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<strong>Torah</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mouth</strong>, Writ<strong>in</strong>g and Oral Tradition <strong>in</strong> Palest<strong>in</strong>ian Judaism, 200 BCE - 400 CE<br />

Jaffee, Mart<strong>in</strong> S., Samuel and Al<strong>the</strong>a Stroum Professor of Jewish Studies, University of Wash<strong>in</strong>gton<br />

Pr<strong>in</strong>t publication date: 2001, Published to Oxford Scholarship Onl<strong>in</strong>e: November 2003<br />

Pr<strong>in</strong>t ISBN-13: 978-0-19-514067-5, doi:10.1093/0195140672.001.0001<br />

3 The Media of Pharisaic Text-Interpretive Tradition<br />

Mart<strong>in</strong> S. Jaffee<br />

The Problem of <strong>the</strong> Sources<br />

A standard, <strong>in</strong>dispensable scholarly handbook on <strong>the</strong> history of Judaism <strong>in</strong> Second Temple and early post-Temple times states as<br />

common knowledge <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g claim about Pharisaic Judaism. “Needless to say, accord<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> Pharisaic outlook not only <strong>the</strong> written<br />

<strong>Torah</strong> was b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g; but also <strong>the</strong> exegesis and supplementation, known as <strong>the</strong> ‘oral <strong>Torah</strong>,’ provided by <strong>the</strong> scribes.” 1 This “needless to<br />

say” disguises a complex problem. This chapter, tak<strong>in</strong>g up a debate current among historians of early Judaism, will call <strong>in</strong>to serious<br />

question arguments that <strong>the</strong> rabb<strong>in</strong>ic conception of text-<strong>in</strong>terpretive tradition as a primordial revelation of an Oral <strong>Torah</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>ates <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

pre-70 circles of <strong>the</strong> Pharisees. 2<br />

The po<strong>in</strong>t, to be precise, is that <strong>the</strong> sources of <strong>in</strong>formation on Pharisaism and its traditions of textual <strong>in</strong>terpretation surely suggest a high<br />

degree of Pharisaic pride <strong>in</strong> possess<strong>in</strong>g an ancient tradition of authoritative <strong>in</strong>terpretations of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Torah</strong>'s laws <strong>in</strong> particular. But <strong>the</strong> sources<br />

offer little evidence upon which to identify among <strong>the</strong> Pharisees an ideological commitment to preserv<strong>in</strong>g a text-<strong>in</strong>terpretive tradition <strong>in</strong> an<br />

exclusively oral-performative medium. That is to say, Pharisaic ideas regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> oral orig<strong>in</strong>s of <strong>the</strong> prestigious book are likely to have<br />

been similar to those we found current among o<strong>the</strong>r scribal communities of Second Temple Palest<strong>in</strong>e (see chapter 1). But <strong>the</strong> extent to<br />

which <strong>the</strong>y were equally committed to <strong>the</strong> oral orig<strong>in</strong>s or exlusively oral transmission of non-scriptural traditions is, on <strong>the</strong> basis of<br />

available sources, impossible to surmise.<br />

Let us, <strong>the</strong>n, take a look at <strong>the</strong> sources. All of <strong>the</strong>m are at a second remove from <strong>the</strong> Pharisees <strong>the</strong>mselves. There is not a s<strong>in</strong>gle text<br />

from <strong>the</strong> Second Temple period that can susta<strong>in</strong> for long <strong>the</strong> argument that it was composed by a Pharisee for <strong>the</strong> purpose of express<strong>in</strong>g<br />

a Pharisaic po<strong>in</strong>t of view. 3 In contrast to <strong>the</strong> state of affairs among <strong>the</strong> Yahad, whose textual practices and conceptions of text-<strong>in</strong>terpretive<br />

tradition can be explored through <strong>the</strong> study of texts produced or used with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> community, any historical representation of <strong>the</strong> Pharisees'<br />

social system, Pharisaic practices, or <strong>the</strong><br />

end p.39<br />

Pharisaic thought-world is entirely dependent upon secondhand reports that come from a variety of witnesses. Each witness approaches<br />

description of <strong>the</strong> group from a particular po<strong>in</strong>t of view.<br />

