Storia Comune - english

Storia comune
Gli statuti comunali antichi del Lazio meridionale
Gli statuti dei comuni del Sistema bibliotecario e documentario Valle del Sacco
Biblioteca di Latium, 21
Istituto di Storia e di Arte
del Lazio Meridionale
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Biblioteca di Latium, 21
2

Biblioteca di Latium
21
Storia comune
Gli statuti comunali antichi nel Lazio meridionale
Gli statuti dei comuni del Sistema bibliotecario
e documentario Valle del Sacco
a cura di Gioacchino Giammaria
Istituto di Storia e di Arte del Lazio Meridionale
Anagni 2017
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© Istituto di storia e di arte del Lazio meridionale
Palazzo di Bonifacio VIII
03012 ANAGNI – Italy
Questo volume è stato prodotto nell’ambito del progetto Storia Comune
finanziato con la legge regionale 23 ottobre 2009, n. 26 – Avviso pubblico
finalizzato allo sviluppo dei sistemi culturali.
La stampa delle immagini dei documenti provenienti dall’Archivio di Stato
di Roma è stata autorizzata “su concessione del Ministero delle Attività
dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo, ASRM 2/2017 e ASRM
3/2017” e ne è vietata l’ulteriore riproduzione.
La stampa delle immagini dei documenti provenienti dall’Archivio di Stato
di Frosinone è stata autorizzata “su concessione del Ministero delle Attività
dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali e del Turismo, ASFR 46/2017” e ne
è vietata l’ulteriore riproduzione.
La stampa delle immagini dei documenti provenienti dall’Archivio Colonna
è stata autorizzata con comunicazione del 19 gennaio 2017 e ne è vietata
l’ulteriore riproduzione.
La stampa delle immagini dei documenti provenienti dalla Biblioteca Molella
è stata autorizzata dalla famiglia e ne è vietata l’ulteriore riproduzione.
La stampa delle immagini dei codici provenienti dal Senato della Repubblica
è liberamente consentita citandone la fonte.
Finito di stampare nell’aprile 2017
Tipografia La Multigrafica - Frosinone
ISBN: 978-88-909212-6-1
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INDICE
Danilo Collepadi, Preface …........................................................................................................................... p. 7
Gioacchino Giammaria, Introduction …......................................................................................................... p. 8
Matteo Maccioni, The power to convene the “publico Conseglio” in Acuto ................................................. p. 12
Rossana Fiorini, Alatri: disputes about the danno dato in the citizens Statutes. ............................................ p. 17
Cristina Giacomi, The statute of Anagni through the Riformanze of the sixteenth century ........................... p. 21
Matteo Maccioni, Statute of Anagni and the maleficia .................................................................................. p. 25
Rossana Fiorini, Boville Ernica: a fragment of the Statute ........................................................................... p. 31
Rossana Fiorini, Castro dei Volsci: the reasons which led to the drafting of the
Agrarian Statute of 1795. Archive Testimonies. ............................................................................................. p. 42
Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni, The statute of Castro di Campagna ....................................................................... p. 48
Rossana Fiorini, Ceccano: danno dato, confirmation of a statute .................................................................. p. 61
Marco di Cosmo, Ceprano: the danno dato in the ancient Statute of Ceprano ............................................ p. 68
Marco Di Cosmo, Disputes about the legitimacy of the grazing in the lands of Ferentino ........................... p. 71
Matteo Maccioni, Local Lex and familiar disputes in Anticoli di Campagna in the XVIII century .............. p. 76
Sandro Notari, Introductive notes to the study of the municipal statute of Anticoli
in Campanea, today Fiuggi, of 1410 ............................................................................................................. p. 82
Marco Di Cosmo, Trial about the price of the flesh in which the Giuliano’s community recalls
the Old Municipal Statute .............................................................................................................................. p. 85
Matteo Maccioni, “Minorare il numero troppo eccedente de Consiglierj”
The reform of the council meeting of Morolo ................................................................................................ p. 88
Matteo Maccioni, Division of the territory, penalties and statutory prohibitions in the
territory of Paliano ......................................................................................................................................... p. 92
Marco Di Cosmo, Disputes about the applicability of the Patrica’s Statute in the trials deriving
from the damages of the shepherds. ............................................................................................................... p. 96
Rossana Fiorini, Pofi: the legal tutelage and the safeguard of the forest estate in the
Statute Terrae Popharum ................................................................................................................................ p. 101
Rossana Fiorini, Ripi: some cases of danno dato in the Statutes of the Community ..................................... p. 108
Matteo Maccioni, A reform project of the article 22 of the Statute of Serrone .............................................. p. 115
Matteo Maccioni, “La Pesca” and the rules of fish trade in Sgurgola ......................................................... p. 119
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Marco Di Cosmo, The danno dato studioso and the Statute of Supino ......................................................... p. 122
Rossana Fiorini, Vallecorsa: the importance of the olive groves in the statutory normative.
