IN UKRAINE” 

Herr Gnauck, the Ukrainians 

are accustomed to Western Europe 

taking not so much interest in 

Ukrainian events. Why did you 

choose this subject? 

“My family is historically linked 

with Ukraine. My grandmother was 

born in Podillia, not far from Kamianets-Podilskyi. 

They were Polish 

and ran away from there in 1920. My 

grandfather, a German, was killed in 

Ukrainian Volyn on the eighth day of 

invasion in 1941. My father and I 

once came here to find his grave. All 

this could not help but stir up my interest 

in Ukraine. My mother is Polish 

and father is German. They took 

an active part in human rights struggle 

in the 1970s-1980s, and I heard 

such names as Hryhorenko, 

Dzhemilev, Stus, and others, since I 

was a child. Then I happened to travel 

to Ukraine in 1989 for the first 

time as part of a group of students 

and two professors. It was very interesting: 

we visited Chornobyl and 

the Bykivnia forest, the place of 

mass-scale executions of repression 

victims. All those events ‘programmed’ 

my interest in Ukraine.” 

You were prepared for the events 

that followed the collapse of the Soviet 

Union and the emergence of independent 

Ukraine. But you were 

clearly in the minority in Germany. 

What is the attitude of Germans to 

our state? 

“I cannot possibly speak on behalf 

of all Germans, for I am just a journalist. 

Besides, I am dealing with foreign-policy 

matters very much. And, 

in general, it is an important topic, 

but I can outline several points that 

I think are characteristic. If you remember, 

there was a very well-known 

German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich 

Genscher. He recalls in his 

memoirs that he wanted to fly to 

Ukraine in July 1991, when he was on 

a fact-finding tour of the East. But, 

not to complicate relations with 

Moscow, Gorbachev, the delegation 

first flew to Kazakhstan and then, as 

if on the way back, visited Ukraine. 

I recalled these impressions of Genscher 

a few years later, in 1997, 

when I accompanied German President 

Roman Herzog. Again, we first 

flew to Kyrgyzstan and then to Kyiv. 

I remember speaking with a deputy 

minister, and he said German dele- 

gations had been visiting Ukraine in 

the mid-1990s and offering aid, particularly 

in the agrarian sector. But 

it was very difficult to speak to some 

of the Ukrainian officials, and nothing 

came out of that. It was also 

very important that the Soviet Union 

collapsed against the backdrop of a 

bloody conflict in former Yugoslavia. 

By contrast, the USSR broke up in a 

very peaceful way, thank God, but, as 

is known, there still were conflicts in 

Transnistria, Transcaucasia, and 

other hot spots.” 

Gerhard GNAUCK: “I hope Germans will understand 

what a difficult way Ukrainians had to go” 

● “I PERSONALLY, AS AN 

EYEWITNESS, WOULD 

EQUATE THE IMPORTANCE 

OF THE ORANGE 

REVOLUTION WITH THAT 

OF THE FALL OF THE 

BERLIN WALL” 

So, Europe did not pay much attention 

to Ukraine because it neither 

benefited from nor was harmed 

by the latter? 

“There were always some conflicts 

that attracted attention. And then 

the year 2004 came. I personally, as an 

eyewitness, would equate the importance 

of the Orange Revolution with 

that of the fall of the Berlin Wall.” 

It is high praise, especially from a 

German. 

“I can say this as a journalist, as a 

citizen. Along with the fall of the 

Wall, it is the most important event I 

was personally present at. I can remember 

my former classmate telling 

me how he perceived this. In Germany, 

Ukraine was on every TV 

screen. It suddenly appeared and 

stayed on for two or three weeks so. 

Then, also suddenly, it disappeared.” 

How did ordinary Germans react 

to this? 

“As to something uncommon, interesting.” 

So the Germans “discovered” the 

2004 Ukraine? 

“Yes. You should understand the 

importance of what occurred in 1989 

for the Germans. It was what the opposition 

in East Germany began with – 

election monitoring and the struggle 

against election rigging. Those were 

very easy-to-grasp things. And here, 

peaceful civilians are standing in the 

cold – every journalist noted at the 

time that it was very cold, especially 

for the Germans. And the people 

achieved their goal, which was also a 

very positive event. Then came the period 

when ministers of various coun- 

tries – for example, Germany and 

Poland, or Germany, Poland, and 

France – traveled to the East to jointly 

address some problems. I would 

single out the Polish minister Sikorski 

and Steinmeier who is now the 

President of Germany.” 

● “THE GERMAN MEDIA ARE 

AWARE THAT IT IS A 

CONFLICT BETWEEN 

UKRAINE AND RUSSIA, NOT 

A CIVIL WAR” 

But the year 2004 is not our last 

revolution, is it? The 2004 events 

continued in 2013-14. Ukraine was on 

every TV screen again. How did the 

German public react to this? 

“First of all, when there was a 

peaceful phase of the face-off, things 

were very easy to grasp. Peaceful 

civilians stood up for their rights, 

Euro-integration, etc., and it was 

viewed positively. No matter what 

the German media wrote, everything 

was good before the bloodshed. I even 

remember quite an unbiased report on 

Ukrainian nationalism. Nationalism is 

a very sensitive matter in Germany, 

but in this case everything was very 

well balanced, much to my surprise. 

Then TV showed the footage of tires 

burning on Hrushevskoho St. As far as 

I know, there was only one place, 

where tires were burning – the whole 

city was not on fire. But, naturally, 

such pictures produce a negative effect. 

The next footage: a shootout on 

Hrushevskoho St. and a major bloodshed 

on Independence Square and Instytutska 

St. I personally think this 

greatly influenced the perception of 

Ukraine – it began to be associated 

with violence. ‘Who started it? Who 

is to blame? All are more or less guilty. 

Radicalization, escalation, you 

know…,’ viewers used to say. This 

must have been the turning point in 

German public opinion – there was a 

violent conflict on the streets.” 

Did German public opinion turn 

away from Ukraine? 

On trusting each other 

Photo by the author 

“Of course not. I must tell those 

who are scathingly criticizing the 

German media that it is not quite so. 

