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<strong>Torah</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Mouth</strong>, Writ<strong>in</strong>g and Oral Tradition <strong>in</strong> Palest<strong>in</strong>ian Judaism, 200 BCE - 400 CE<br />

Jaffee, Mart<strong>in</strong> S., Samuel and Al<strong>the</strong>a Stroum Professor of Jewish Studies, University of Wash<strong>in</strong>gton<br />

Pr<strong>in</strong>t publication date: 2001, Published to Oxford Scholarship Onl<strong>in</strong>e: November 2003<br />

Pr<strong>in</strong>t ISBN-13: 978-0-19-514067-5, doi:10.1093/0195140672.001.0001<br />

participated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same oral performative culture that <strong>the</strong> Mishnah did” (p. 38). The recent Hebrew Union College dissertation of D. Nelson,<br />

Textuality and Talmud <strong>Torah</strong> , pp. 120–172, has employed a similar model of oral-performative tradition for understand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> relationships<br />

between <strong>the</strong> Mekhilta de-Rabbi Yishmael and <strong>the</strong> Mekhilta de-Rabbi Shimon b. Yohai.<br />

The most authoritative statement upon <strong>the</strong> relation of extant Toseftan materials to oral-performative antecedents is offered now by Y.<br />

Elman, “Orality and <strong>the</strong> Transmission of Tosefta Pisha <strong>in</strong> Talmudic Literature,” pp. 123–180.<br />

41. J. Foley, The S<strong>in</strong>ger of Tales <strong>in</strong> Performance , p. 7.<br />

42. For a far richer account of <strong>the</strong> presuppositions of <strong>the</strong> law, I refer <strong>the</strong> reader to <strong>the</strong> translation and commentary of Jacob Neusner, upon<br />

<strong>the</strong> foundations of which <strong>the</strong> present study is built. See J. Neusner, A History of <strong>the</strong> Mishnaic Law of Purities , vol. 9, pp. 44–62, and his<br />

summary of Mishnah–Tosefta relationships <strong>in</strong> vol. 10, p. 81–82. There he describes virtually <strong>the</strong> entire third chapter of <strong>the</strong> Tosefta, with<br />

<strong>the</strong> exception of T. Par. 3:1, as a Toseftan commentary on <strong>the</strong> Mishnah.<br />

43. The appendix to this volume offers a reconstruction of a hypo<strong>the</strong>tical oral-peformative narrative that might have served as a source for<br />

<strong>the</strong> written versions before us.<br />

44. I translate <strong>the</strong> text of Albeck, Six Orders of <strong>the</strong> Mishnah , vol. 6, pp. 261–266.<br />

45. I leave this term untranslated, as its reference is already under dispute <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> mid-third century. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Rabbi Shimon b. Laqish,<br />

it refers to <strong>the</strong> entire Temple compound, while Rabbi Yohanan claims that it denotes a certa<strong>in</strong> tower with<strong>in</strong> it (Y. Pesahim 7:8, 35a and B.<br />

Yoma 2a).<br />

46. Some texts read prhdryn (“Parhedr<strong>in</strong>”). Lieberman (Tosefta Ki-fshutah, vol. 4, p. 717) sees here a reference to <strong>the</strong> Greek prohedroi, a<br />

ga<strong>the</strong>r<strong>in</strong>g place for city officials. In any event, <strong>the</strong> reference—like that to <strong>the</strong> Birah—is already unclear to second-century Tannaitic Sages<br />

such as Rabbi Yehudah (T. Kippurim 1:1), and confusion cont<strong>in</strong>ues <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> third century (Y. Yoma 1:1, 38c, B. Yoma 8b–9a).<br />

47. I translate <strong>the</strong> Toseftan text edited by K. Rengstorf, Die Tosefta, vol. 6:2, pp. 190–194.<br />

48. J. Neusner, History of <strong>the</strong> Mishnaic Law of Purities , vol. 9, p. 49.<br />

49. This po<strong>in</strong>t is made clear <strong>in</strong> B. Sukkah 21a's slightly expanded citation of M. Par. 3:2. See also Tosefot ad loc., s.v. yrdw .<br />

50. MS Vienna: bny šmwnh ‘ rh šnh (“eighteen years old”). I follow <strong>the</strong> emendation of S. Lieberman, Tosefet Rishonim, vol. 3, p. 215, who<br />

argues that a scribe misread <strong>the</strong> letters zay<strong>in</strong> and et (“seven,” “eight'”') as yod- et (“eighteen”). Lieberman's emendation was already<br />

suggested by <strong>the</strong> traditional Tosefta commentators, David Pardo (Hasdei David , vol. 2, p. 111) and Elijah of Vilna (Biur haGR”A , ad loc).<br />

51. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to Tosefot, B. Sukkah 21a, s.v. whtynwqwt, <strong>the</strong> reference is to <strong>the</strong> disputants, Rabbi Yose haGalili and Rabbi Aqiva, at M.<br />

Par. 3:4B.<br />

52. MS Vienna: mynym. Biur haGra , follow<strong>in</strong>g Tosefot (B. Sukkah 21a, s.v. yrdw ), emends to dwqym, “Sadducees.” The emendation<br />

seems preferable <strong>in</strong> light of <strong>the</strong> Second Temple milieu evoked by <strong>the</strong> narrative. Moreover, rabb<strong>in</strong>ic memory is clear that Sages required<br />

<strong>the</strong> rite to be conducted by a priest who had been purified by immersion on that day (e.g., Sifre Numbers 129 [ed. Horowitz, p. 166, l. 9<br />

–10]). This is <strong>in</strong>terpreted as a measure to counter Sadducean arguments that <strong>the</strong> rite was valid only if performed by a person whose<br />

immersion had been followed by <strong>the</strong> sett<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> sun.<br />

On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, most manuscripts of M. Par. 3:3G read mynym where <strong>the</strong> received text has dwqym. This suggests that <strong>the</strong> read<strong>in</strong>g<br />

“Sadducees” is a result of censorship. F<strong>in</strong>ally, Neusner's analysis of <strong>the</strong> various legal strata of M-T Parah should be taken <strong>in</strong>to account:<br />

end p.199<br />

[I]t is exceed<strong>in</strong>gly difficult to demonstrate that <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>ory of mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> priest unclean just prior to his immersion and <strong>the</strong>n his act<br />

of slaughter is known at Yavneh, and <strong>the</strong> rest of <strong>the</strong> Yavnean rul<strong>in</strong>gs on this subject . . . are clear that <strong>the</strong> highest degree . . . of<br />

cleanness is to be required. S<strong>in</strong>ce it is at <strong>the</strong> time of Nathan that we have explicit reference to <strong>the</strong> tevul yom and clear evidence<br />

that <strong>the</strong> rite is supposed to be carried out not <strong>in</strong> accord with Temple rules of cleanness . . . , I am <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to suspect <strong>the</strong> matter<br />

has been anachronistically assigned to Yavneans, primarily through stories. . . . But it was <strong>in</strong> fact an issue <strong>in</strong> Ushan or still later<br />

times.<br />

(J. Neusner, A History of <strong>the</strong> Mishnaic Law of Purities , vol. 10, pp. 151–152)<br />

Neusner here seems to ignore M. Par. 3:7E/T. Par. 3:7–8A, <strong>in</strong> which all textual witnesses concur <strong>in</strong> assign<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>the</strong> Sadducees <strong>the</strong> view<br />

that <strong>the</strong> cow must be burned by a priest who has completed <strong>the</strong> entire purification process, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> sett<strong>in</strong>g of <strong>the</strong> sun. In light of this I<br />

am <strong>in</strong>cl<strong>in</strong>ed to prefer <strong>the</strong> read<strong>in</strong>g “Sadducees” where <strong>the</strong>re is an uncerta<strong>in</strong>ty <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> textual tradition. See note 53.<br />

53. J. Neusner, A History of <strong>the</strong> Mishnaic Law of Purities , vol. 9, p. 51, lists no less than eight manuscripts and early editions that read<br />

mynym, “sectarians.” Rengstorf (Die Tosefta, vol. 6.2, p. 26, n. 24) prefers to emend <strong>the</strong> Mishnah <strong>in</strong> light of this evidence.<br />

54. We saw earlier that T. Sanhedr<strong>in</strong> 7:1/T. Hagigah 2:9 recalled <strong>the</strong> Rampart as one of two sites <strong>in</strong> Jerusalem selected for conven<strong>in</strong>g<br />

courts of three. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to M. Tamid 2:3, <strong>the</strong> Rampart was a walkway 10 cubits <strong>in</strong> width that circumscribed <strong>the</strong> Temple compound itself<br />

and, with its appended partition, divided <strong>the</strong> compound from <strong>the</strong> surround<strong>in</strong>g plaza of <strong>the</strong> Temple Mount. The gate <strong>in</strong> question was <strong>the</strong><br />

Eastern Gate, lead<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>to <strong>the</strong> Women's Court at <strong>the</strong> eastern extreme of <strong>the</strong> compound.<br />

55. See Yom Tov Lipmann Heller, Tosefot Yom Tov , M. Par. 3:3, s.v. wbpt h‘zrh.<br />

56. See Hasdei David , vol. 2, p. 111.<br />

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