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Torah in the Mouth.pdf

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<strong>Torah</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mouth</strong>, Writ<strong>in</strong>g and Oral Tradition <strong>in</strong> Palest<strong>in</strong>ian Judaism, 200 BCE - 400 CE<br />

Jaffee, Mart<strong>in</strong> S., Samuel and Al<strong>the</strong>a Stroum Professor of Jewish Studies, University of Wash<strong>in</strong>gton<br />

Pr<strong>in</strong>t publication date: 2001, Published to Oxford Scholarship Onl<strong>in</strong>e: November 2003<br />

Pr<strong>in</strong>t ISBN-13: 978-0-19-514067-5, doi:10.1093/0195140672.001.0001<br />

(pateroan parados<strong>in</strong>: Antiquities 13:408). The characterization of <strong>the</strong> Pharisees as diligent legal <strong>in</strong>terpreters appears as well <strong>in</strong> Josephus'<br />

well-known ethnography of <strong>the</strong> Essene, Sadducean, and Pharisaic “philosophies” (War, 2:162, Antiquities 18:12), while <strong>the</strong>ir “extremely<br />

precise adherence to <strong>the</strong> ancestral heritage” (exakribosei mega pronoun tou patrioi ) dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Herodian period is noted at Antiquities<br />

17:41.<br />

In sum, <strong>the</strong> Josephan account of <strong>the</strong> Pharisaic text-<strong>in</strong>terpretive tradition tells us about how <strong>the</strong> Pharisees proposed to dissem<strong>in</strong>ate its<br />

legal norms, but noth<strong>in</strong>g about literary substance or form. Josephus shows only that <strong>the</strong> Pharisees—whe<strong>the</strong>r vy<strong>in</strong>g for <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

courts of John Hyrcanus, Alexander Jannaeus, Alexandra Salome, or Herod—pursued a s<strong>in</strong>gle-m<strong>in</strong>ded effort to establish <strong>the</strong> results of<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir own traditions of pa<strong>in</strong>stak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terpretation of ancestral law as <strong>the</strong> official program of <strong>the</strong> state. In this, of course, <strong>the</strong>y are no different<br />

from Josephus' Sadducees or <strong>the</strong> anonymous writer of <strong>the</strong> Qumranian “Halakhic Letter,” who, attempt<strong>in</strong>g to w<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ear of a reign<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Hasmonean k<strong>in</strong>g with regard to a series of legal disputes affect<strong>in</strong>g access to <strong>the</strong> Temple, begs him to “reflect upon all this and pray for<br />

Him to correct/ your counsel and to remove from you evil plans and <strong>the</strong> prompt<strong>in</strong>gs of Belial/ so that you may rejoice at <strong>the</strong> end of time,<br />

as you discover that some of our words are true” (4QMMT C:28–30). 41<br />

The Rabb<strong>in</strong>ic Literature<br />

Turn<strong>in</strong>g now to <strong>the</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic representations of Pharisaic tradition, we recall <strong>the</strong> earlier caveat aga<strong>in</strong>st assum<strong>in</strong>g too readily a simple<br />

preservation of Pharisaic materials <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic sources. At <strong>the</strong> same time, it is only fair to acknowledge a few stubborn facts that suggest<br />

some sort of key l<strong>in</strong>k between <strong>the</strong> Pharisees and <strong>the</strong> later rabb<strong>in</strong>ic Sages. One is <strong>the</strong> matter of Gamaliel, mentioned <strong>in</strong> Acts 5:34–42 as a<br />

Pharisaic leader and <strong>in</strong> Acts 22:3 as Paul's guide to Pharisaic teach<strong>in</strong>gs. A “Rabban Gamaliel <strong>the</strong> Elder” 42 figures prom<strong>in</strong>ently <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic<br />

literature as an early first-century Sage, a skeptic regard<strong>in</strong>g priestly (perhaps Sadducean) observance of purity regulations (T. Avodah<br />

Zarah 3:10), and an <strong>in</strong>fluential transmitter of ancient tradition. So here is one Second Temple period Sage who is recalled outside of <strong>the</strong><br />

rabb<strong>in</strong>ic tradition as a Pharisee and whose image <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic tradition fits <strong>the</strong> profile of a Pharisee—a person expert <strong>in</strong> an ancestral legal<br />

tradition who distances himself from <strong>the</strong> official Temple priesthood. 43<br />