There were about 30 major talk shows 

on German TV about the situation in 

Ukraine. This means that this problem 

really worried everybody. I remember 

a talk show hostess I know asking 

Angela Merkel if the Minsk Agreements 

would be followed by Minsk 2, 

Minsk 3, and so on. And Madam Chancellor 

had to answer – she said there 

was no other way out; it’s better this 

way than another. There was also a 

talk show attended by the minister of 

defense. The question was about kidnapping 

Bundeswehr soldiers who 

were part of the OSCE mission. Madam 

Minister answered that it was not accidental 

and the conflict was growing. 

We can also recall that there were several 

German journalists at the Ukrainian 

army barracks in Crimea, when the 

‘little green men’ were going to take 

them by storm – they came out only 

when there was a real danger that they 

will suffer. And some of my colleagues 

received mailed threats of bodily harm 

for spotlighting the Ukraine conflict 

from an excessively ‘anti-Putin’ position. 

This looked very strange because 

we had previously thought that 

threats could only be issued against the 

journalists who write about the mafia, 

not about politics. Some politicians 

said important words. President 

Joachim Gauck said in Gdansk: history 

teaches us that when we try to appease 

the aggressor, this will only whet his 

appetite, and he will want still more. 

Or take the Minister of Finance, Wolfgang 

Schaeuble. Once the aggression 

in Crimea began, he said, speaking to 

schoolchildren, that it was comparable 

to 1938 [the annexation of Germanspeaking 

regions of Czechoslovakia. – 

Ed.] 

But we sometimes also read different 

opinions in the German press. 

“There are various opinions. But, 

on the whole, the German press is 

unanimous that Crimea was annexed – 

it is an undeniable fact. This formulation 

is used by the information agencies 

that set the tone in the journalistic 

milieu. Certain media try sometimes 

to present the conflict as a 

‘proxy war’ between puppets on both 

sides, a clash between Putin and God 

knows who in the West because Trump 

can hardly make the grade of a global 

villain. But it seems to me that, on the 

whole, the German media are aware 

that it is a real conflict between 

Ukraine, as a nation and a state, and 

Russia, as a state, and that it is not a 

civil war, but one brought in from 

abroad.” 

● “I SHARE YOUR FEARS THAT 

‘NORD STREAM 2’ IS 

INTENDED TO HINDER THE 

TRANSIT OF GAS ACROSS 

UKRAINE” 

Ukraine suffers very much from 

Russian propaganda. Since 2014, or 

even earlier, Russia has been spreading 

biased, sometimes fabricated, 

information about predominance of 

the far Right, the oppression of minorities, 

and all kinds of provocative 

fakes. To what extent strong is the 

stereotype of Ukraine as a country, 

where nationalists rule supreme and 

ethnic minorities are harassed, and 

to what extent do the Germans believe 

these allegations? To what extent 

harmful are such excesses as, for 

example, the devastation of a Roma 

camp and similar stories? 

“I see. As you know, this story began 

in 2003-04. The first to criticize 

Chancellor Schroeder for this project 

was Polish President Kwasniewski. 

They even fell out over this. Schroeder 

signed this agreement as a chancellor 

and then, after the elections, 

assumed a top executive office in 

Nord Stream. All this occurred well 

before the 2005 elections. The elections 

catapulted Angela Merkel to 

power. It was too late to go back, for 

major German companies were involved 

in this. Let us recall that the 

world was different at that time. 

Russia was different, too. The Kremlin 

leadership may have been preparing 

for this kind of scenarios, but in 

that period, the first four or five 

years, everything looked nice and 

comely.” 

Still, I would like to know the extent 

to which German people are 

aware of the threat the commissioning 

of Nord Stream 2 poses to 

Ukraine. 

“Unfortunately, many articles 

I’ve read in the past few months allege 

that Poland and Ukraine are 

protesting against building the second 

segment of Nord Stream because 

they are afraid to see their gas transit 

capacity reduced. But Gazprom 

and President Putin emphasize that 

the quantity of the gas transported 

now across Ukraine will remain unchanged. 

German newspapers wrote 

that Ukraine and Poland were afraid 

to lose revenues or even were ‘afraid 

of being offended.’ This essentially 

distorts Ukraine’s position and presents 

the two states as hurt children. 

But, on the other hand, the current 

security situation totally differs 

from the one 10 years ago. Now there 

are interconnectors, and gas can run 

in the reverse mode to Ukraine 

through Poland and Slovakia. The 

seller is not Russia, not Gazprom, but


TOPIC OF THE DAY No.40 JUNE 26, 2018 5 

a certain European company. This 

is an element of security for 

Ukraine because it will depend 

less on Russia.” 

But it is not only about money. 

Ukraine insists that Nord 

Stream 2 may stop the transit of 

Russian gas across our country, 

which will give Putin a free hand 

for military expansionism in 

Ukraine because in this case intensification 

of the military conflict 

will no longer counter Russian 

commercial interests. 

“I share your fears that Nord 

Stream 2 is intended to hinder the 

transit of gas across Ukraine. 

Some German publications have 

admitted in the past few weeks 

that it is not a purely economic 

project, as politicians have been 

reiterating for years. Merkel said: 

yes, there is a political component, 

and we will see to it that the 

transit of gas through Ukraine 

continues. Then Putin said: yes, I 

also support this. But these are only 

words so far.” 

● “THE MORE COMMON 

VALUES UKRAINIANS 

AND GERMANS WILL 

HAVE, THE FASTER 

MISUNDERSTANDINGS 

WILL BE VANISHING” 

Sometimes the impression is 

that European politicians and Europeans 

in general are taking a superficial 

attitude to Ukraine’s 

problems and do not want to look 

into essential details. This brings 

about misunderstandings and tension 

where it can be avoided. They 

often fail to understand that we 

are still halfway on the road the 

Western world has already 

passed. Do you think this kind of 

misunderstanding really exists? 

“If you have a goal, you should 

approach this goal step by step. 

Ukraine is striving for the European 

Union, where there are good 

living standards, etc. This is what 

you, Poles, and other nations have 

been aspiring for. Of course, European 

institutions, the European 

Union, assess one country or another 

on the basis of how closely 

they have approached their standards. 

And it is, after all, your 

wish – the wish of Ukraine – to approach 

European standards. Economic 

development, wellbeing, 

adequate administration, transparency, 

zero corruption is our 

common basis on which we can cooperate.” 

In other words, to be better 

appreciated by Europeans, 

Ukrainians must look more like 

Europeans? 

“This is an eternal problem 

with new candidate countries. 