Quarrels between farmers and shepherds ...................................................................................................... p. 125
Marco Di Cosmo, The Ius Pascendi with reference to the Statute of Veroli .................................................. p. 129
Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni, The Town of Veroli in the late Middle Ages ........................................................... p. 136
Marco Di Cosmo, In search of the Statute of S. Stefano ............................................................................... p. 152
Alessandro Dani, Some comparative note between the Rome Statute of 1469 and the ones of
other Lazio cities of that time ......................................................................................................................... p. 155
Francesca Pontri, The study about the statutory manuscripts ......................................................................... p. 166
Statuti di: Acuto (p. 169), Alatri (p. 174), Anagni (p. 186), Boville Ernica (p. 194), Castro dei Volsci (p. 196),
Ferentino (p. 202), Fiuggi (p. 210), Morolo (p. 215), Paliano (p. 218), Patrica (p. 223), Pofi (p. 229), Ripi (p. 232),
Serrone (p. 235), Sgurgola (p. 239), Supino (p. 243), Tecchiena (p. 247), Vallecorsa (p. 250), Veroli (p. 253).
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Preface
The idea to examine in depth the knowledge of sources of the history of our country was in our
intentions since many years. The opportunity to start has been given by a notice of the Lazio region
in which we participated with a specific project on the Statutes of Municipalities of former province
Campagna. The result was a long process of research and confrontation, and this book, "Storia
Comune". All work will be put "on line" on the website of Sistema Bibliotecario e Documentario
della Valle del Sacco. All, scholars, enthusiasts or simply curious persons could easily access to all
the existing documentation without being forced to spend days and days in the dusty historical
archives of the province or other historical and cultural institutions.
The medieval and modern history of our territory deserves to be appreciated or, at least, to be
known by an higher number of people. It is a precious work already done by valued researchers
who dedicate themselves to it with great passion, but their work remains restricted to scholars and
specialists. Our intention is to involve the widest possible audience and modern communication
tools give us possibilities that seemed unthinkable a few decades ago.
Ours is a poor province, even from the history ooint of view. The proximity to Rome, the capital of
the Empire and then of the Christianity, forced us to the margins of history. However, there is a
period between the end of the Empire and the birth of national States, precisely the Middle Ages,
which saw us play, often against our will, an role not decisive, but at least important. Everything
revolves around a large communication path that runs through the entire length of our lands,
Casilina, which is the ancient Via Latina that during the Middle Ages linked, as it does even today,
Rome with Casilinum near Capua. Its use was facilited by the decline of Appia street. The use in
any way because through it passed wars and destructions but also knowledge and civilization. The
great Romanesque cathedrals can prove it. The Langobards, the Normans, the Swabians in southern
Italy built kingdoms which left an indelible mark in the history of European civilization. These
people, these kingdoms have plotted for centuries a dense, not always peaceful, network of
relationships with the Popes of Rome. Our territory, unfortunately, was often part of those meetings
and fights until the defeat of the last of the Swabians. Then the History changed direction, moving
further to the north and our territory became marginal. But the signs of the ancient splendor
remained and they are the abbeys, the cathedrals and the myriad of castles that crown our hills. Also
a great heritage of laws which regulated life in the cities and in the castles, often ignored by our
compatriots: the medieval and modern Statutes.
With our work we want to fill this gap or, at least, help to fill it.
Danilo Collepardi
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Gioacchino Giammaria
Introduction
The project
The Sistema bibliotecario e documentario Valle del Sacco has developed a project which has
benefited from a contribution of the Lazio Region to study the ancient municipal statutes, which has
a strong social and cultural value. The results of these activities must be made public even with the
most modern forms of communication and, for this reason, we have planned for the "canonical"
publication of a volume in which to gather the written contributions about this subject, but, in
addition, we have also thought of a DVD with the illustration of a very significant part of the work
done and, finally, we will published on the web the materials produced. In addition to the
engagement of researchers, the work was followed by municipal administrators (who wanted it in
the first place) and by librarians of the Sistema who had supported the planning and collaborated to
the production, especially of the central stage of the project.