Surviv<strong>in</strong>g accounts of <strong>the</strong> Pharisees, written by authors presumed to have had at least superficial contact with <strong>the</strong>m, come from four<br />

quarters. The earliest of <strong>the</strong>se observers are <strong>the</strong> composers of at least some of <strong>the</strong> Qumranian scrolls that exhibit signs of Tzadokite<br />

orig<strong>in</strong>. While <strong>the</strong> Pharisees are never mentioned explicitly by name anywhere <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qumran corpus, most scholars assume that <strong>the</strong>y are<br />

alluded to as <strong>the</strong> “Expounders of Smooth Th<strong>in</strong>gs” (dwršy h lqwt), mentioned by <strong>the</strong> composers of <strong>the</strong> Damascus Covenant, <strong>the</strong><br />

Thanksgiv<strong>in</strong>g Scroll, <strong>the</strong> pesharim to <strong>the</strong> books of Isaiah and Nahum, and a few o<strong>the</strong>r texts found <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Qumran caves. 4 The antagonism<br />

toward <strong>the</strong>m on <strong>the</strong> part of <strong>the</strong> Qumranian writ<strong>in</strong>gs suggests that <strong>the</strong> Yahad came <strong>in</strong>to political conflict with Pharisees at various po<strong>in</strong>ts<br />

dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> Hasmonean period. But <strong>the</strong> highly coded historical allusions are sufficiently veiled to make precise identification of <strong>the</strong> historical<br />

contexts and issues a precarious matter.<br />

Texts from <strong>the</strong> late first century CE comprise a second body of evidence about <strong>the</strong> Pharisees. Epistolary writ<strong>in</strong>gs and hagiographical<br />

compositions preserved by early Christian communities <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> names of <strong>the</strong> apostle Paul and <strong>the</strong> four evangelists have figured prom<strong>in</strong>ently<br />

<strong>in</strong> critical reconstructions of Pharisaism as it might have existed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> early middle first century CE. So too <strong>the</strong> historical writ<strong>in</strong>gs of <strong>the</strong><br />

foremost ancient historian of <strong>the</strong> Jews, Flavius Josephus (né Yosef b. Matityahu), are rout<strong>in</strong>ely m<strong>in</strong>ed for <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong> earlier<br />

Pharisees of <strong>the</strong> Hasmonean and Herodian periods. While historians cannot work around <strong>the</strong>se texts or dismiss <strong>the</strong>ir testimony, it is also<br />

difficult to know exactly how to move beh<strong>in</strong>d <strong>the</strong>m to <strong>the</strong> Pharisaic reality <strong>the</strong>y describe.<br />

Aside from two enigmatic passages <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> letters of Paul, <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong> Pharisees <strong>in</strong> early Christian literature comes primarily from<br />

<strong>the</strong> canonical Gospels, whose Pharisees serve largely as literary foils for <strong>the</strong> heroic character of Jesus. The evangelists completed <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

work dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> last third of <strong>the</strong> first century CE, and <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pharisees—conf<strong>in</strong>ed to <strong>the</strong> group's relationship to Jesus dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong><br />

years of his m<strong>in</strong>istry and, to a lesser degree, <strong>the</strong> response of Pharisees to <strong>the</strong> post-Easter activities of his disciples and apostles—is<br />

shaped largely by <strong>the</strong> rhetorical concerns of Christian proclamation. Historians, <strong>the</strong>refore, cont<strong>in</strong>ue to puzzle over how much <strong>the</strong> Gospels'<br />

composers may project onto <strong>the</strong> context of <strong>the</strong> first third of <strong>the</strong> first century an antagonism that might be historically more pert<strong>in</strong>ent to <strong>the</strong><br />

tensions between Jewish-Christian or Gentile-Christian communities with o<strong>the</strong>r Jewish groups of <strong>the</strong> latter third of <strong>the</strong> century, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g<br />

those from which rabb<strong>in</strong>ism ultimately emerged.<br />

The third source, Josephus, offers <strong>the</strong> bulk of his discussion of <strong>the</strong> Pharisees <strong>in</strong> his two pr<strong>in</strong>cipal historical writ<strong>in</strong>gs, <strong>the</strong> Jewish War<br />

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