Poland also went through this. If 

a country wants to join the European 

Union, this does not mean 

that the EU will begin to move in 

order to meet you halfway. The EU 

cannot possibly introduce corruption 

or begin to spoil its highways 

for the sake of Ukraine. It is 

absurd. The European Union is a 

set of standards, rules, and values. 

If you share these values and introduce 

certain standards in your 

country, it will mean movement 

towards and integration into Europe. 

Naturally, the more common 

values, for example, Ukrainians 

and Germans will have, the faster 

misunderstandings will be vanishing 

– this will mean that Germans 

and Ukrainians trust each 

other more and attitudes will, 

naturally, also improve. So, I hope 

Germans will understand what a 

difficult way Ukraine and 

Ukrainians had to go and will 

highly appreciate it.” 

By Volodymyr BOIKO, historian 

The Institute of Ukrainian History 

of the National Academy 

of Sciences of Ukraine and the 

Institute of Historical Studies 

of the Bulgarian Academy of 

Sciences are parties to the signed 

agreement. Besides interaction of 

these institutions themselves, it seeks 

to strengthen Ukrainian-Bulgarian 

ties in the areas of science, education, 

and culture. First of all, it deals with 

the need to create a commission of 

Bulgarian and Ukrainian historians, 

which should be composed of leading 

scholars from both academies, wellknown 

students of Bulgarian and 

Ukrainian issues, and follow the 

example set by the Ukrainian-Polish 

body. Unlike the latter, it is unlikely 

that the future commission will have 

to consider diametrically opposite 

views on past events (such differences 

just do not exist in this case). At the 

same time, such a commission can 

become the basis for new contacts. 

Developing them, holding scholarly 

exchanges and bilateral consultations, 

as well as joint conferences, seminars, 

summer schools, roundtables, and 

documentary exhibitions – all this 

forms the next priority set out by the 

parties. Likely directions of cooperation 

currently include advising 

postgraduate students of the other 

party as they write their theses, joint 

publishing projects, exchanging 

research literature, and submitting 

articles to the other party’s publications. 

The above list is not exhaustive. 

Tentative topics of research 

projects include: various aspects of 

Ukrainian-Bulgarian relations, the 

Ukrainian historiography of Bulgaria 

and Bulgarian historiography of 

Ukraine, research sources available in 

both countries, the history of Bulgarian 

settlements in Ukraine and 

Ukrainian ones in Bulgaria, Ukrainian-Bulgarian 

relations within the 

international system, and prominent 

figures of the shared history. 

BulgariaandUkrainein 

the history of Europe 

The two countries’ institutes of history have 

signed a cooperation agreement in Sofia 

The signing of the agreement became 

possible due to the History of 

Diplomacy and International Relations 

Scholarly Society initiating the 

conference “Bulgaria and Ukraine in 

the History of Europe,” which was 

held in the Bulgarian capital. Supported 

by the Ministry of Foreign 

Affairs of Ukraine, the Embassy of 

Ukraine in Bulgaria, and other partners, 

it became an exceptional phenomenon, 

as Sofia had never seen 

20 Ukrainian historians visiting at the 

same time. As noted at the opening, 

the names of Ivan Shishmanov and 

Mykhailo Drahomanov are equally 

close to the hearts of Ukrainians and 

Bulgarians. In recent years, Ukrainian-Bulgarian 

relations have been developing 

rapidly, increasing the mutual 

interest of the two peoples in each 

other. The book My Sister Sofia..., 

which appeared in Den’s Library series 

two years ago, is a manifestation 

of this interest, and at the same time 

a notable factor in its continued development. 

The conference focused on the 

events that occurred a century ago and 

their long-term effects on the 20th 

century. The scholars stressed that it 

was incorrect to say that the Ukrainian-Bulgarian 

intergovernmental relations 

were 26 years old, since they 

had actually turned 100, starting 

with the signing of the Treaty of 

Brest-Litovsk by the Ukrainian People’s 

Republic and the Central Powers 

alliance, which included Bulgaria. 

As Bulgarian scholar Professor Petar 

Stoyanovich asserted, it was a just 

peace for his country, a thin streak of 

triumph ahead of the coming crushing 

defeat. By the way, the Bulgarian 

scholar is a direct descendant of Minister 

Plenipotentiary Ivan Stoyanovich, 

who was one of the main negotiators 

in Brest-Litovsk. 

The unique role of the Treaty of 

Brest-Litovsk for Ukraine was emphasized 

by Ukrainian historian Professor 

Iryna Matiash, who said it offered 

a basis for Ukraine’s entry into 

the international arena, its effective 

legitimization. In her opinion, all 

parties involved perfectly understood 

others’ objectives and deliberately 

agreed to this step to pursue their national 

interests. Existing disagreements 

led to problems with ratification 

afterwards. However, it did not 

apply to Bulgaria and Ukraine, as 

they quickly exchanged ratification 

instruments. When it came to the 

appointment of ambassadors, Tsar 

Ferdinand insisted that the Ukrainian 

side be represented by a well-known 

national figure. In the end, Oleksandr 

Shulhyn got that job on the advice 

of Bulgarian Ambassador Shishmanov 

(a student of Taras Shevchenko’s 

works and the husband of Drahomanov’s 

daughter Lidia). Especially 

striking was the spectacular 

conclusion of Shishmanov’s speech 

during the presentation of his credentials 

to Pavlo Skoropadsky, namely 

his words: “Glory to Ukraine! Glory 

to the Illustrious Lord Hetman!” 

That is, the Bulgarian was, at the very 

least, very well acquainted with the 

situation in Ukraine, so much that he 

could take credit for the most famous 

Ukrainian slogan. 

Bulgarian scientist Blagovest 

Nyagulov stressed that the leadership 

of the Tsardom of Bulgaria was genuinely 

interested in the emergence of 

an independent Ukraine, for it offered 

Bulgaria a chance to raise the issue of 

the status of Dobrogea and some other 

areas in the context of the negotiations 

in Brest-Litovsk. Indeed, young 

Ukrainian diplomats found a common 

language with their Bulgarian 

counterparts very quickly. The latter 

became a sort of intermediaries between 

the various involved parties. 

One of the negotiators, Minister 

Plenipotentiary General Petar 

Ganchev, was convinced that the 

peace with Ukraine was much more 

important than the peace with Bolshevik 

Russia. 