Fur<strong>the</strong>r tantaliz<strong>in</strong>g correspondences between figures valorized <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic tradition as lead<strong>in</strong>g Sages and identified outside of that tradition<br />

as Pharisees are supplied by Josephus. The “Simon, son of Gamaliel” mentioned by Josephus as “a native of Jerusalem, of a very<br />

illustrious family, and of <strong>the</strong> sect of <strong>the</strong> Pharisees, who have <strong>the</strong> reputation of be<strong>in</strong>g unrivalled experts <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir country's laws” (Life 190<br />

–191) is surely identical to <strong>the</strong> Sage known <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic tradition as Rabban Shimon b. Gamaliel. There he is recalled as a figure <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> mid-<br />

first-century succession of leadership who, on at least one occasion, acknowledged his opposition to Sadducean practices regard<strong>in</strong>g laws<br />

of <strong>the</strong> Sabbath rest (M. Eruv<strong>in</strong> 6:2). 44 While he is not explicitly identified <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic sources as a Pharisee, <strong>the</strong> memory of his conflict with<br />

a Sadducee supports <strong>the</strong> clear Josephan claim about his party affiliation.<br />

Second, but less compell<strong>in</strong>g, is Josephus' reference to <strong>the</strong> Pharisees Pollion and Samaias (Antiquities 15:370–371), who came <strong>in</strong>to<br />

conflict with Herod. It is tantaliz<strong>in</strong>g<br />

end p.52<br />

to see here garbled references to <strong>the</strong> shadowy “pair,” Shemaiah and Avtalion, mentioned <strong>in</strong> M. Avot 1:10, or perhaps to <strong>the</strong> famous first-<br />

century shapers of rabb<strong>in</strong>ic legal tradition Hillel and Shammai, whom M. Avot 1:12 names as hav<strong>in</strong>g received <strong>the</strong> traditions of Shemaiah<br />

and Avtalion. All of <strong>the</strong>se figures overlap with <strong>the</strong> Herodian period, and <strong>the</strong>re is an undeniable euphony of names. Never<strong>the</strong>less, Neusner's<br />

judgment is probably wisest: “efforts to fill <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> gaps by identify<strong>in</strong>g Shemaiah and Avtalion with Pollion <strong>the</strong> Pharisee and his disciple<br />

Samaias of Josephus . . . have little <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir favor, apart from <strong>the</strong> approximate similarity of <strong>the</strong> names of Shamaiah and Samaias.” 45<br />

It is beyond serious doubt, <strong>the</strong>n, that <strong>the</strong>re was some participation of Pharisees <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> shap<strong>in</strong>g of what ultimately became second- and<br />

third-century rabb<strong>in</strong>ism. But this participation does not of itself give us much confidence that rabb<strong>in</strong>ic traditions offer reliable pictures of<br />

any aspect of Pharisaism. This difficulty is particularly true regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> authority of tradition, which played such a crucial role <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

promulgation and spread of rabb<strong>in</strong>ic teach<strong>in</strong>g from <strong>the</strong> third century and onward. At issue is not merely <strong>the</strong> historical difficulty of attempt<strong>in</strong>g<br />

to describe <strong>the</strong> pre-70 forms of ideas and <strong>in</strong>stitutions first attested <strong>in</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic texts of <strong>the</strong> third century and later; <strong>the</strong>re is also <strong>the</strong> very<br />

basic question of names. A crucial problem <strong>in</strong> us<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic literature for <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to any aspect of pre-70 Pharisaism is that it is<br />

rarely clear which, if any, of <strong>the</strong> various coherent groups mentioned <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>se sources are <strong>in</strong> fact identical to <strong>the</strong> Pharisees we met <strong>in</strong><br />

Josephus or <strong>the</strong> early Christian writ<strong>in</strong>gs. 46<br />

In rabb<strong>in</strong>ic literature, <strong>the</strong> most common collective term for figures perceived as members of <strong>the</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic community of learn<strong>in</strong>g is <strong>the</strong><br />

Hebrew word “Sages” ( kmym). When referr<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> pre-70 forbears of <strong>the</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic movement of <strong>the</strong> second to sixth centuries, this term<br />

dom<strong>in</strong>ates as well. 47 The only text, for example, that explicitly identifies Pharisees (prwšym) as kmym is a passage, cited as a<br />

Tannaitic tradition, appear<strong>in</strong>g for <strong>the</strong> first time <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Babylonian Talmud <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> mouth of <strong>the</strong> fourth-century Pumbeditan Sage Abbaye (B.<br />

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