22.05.2018 Views

In the Event of a North Korean Missile Crisis

Although President Donald Trump’s hardline rhetoric has stymied diplomatic talks with North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, the President is not the sole actor in international relations. Whether the two leaders are rational or emotionally intelligent will not bear as decisively on the simmering crisis as one may expect. Government actions and decisions are largely determined by existing organizations and bargaining among relevant players. In pinpointing the various factors that will influence American foreign policy with North Korea, the Cuban Missile Crisis is analyzed using the three conceptual models outlined in Graham T. Allison’s Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis and "Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis.” Though most analysts explain occurrences in foreign affairs as the rational and deliberate acts of united national governments, the Organizational Process Model (II) and the Bureaucratic Politics Model (III) offer more insightful and comprehensive explanations. Both Models II and III hold substantial predictive and explanatory power; using these two models, key lessons are extrapolated from the failures of the Kennedy administration and solutions to the North Korea crisis are proposed.

Although President Donald Trump’s hardline rhetoric has stymied diplomatic talks with North Korea’s Kim Jong-un, the President is not the sole actor in international relations. Whether the two leaders are rational or emotionally intelligent will not bear as decisively on the simmering crisis as one may expect. Government actions and decisions are largely determined by existing organizations and bargaining among relevant players. In pinpointing the various factors that will influence American foreign policy with North Korea, the Cuban Missile Crisis is analyzed using the three conceptual models outlined in Graham T. Allison’s Essence of Decision: Explaining the Cuban Missile Crisis and "Conceptual Models and the Cuban Missile Crisis.” Though most analysts explain occurrences in foreign affairs as the rational and deliberate acts of united national governments, the Organizational Process Model (II) and the Bureaucratic Politics Model (III) offer more insightful and comprehensive explanations. Both Models II and III hold substantial predictive and explanatory power; using these two models, key lessons are extrapolated from the failures of the Kennedy administration and solutions to the North Korea crisis are proposed.

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warheads. This tactic, known as “hitting a bullet with a bullet,” has failed half <strong>the</strong> time. As such,<br />

<strong>the</strong> Trump administration plans to invest millions <strong>of</strong> dollars into two o<strong>the</strong>r approaches, including<br />

cyber-attacks that would sabotage guidance systems and missile launches before <strong>the</strong>y occur. The<br />

second approach involves attacking rising missiles in <strong>the</strong> “boost phase” with fighter jets and<br />

drones.<br />

Why Model III Matters<br />

Using <strong>the</strong> conceptual lenses <strong>of</strong> Model II, <strong>the</strong> mishaps <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Kennedy administration were<br />

identified. And from <strong>the</strong>se mistakes, potential resolutions to <strong>the</strong> weaknesses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> current<br />

administration were also proposed. So how does Model III come into play? Like Model II, <strong>the</strong><br />

Bureaucratic Politics Paradigm focuses on <strong>the</strong> internal mechanism <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> government ra<strong>the</strong>r than<br />

<strong>the</strong> rationale <strong>of</strong> unitary actors. And like Model II, it takes into account <strong>the</strong> importance <strong>of</strong><br />

information; for more “precise predictions,” both models require “considerably more information<br />

about <strong>the</strong> organizations and politics <strong>of</strong> [<strong>North</strong> Korea] than is publicly available” (Allison 1969,<br />

717). But unlike Model II, Model III also takes into account <strong>the</strong> skills and personal stakes <strong>of</strong><br />

individual players. <strong>In</strong> describing how Model III bears on <strong>the</strong> simmering crisis, a section will be<br />

devoted to discussing Model III’s key concepts and how <strong>the</strong>y explain <strong>the</strong> Cuban <strong>Missile</strong> <strong>Crisis</strong>.<br />

Using Model III’s conceptual framework, a second section will extract important lessons from<br />

<strong>the</strong> Cuban <strong>Missile</strong> <strong>Crisis</strong> and discuss how <strong>the</strong>y apply to current events.<br />

According to Model III, “ <strong>the</strong> actor is nei<strong>the</strong>r a unitary nation nor a conglomerate <strong>of</strong><br />

organizations, but ra<strong>the</strong>r a group <strong>of</strong> individual players” (Allison 1969, 708). Happenings in<br />

international affairs are <strong>the</strong> outcomes <strong>of</strong> bargaining games among government leaders. While<br />

Model I assumes that a unitary actor makes strategic decisions based on <strong>the</strong> national interest,<br />

Model III acknowledges that “<strong>the</strong> gap between <strong>the</strong> problems <strong>the</strong> player was solving and <strong>the</strong><br />

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