Another Bulgarian researcher, 

Volodya Milachkov, reported on the serious 

attention of the Bulgarian media 

Photo by the author 

SOFIA, BULGARIA. UKRAINIAN HISTORIANS STAND BESIDE THE GRAVE OF MYKHAILO DRAHOMANOV – AN INDIVIDUAL 

WHO IS EQUALLY APPRECIATED BY UKRAINIANS AND BULGARIANS 

to the Ukrainian issue at that time. According 

to available information, the 

drafting and signing of the Treaty of 

Brest-Litovsk increased the number of 

such reports manifold. In addition to 

that topic, the Bulgarians were interested 

in Skoropadsky’s rise to power, 

the relationship between Ukraine and 

Russia, the Romanian intervention in 

Bessarabia, the relations of Ukrainians 

with ethnic minorities (primarily 

Bulgarians), the land issue, transportation, 

and currency exchange 

rates. A separate topic was the reception 

of Bulgarian Ambassador Shishmanov 

in Kyiv and his Ukrainian 

counterpart Shulhyn in Sofia. When 

accepting the credentials of the latter, 

the head of the Bulgarian state emphasized: 

“We know where the soldiers 

who died for Bulgaria’s freedom came 

from.” This is not surprising, given 

the fruitful activities of Ukrainians in 

Sofia. 

Director of the Institute for History 

Studies Daniel Vachkov covered 

in his presentation a little-known 

page of the history of the First World 

War. There was a circle of intellectuals 

in Bulgaria who believed that to 

prevent future wars in Europe, it 

was necessary to create a federation. 

Moreover, that process had to unfold 

in spatially and temporally distinct 

stages. One such stage was to involve 

the nations of the Balkans, the 

Carpathians, Asia Minor, the Caucasus, 

and the northern seaboard of the 

Black Sea. That is, Ukraine was to 

have a role in it as well. Next, they envisaged 

the Teutonic and Scandinavian 

federations. In the end, these entities 

had to unite in a pan-European 

one. However, the Versailles system 

laid a completely different foundation. 

Only after the horrors of the Second 

World War did Europe return to 

the idea of unification. 

The conference dealt with contemporary 

issues as well. I mean, in 

particular, the rapid growth of bilateral 

trade, a significant number of cultural 

and artistic events, and mutual 

sympathies among citizens. By the 

way, as it turned out, Bulgaria, unlike 

Hungary, does not consider the new 

Law of Ukraine ‘On Education’ to be 

discriminatory. On the contrary, it 

emphasizes that the law opens up 

new opportunities for studying the 

Bulgarian language. Bulgaria supports 

the sanctions policy imposed 

by the EU in connection with Russia’s 

aggression against Ukraine. However, 

this position is more clearly defined 

at the presidential level. The cabinet, 

meanwhile, is more cautious, and 

it insists that the sanctions should be 

observed as an expression of pan-European 

solidarity. The conference 

heard alarming data of opinion polls, 

showing that 35 percent of the polled 

Bulgarians approved the annexation 

of Crimea by Russia, 27 percent were 

against it, and another 38 percent had 

no answer. In general, the pro-Russian 

attitude prevalence is estimated at 

61 percent. According to the speakers’ 

observations, the events of recent 

years have led, helped by the influence 

of Russian propaganda, to an increase 

in pro-Russian attitudes in Bulgaria. 

At the same time, they made Ukraine 

more recognizable among the Bulgarians. 

The conference was held on a parity 

basis, and both Ukrainian and 

Bulgarian scholars spoke there, but 

this author considered it advisable to 

highlight the Bulgarian side as lessknown 

in Ukraine. The gathering of 

historians has shown a desire to expand, 

diversify, and intensify contacts. 

This is all the more important 

given the opinion poll data provided 

there. For now, after the official closure 

of the scholarly forum, Ukrainian 

historians visited the grave of 

Drahomanov – an individual who is 

equally appreciated by Ukrainians 

and Bulgarians. He succeeded in significantly 

affecting the perception 

of Ukraine in Bulgaria in his age. It is 

time for us to act now.

6 

No.40 JUNE 26, 2018 

CLOSE UP 


Welcome 

to Halych! 

The new issue of Route No. 1 

calls on you to visit a historic 

Ukrainian town 

By Daria TRAPEZNIKOVA, The Day 

“There are a lot of cities, 

such as Polish Krakow and our 

Kharkiv, which used to be capitals 

and still remain major industrial 

or cultural centers that 

continue to develop. But Halych 

was forgotten and did not develop 

for years to come. Moreover, 

we were forced to forget 

our history and achievements 

of our ancestors,” Halych Mayor 

Orest TRACHYK says. Route 

No. 1’s creative team is changing 

this tendency by dedicating the 

next issue of the glossy to the 

raion center in Ivano-Frankivsk 

oblast, which once was a princely 

capital and gave the name to 

a whole region. 

Halych, situated on the way 

from Lviv to Ivano-Frankivsk, 

can become a tourist attraction 

on this itinerary. In spite of a 

small size, the town still can surprise 

travelers with a harmonic 

combination of ancient architectural 

monuments and nature 

spots of indescribable beauty. 

Memories of the past are closely 

guarded, and customs and artistic 

achievements are being revived 

here. From time immemorial, 

different peoples and religions 

have peacefully coexisted 

on these territories. This left an 

imprint not only on museum expositions, 

but also on traditions, 

everyday life, and cuisine. Therefore, 

“tasty” discoveries are 

awaiting readers not only on culinary 

pages. 

There are also many interesting 

things in the villages of 

Halych raion and on the banks of 

one of Ukraine’s largest rivers, 

which flows to the sea through 

the town. Why do Galicia residents 

and tourists love the Dniester 

and its tributaries so much, 

which of the Galician “places of 

strength” is the strongest, what 

benefits will, in the view of the 

Halych mayor, the district’s inhabitants 

derive from the unification 

of the neighboring villages 

into one commune? The 

fresh issue of Route No. 1 is all 

about this. You can find it at 

newsstands or make an order on 

Den’s website or by the sales section’s 

phone (044) 303 96 23. 

By Svitlana AHREST-KOROTKOVA 

The Folio publishing house 

introduced to the Ukrainian 

reader for the first time one of 

the most famous and globally 

published Israeli writers, Meir 

Shalev, whose novel My Russian 

Grandmother and Her American 

Vacuum Cleaner has appeared in the 

series “Map of the World,” translated 

by Volodymyr Verkhovnia. 

The writer’s great sense of style, 

unusual imagery, humor and selfirony, 

impeccable plot designs and 

high intelligence won my heart long 

ago. And I know I am not alone. 

Shalev was a guest of the Book Arsenal 

festival, and I am grateful to 

the Embassy of Israel in Ukraine for the 

opportunity to communicate with him. 

● THE FIRST UKRAINIAN 

IMPRESSIONS 

My dear Mr. Shalev, let me greet 

you in Ukraine. Your books are widely 

known in the world, and have been 

released in Russian translations many 

times. Now is the first time that a book 

of yours reached the Ukrainian reader. 

What is your opinion of this translation, 

and how did you find working 

with the Ukrainian book market? 

“I cannot, unfortunately, evaluate 

the quality of the Ukrainian translation. 

Apart from Hebrew, I know only English, 

and do not speak other foreign languages. 

Given that the publisher was interested 

and published my book, I trust 

that he made every effort to ensure that 

the translation was a high-quality one. 

As for the Ukrainian book market, I 

flew to Ukraine for the first time to visit 

the Book Arsenal, and I really liked 

the location. It is a very beautiful building. 

I was to book fairs and festivals all 

over the world, but nowhere had seen so 

comfortably organized space, or such a 

beautiful children’s section, because I 

also write children’s books. I was impressed 

by the Book Arsenal’s children’s 

playgrounds, interactive books 

and exhibitions. This is one of the most 

beautiful and best-organized festivals.” 

● LITERATURE AND FAMILY 

AFFAIRS 

I read your novel The Blue Mountain 

for the first time, and my feelings 

from it and its structure, its construction 

of images and thoughts have brought to 

my mind a comparison with my favorite 

writer Gabriel Garcia Marquez. 

“I am pleased.” 

A writer usually, like any creative 

individual, starts with themselves, describing 

the events of their life, what 

happened to them. What I know about 

you contradicts this norm. You are not 

engaged in agriculture, are absolutely 

secular, do not really observe all the rituals. 

Where do these contradictions 

“Our family still makes borscht...” 

Works of Meir Shalev, one of the most 

famous Israeli writers, have been translated 

into 16 languages. Recently, one of them 

appeared in Ukrainian for the first time 

come from: the image of the Land of Israel 

itself or from your worldview? 

“I just invent some stories, they are 

fruits of my imagination. I also use for 

my narrative some family stories. Yes, 

I am not a farmer, but my entire maternal 

family were farmers and have 

stayed in business. I came down to their 

farm during every school vacation when 

I was a child. I am well aware of what 

farming was like 50 years ago. My 

greatest inspiration is the narration 

talent in our family, which was passed 

on in my mother’s line. All my paternal 

family members were intellectuals, urbanites, 

critics, scholars of literature, 

writers, and researchers. Meanwhile, my 

mother’s family, when they gathered at 

the farm, especially women, they preserved 

fruits, salted cucumbers, and told 

some stories all the time, while I sat and 

listened. When I began to write, fragments 

of these stories surfaced in my 

mind, as they had gotten deeply rooted 

in memory, and they were of use to me.” 

Being the son of a famous person 

and working in the same line is very 

difficult, because your father was a famous 

Israeli writer. Did it help or 

hamper you? How did you manage to 

avoid unconscious pressure? 

“Father did not hamper me, rather, 

he helped, because he told me: ‘write, 

write,’ whereas at that time, I was not 

even going to start writing. I read a lot 

and loved books. Father suggested that 

I try my hand. However, I was fascinated 

by something completely different, 

and when I finally wished to write, I first 

published two children’s books at 35, and 

my first ‘adult’ publication appeared 

when I was 40. It was too late to either 

benefit from the glory of my father or 

worry about it somehow. My father 

published only one novel, but it was a 

very successful one. I think that I have 

my own style, so the influence of my father 

as a writer on me and my style is virtually 

negligible.” 

● FROM WORD COOKERY TO 

EVERYDAY GIMMICKS 

An integral part of your style is describing 

food, which in Israel is a kind 

of “religion,” or as I put it, a “national 

entertainment.” I remember the 

description of the process of eating 

olives by the grandfather in The Blue 

Mountain, I also remember the simple 

meal which the grandmother instantly 

cooked in A Pigeon and a Boy. This 

magic of food is present in every work 

of yours. And what does this cooking 

atmosphere mean for you? 

“What is happening in Israel with 

food and around food is exaggerated 

and somewhat even vulgar. We have 

endless cooking shows, restaurant 

cuisine, high cuisine, dishes from the 

chef. I love the food that is cooked at 

home. There are several ‘secret’ 


recipes that came to me from my mom 

and aunt. I was married to a woman 

from the Sephardic community, her 

family had come from Bulgaria. The 

Bulgarian cuisine is also extremely interesting, 

being half Turkish and half 

Greek. Homemade food has a soul. I 

describe it in my novels. Frankly 

speaking, my grandmothers did not 

cook very well. It was even outright 

bad in the paternal line. Meanwhile, 

my favorite Grandma Tonya cooked 

well, but there was nothing special 

about it. With each new generation, 

we perfect the culinary arts. My son 

cooks better than me and my wife, my 

brother cooks better than mom. There 

is still potential for development, so 

the next generation will surprise us 

with their culinary skills.” 

● LITERATURE AND 

JOURNALISM 

You devoted yourself to literary 

work and at the same time became a 

prominent columnist for a famous 

publication. Where, in your opinion, is 

the watershed between journalism and 

literature? 

“The watershed runs exclusively 

between midnight on Wednesday and 

morning on Thursday. I am not a journalist, 

I do not run about, I do not look 

for news, I work at home as a columnist, 

and when the editor calls me: ‘Go there, 

look at it, and tell about your impressions,’ 

I say ‘No.’ True journalism has 

nothing to do with reality. I sit down to 

write a column on Thursday morning, 

I submit it the same evening, and it appears 

in the newspaper on Friday morning. 

After that, I forget about journalism 

and devote myself to literature 

until next Thursday.” 

Do you feel that all the literary 

genres that exist today, with all their 

diversity, are laid down in the Ancient 

Book? 

“All world literature began with the 

Bible and Greek mythology, as the story 

of the voyage of Odysseus is very 

widely used in modern literature. But 

speaking of the Old Testament, I love 

it, because it does not delve into psychology. 

It is just stories, a great text. 

For example, look at the story of Jacob 

and Rachel. He first saw Rachel and 

wept. Were a modern author to write 

about this, they would have typed a 

whole chapter about what happened, 

what he thought, how and who perceived 

it. And here, it is just one sentence: 

‘Jacob saw her and wept.’ And 

the reader should think: why? Millions 

of beautiful women were around 

for centuries throughout history, but 

no one walked and wept in the streets 

because of them. That is, this is a little 

discovery that the reader has to make 

on their own. The Bible does not delve 

into psychology as it tells its story.” 

● A BIT OF ACTION FOR A 

SEDENTARY WORKER 

Are you still a brave biker who 

takes part in various competitions? 

“I have never been a biker, I like to 

drive a motorcycle and can do it, but I 

have never competed. I did participate 

in an SUV rally, though. I am a 

very good driver and still go to the 

desert with my friends, staying there 

for the night. It was while driving an 

SUV that I participated in competitions. 

But it took a lot of time, technical 

training was needed. I decided that 

I could be either a driver or a writer. I 

had to leave the races. I did not do this 

to get some experience, it is my hobby.” 

● ATTEMPTING TO DRAW 

PARALLELS 

For me, the rise of Israel and how 

it lives today is a very colorful and 

vivid example of how individual people 

can build their own country, provided 

they are actively optimistic. 

Does the hybrid war in Ukraine bring 

to mind some sort of comparison with 

your country somehow? 

“Optimism is indeed our immense 

feature. After so many years of scattering, 

pogroms, and expulsions, we 

have remained alive. This is already a 

sufficient reason for optimism. I am 

not familiar enough with the political 

situation in Ukraine to analyze it, but 

I can give one piece of advice, based on 

the Israeli experience: you are very 

fortunate that there is no religious 

component in your conflict. But judging 

by what I have seen – even if this 

is limited to the space of the Book Arsenal 

– your country is quite self-sufficient 

and self-identified.” 

Do you see a common future, 

some more cooperation? Will you 

come to the nearest book fairs in 

Ukraine? 

“If they translate more of my 

works, I will be glad. But I would prefer 

that the next translation be The 

Four Meals, because it is a romantic, 

gentle, meaningful book. And immediately 

after it, I would like to see Two 

She-Bears translated, just for the sake 

of contrast, because it is tough, 

rough, and completely different. I will 

be pleased to come and launch each 

new translated book. There are only 

two conditions – I will come in the 

summer, because the winter is very 

cold. And secondly, I want to be treated 

to a borscht meal. (Laughs.) Our 

family still makes borscht.”


CULT URE No.40 JUNE 26, 2018 7 

By Dmytro DESIATERYK, The Day, 

Dnipro – Kyiv 

Photos by Yurii STEFANIAK 

I’d long known about Ukraine’s 

first Anti-Terrorist Operation 

Museum in Dnipro before visiting 

it this year. It’s official title 

reads: “Museum [dedicated to] 

the Civil Feat of Dnipropetrovsk 

Oblast during ATO Events” and it is 

formally one of the Dmytro Yavornytsky 

National History Museum’s 

six branches. The exposition consists 

of the indoor diorama “Battle of 

Dnipro” and the outdoor display 

“Donbas Roads.” The diorama was 

opened on May 25, 2016, and the 

indoor exhibit on January 23, 2017. 

The main exposition occupies 

600 square meters of the diorama’s 

ground floor. Among the 2,000 items 

on display are documents, photos, 

war decorations, personal effects of 

ATO officers and men, weapons, and 

medical instruments. The multimedia 

room (movie theater) offers three 

panoramic documentaries (two in 

Ukrainian and one in English) about 

combat operations in the east of 

Ukraine. 

The outdoor display shows a BMP- 

2 infantry fighting vehicle, T-64 tank 

turret, PM-43 regimental mortar, 

other weapons, an UAZ-452-truckmounted 

ambulance, and a concrete 

mock-up of a roadblock. Practically all 

items on display are from battlefields. 

The central part of “Donbas Roads” is 

occupied by the sculptural composition 

“A Soldier and a Girl” and [a section 

of] a highway with road signs 

with the names of towns in Donetsk 

and Luhansk oblasts. Behind the armored 

infantry vehicle is a large metal 

structure portraying the debris of 

Donetsk Airport, a monument to the 

Ukrainian heroes who defended the 

airport for 242 days. 

The diorama’s ground floor has a 

lobby, a video hall (former movie theater 

for lectures illustrated by documentaries), 

and the Hall of Memory 

(former exhibition hall with a wall 

with pictures of heroes who forced the 

Dnipro River during WW II). In the 

lobby, items on display are mounted 

on metal structures symbolizing the 

ruins of Donetsk Airport. The walls 

are covered by camouflage netting. 

There are large thematic stands that 

tell about servicemen, volunteers, 

medics, resettlers from the enemyoccupied 

territories, chaplains, and 

media people in the field. 

The Hall of Memory has over 

500 photos of officers and men killed 

in action who were born and lived in 

Dnipropetrovsk oblast. There are 

glass cubes with personal effects of 

50 KIAs, including war decorations, 

documents, books, parts of uniform 

and equipment, some showing where 

they were hit by bullets or shell fragments. 

I was born and grew up in 

Dnipropetrovsk oblast, so I can’t help 

being emotional. The Battle of Dnipro 

Diorama is essentially and actually a 

sample of pompous clumsy Brezhnev 

propaganda (Leonid Brezhnev visited 

the place in the early 1980s, shortly 

before his death). The key element is 

a diorama portraying the forcing of 

the river near Dnipropetrovsk, executed 

in the true style of socialist realism, 

with a bulky foreground made 

of dummy blocks and trees. What attracted 

us kids at the time was, of 

course, the display of Soviet materiel 

ranging from an ancient howitzer to 

a jet fighter. We were thrilled to explore 

each item and no one knew – or 

cared to know – whether it had actually 

been used in combat. 

The ATO Museum has breathed a 

new life into this mass of granite and 

steel. Vehicles riddled by bullets, 

road signs with familiar placenames, 

KIAs’ personal effects, a panoramic 

movie theater – all this well 

Ukraine’s first ATO museum 

planned and multifaceted design 

makes one feel like reading a war 

novel or watching a war blockbuster, 

even taking part in a war scene, and 

certainly makes this museum one 

of the best in Ukraine. 

I spoke to a museum official and 

asked how the project began. 

“Natalia Khazan, a volunteer of 

the Ukrainian Defense Foundation, 

was among the first to conceive the 

idea,” the man said. “There were also 

servicemen, volunteers, and 

medics who had fought in the first 

battles of 2014-15. Even then we 

had quite a few items on display and 

eyewitness accounts. Our region is 

the closest to the front. We started on 

the project in February 2016. First, 

it was an outdoor interactive exposition 

meant for children, so they’d 

know who was fighting, with what 

and why. We used the History Museum’s 

downtown junkyard and commissioned 

Kyiv artist Viktor Hukalo 

to make the design. The first exposition 

occupied 1,000 square meters. 

Just imagine: the project was 

conceived in February and was 

launched on May 26. Three months of 

hard and enthusiastic work! The idea 

was approved by authorities on all 

levels. The title ‘ATO Museum’ is a 

popular one, compared to the official 

‘Civil Feat of Dnipropetrovsk Oblast 

during ATO Events.’” 

What was the main concept? 

“Honor the living and pay homage 

to the dead, from day one. We wanted 

people to see the courage and feats 

of arms performed by our officers and 

men. We walk down peaceful streets 

with a clear sky above, and we tend to 

forget that a war is being fought 

some 60 miles away. 

“The history of this war is illustrated 

in several sections. We place no 

emphasis on one group of people compared 

to the next. Servicemen, temporary 

displaced persons, volunteers, 

chaplains, medics, journalists, the 

whole of Ukrainian society, all of 

Ukraine that’s resisting the enemy. 

The main thing is to show the truth 

about this war. We combine outdoor 

with indoor displays. The outdoor 

part has large items on display and introduces 

the visitor to the war theme. 

The main exposition has three sections, 

including an interior one with 

six thematic blocks, the Hall of Memory 

where we pay homage to the KIAs, 

and a movie theater.” 

Which of these sections do you 

consider to be the most important 

one? 

“They’re all important. Whereas 

the Hall of Memory leaves your 

nerves on end, the movie theater is 

the heart of the exposition. As many 

as 560 residents of Dnipropetrovsk 

oblast have been killed in action and 

the Hall is dedicated to them. It 

wasn’t planned as an exhibition 

room, but then relatives and comrades-in-arms 

of KIAs started bringing 

various items. This part of the 

museum is an especially vivid evidence 

of the scope of this war and the 

level of [Russia’s] aggression. Visitors 

step inside and see photos lining 

the wall from floor to ceiling, 

50 show window cubes that tell the 

story in no uncertain words. 

“The movie theater offers documentaries 

in Ukrainian and English, 

each lasting 30 minutes. They are 

made so no one leaves the audience 

unperturbed. They show all people 

– servicemen, medics, volunteers, 

chaplains, journalists – whose 

photos and stories are included in 

the exposition. The movie theater is 

modern equipped, with 10 projectors 

securing a panoramic 360 o view. 

Kyiv is probably the only other 

place where such equipment is used. 

The technical aspect of the project 

was very complicated, considering 

that most video material originated 

from servicemen’s smartphones and 

had to be processed to be projected 

on the big screen, but we solved 

that problem.” 

What about the documentary in 

English? 

“Our museum is a mandatory part 

of the itinerary for all official delegations, 

including members of parliament, 

ministers, ambassadors, and 

presidents. This is proof that we did 

everything the right way.” 

How many visitors so far? 

“Our estimates show over 160,000 

in 2016-17. The important thing is 

that admittance is free. There are 

very many young people among the 

visitors as the museum is part of the 

high school curriculum. There are 

interesting related patriotic projects 

like the one known as ‘The Roads of 

Heroes’ when groups of high school 

students come to Dnipro from various 

parts of the region and visit the military 

base of the 25th Brigade. There 

they are shown personnel’s daily routine, 

materiel, meet with war heroes. 

In the end, they visit the museum and 

walk down the Alley of Memory near 

the building of the regional state administration. 

They spend a day doing 

very informative sightseeing. Our 

museum is modern also because it 

operates on an interactive basis.” 

Any items on display that have a 

special meaning for you? 

“They all do as each has a special 

history. We receive them from the 

demarcation line. There are no dummies. 

Each item on display is genuine. 

I’ll repeat myself: the Hall of 

Memory is of the utmost importance 

to me. Everything there is permeated 

with human pain. How will I ever 

forget a postcard from the mother of 

a fallen soldier. She wrote she didn’t 

need any documents confirming receipt, 

that one had to realize that her 

son would never read her happy 

birthday postcard. Another woman 

brought her son’s combat fatigues 

and asked the clothes to be displayed 

so one could see the caliber of the enemy 

bullet that had killed him. 

“There is a letter from a sixyear-old 

girl whose father was killed 

in action in July. She was to enter 

Grade 1 on September 1. She addressed 

her letter to other children 

her age, saying your daddies will take 

you to school on September 1, but my 

dad died in the war. 

“There are shell fragments and 

bullets we received from the Mechnikov 

Hospital. They are displayed 

along with excerpts from case histories. 

This is something we must remember.” 

I noticed that ATO vehicles are 

displayed alongside dummies from 

the ex-Soviet exposition dedicated to 

WW II, and that the rest of the museum 

is inside the building with 

Brezhnev’s monumental diorama. 

An interesting combination, isn’t it? 

“There is ideology and there is 

paying tribute to the fallen heroes. 

Another thing that makes our museum 

different from others is that it 

doesn’t impose any ideology on the 

visitor. The whole project is the result 

of a dedicated effort by hundreds 

of people. Some would come up 

with ideas, others would bring items 

to be put on display… There is no 

drawing any lines in such diversity 

and that’s why there is no officialism. 

Our museum is not a propaganda 

facility. We’re trying to be as 

unbiased as absolutely possible and 

we are grateful for every visit. We 

can see a new level of communication 

and mutual assistance. Our museum 

is one big symbol of Ukraine. There 

was the Battle of the Dnipro during 

WW II, there is a battle for the city 

of Dnipro going on. This is our 

cause. Ukraine will be there for as 

long as there is Dnipro.”

8 

No.40 JUNE 26, 2018 

TIMEO U T 


Traditionalists and innovators 

By Hanna PAROVATKINA 

Photos by Mykola TYMCHENKO, The Day 

Graphics is a genre that reveals the 

class of an artist better than any 

other. For example, in the Soviet 

era book illustrations enabled 

artists to show creative fantasy 

and evade the so-called “social commission.” 

The Sixtiers liked graphics and monumental 

art. The graphic “gems” of the noted master 

Heorhii Yakutovych are well known far 

outside this country. 

As is known, the National League of 

Ukrainian Artists launched the Triennale of 

Graphics as far back as 1997. Besides, the 

Yakutovych Exhibit-cum-Competition has 

been held since 2002 (one in two years). This 

year the two events coincided in time. So, it 

was decided to display the best works submitted 

for both competitions at the all-Ukrainian 

exhibit “Graphics 2018.” 

Good expositions, such as the recent one 

at the House of the Artist, are not often put 

on in Kyiv. There were no “run-of-the-mill” 

works among several hundred items of “book 

illustrations, prints, original graphics, and 

watercolors” (these are the nominations at the 

Yakutovych Exhibit-cum-Competition). 

On the All-Ukrainian 

Triennale “Graphics 2018” 

This was not the first time the Exhibition 

Directorate of the National League of Artists 

boldly united traditionalists and innovators 

in a joint project: works by the stars of 

Ukrainian contemporary art (Anna Myronova, 

Viktor Sydorenko, et al.) stood side 

by side with those of the living classics of national 

graphics. Taken together, these different 

poles of visual art made quite a true 

picture of modern-day Ukrainian graphics. 

The exposition consisted of pictures by wellknown 

authors – Yurii Honcharenko, 

Volodymyr Ivanov-Akhmetov, Kateryna Korniichuk, 

Mykola Kochubei, Andrii Levytsky, 

Vitalii Mitchenko, Yurii Rubashov, 

Oksana Stratiichuk, Viktor Sydorenko, Vasyl 

Chebanyk, and Andrii Chebykin, as well 

as of the works of young artists who show a 

high professional and creative level. 

The most interesting point in large-scale 

“collective events” is a possibility to spot, behind 

a large number of works from all over 

Ukraine, the tendencies artists follow deliberately 

or intuitively. It the art market, 

not the “state’s commission,” that forms the 

art fashion in Ukraine today. Also, judging 

by “Graphics 2018,” book illustrations remain 

the “queen of demand” on it. The exposition 

also included a lot of good “interior 

works,” such as traditional prints, engravings, 

watercolor landscapes, etc. Their 

price was reasonable even for the impoverished 

Ukrainian “middle class.” 

What seemed unusual is the intention of 

some authors to create “art brut,” or “naive” 

art. Who knows: maybe, a new Ukrainian 

avant-garde is being born before our very eyes 

out of the love for traditional amateur pictures, 

as it happened at the turn of the 20th 

century? 

Another interesting trend is semblance between 

a number of book illustrations by various 

authors and street graffiti. The fad for 

muralism has swept over the whole country in 

the past few years after the Maidan. What became 

an example to follow for young colleagues 

is, among other things, street art murals 

of the Interesting Fairytales duet. So, it 

is no wonder that it has been easier to see new 

works by “fairytale narrators” Volodymyr 

Manzhos and Oleksii Bordusov abroad than in 

Ukraine in the past few years. 

Art knows no borders. It is possible today 

to do art and to remain a patriot of Ukraine 

at any point of the globe. Contemporary “depoliticized” 

Ukrainian graphics is speaking 

with the whole world in the same language. 

By Tetiana ONYSHCHENKO 

Illustrations courtesy of exhibit organizers 

Kyiv is a city of contrasts. Volodymyrska 

and Brovarskyi Prospekt are the 

oldest (about 1,000 years) and the 

longest (14 km) streets, 

respectively. The theme of Kyiv is 

endless. Poets and writers sang praises of this 

city, it being painted and photographed. For 

some, it is the city of childhood; for others, 

it is the capital of Ukraine; and somebody else 

takes interest in its ancient history. 

Everybody has their own vision of Kyiv. 

At the exhibit, you can see Kyiv the way 

the following artists see and feel it: Olena 

Yablonska, Oleksandr Pavlov, Hanna Fainerman, 

Ernest Kotkov, Oleksandr Naiden, 

Oleksii Oriabynskyi, Zoia Orlova, Viktor 

Kozyk, Yakym Levych, Vladyslav Shereshevskyi, 

Oleh Zhyvotkov, Yurii Solomko, 

Liubov Rapoport… 

“Art must improve the human being, carry 

spiritual light, make attitude to life easier 

and more transparent, and remove bleak 

ideas and thoughts. If a picture cleared a way 

for the serene, it has done a good thing for 

people. A picture should radiate good,” the 

famous artist Olena Yablonska used to say. 

“Canvases by Oleksandr Pavlov, the guru 

of Ukrainian abstractionism, personify absolute 

freedom,” artist Oleksandr Liapin 

says about the master’s work. 

The exhibit displays interesting canvasses 

by Oleksandr Naiden (artist, researcher, 

and writer) and Oleksii Oriabynskyi 

(representative of the so-called “unofficial 

VLADYSLAV SHERESHEVSKYI, THE LAST SNAPSHOT 

“Address: Kyiv” 

An exhibit by this name is held at the Museum of Contemporary Art of Ukraine 

art,” whose work did not fit the rigid framework 

of socialist canons and was at odds with 

the then ideological system). 

Kyiv motifs run through many pictures 

of Viktor Kozyk. His works are emotionally 

expressive and full of spirituality. 

Nor will art buffs miss the works of Yurii 

Solomko who is well known for his pictures 

OLENA YABLONSKA, TOBACCO ON THE WINDOWSILL 

painted on geographical maps. Incidentally, 

Solomko maintains that a geographical map 

is one of the strongest symbols ever created 

by human civilization. It is on these symbols 

that Yurii expresses his vision and opinions. 

If you closely examine these authors’ 

works, you will see all kinds of emotions – 

concern, joy, sadness, tenderness, fascination 

– and feel the rhythm the masters 

worked in. This is the way pictures are 

painted – with true feelings, living emotions, 

and in a special rhythm, which makes them 

valuable. This is a powerful energy space and 

a pictorial chronicle of Kyiv. 

■ The exhibit “Address: Kyiv” will remain 

open until September 9. 

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