It is not entirely accidental that this project has been done in Ciociaria, formerly province of
Campagna, when it belonged to the Papal States, or rather since the time when the statutes were
born, because the scholars of the municipal jus proprium remind the conferences of Ferentino some
time ago, in which many researchers have shown their knowledge to contribute to the progress of
the studies about this argument.
There are many people and institutions to thank, in particular those of the state working to get
available to the users the colossal memory patrimony constituted by our public archives (and it
seems appropriate to mention the private ones now available to users); in addition to these persons,
it is also important to remind administrators, officers, librarians, many worthy scholars who
produced the materials used for research. And res statutaria's scholars that have accepted our
invitation and have taken part to the conferences. I do not mention them by name and surname to
avoid forgetting someone.
The realization
As soon as the project has been approved by the Region, the Sistema has started and the
collaborators of the Istituto di storia e di arte del Lazio meridionale, trusted of this research, began
to study the subject after a first information-training stage, and then they have consulted the
archives necessary to perform the proposed activity. Because of the lack of judicial archives, the
three researchers, Marco Di Cosmo, Rossana Fiorini and Matteo Maccioni, were forced to
administrative archives such as the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, the Archive of the
Delegazione Apostolica of Frosinone, the municipal archives and the Archive Colonna deposited, as
we know, in the Library of the national monument St. Scholastica in Subiaco. They are impressive
collections of "administrative" acts containing important events related to business and different
types of dispute and often in these large memory stores the statutes, or rather their existence and
application, are mentioned. On these aspects Di Cosmo, Fiorini and Maccioni have set their sights,
aimed at finding evidence of statutes in those municipalities where no trace is found today. And this
led to discover traces of the statutes of the municipalities of Boville Ernica, Ceccano, Ceprano,
Giuliano di Roma, Serrone, Villa S. Stefano of which we knew little or nothing . The other aspect
under investigation is the application of the statutes that, in the administrative acts, has had a
definite direction or rather we found that the recurring and prevalent theme was that of the danno
dato. After all, this is quite logical and not surprising because the argument has had, in the modern
age centuries, a wide effect in public (and economic) life and it is the only one which have been
practiced as a part of the municipal law while the affirmation of the modern state has determined a
long and slow decline of municipal jus proprium. But not because of the danno dato, whose rules
have been updated by the municipal councils, recalled many times in the conflicts and disputes
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erupted in the ancient régime society, often in that very frequent conflicts among farmers and
shepherds, characteristic of the XVIII and XIX centuries in which the strong population growth has
defined the increase of the land that had to be allocated to cultivations, their fencing, not final result
of the reduction, if not the total disappearance, of the wild grazing, and also the livestock's
movement to the mountains. But even here, on those marginal lands, the agriculture has contended
spaces to pastoralism. The documents of the modern centuries were profitable indeed for the two
lines of research and for each city has been found a subject that has been exposed in the
conferences, city by city, affecting the vast and diversified to which the results of the studies have
been submitted.
In addition to this research, a second branch was touched, which is very traditional but little
practised by research: the survey about the statutory codices, that, mostly known, were not
described codicologically, and the results of the Francesca Pontri's job are 17 descriptive files that
are now available to scholars and researchers, particularly to the local historical research that has a
certain point of reference. As known, there are two large collections of statutes, one in the Senate of
the Republic, with a important collection that concerns the whole Italy and another in the State
Archives of Rome where there are statutory manuscripts of the lands belonging to the Papal States
in the past; in addition to these collections, copies of statutes can be found in primis in the
municipal archives, they are often original, but also in some fonds of the State Archives of
Frosinone, which is the competent institution that collects the state documents of the Province of
Frosinone. There are also libraries and private archives that own some of that, and above all the
very rich Colonna Archive, collected by the important family from Rome and Lazio and now kept
at the State Library of the National Monument St. Scholastica in Subiaco, guarded by Benedictine
monks of Subiaco. Even some private library collects good manuscript codices that concerns the
statutes. In these places Francesca Pontri has developed her project, unearthing many little-known
manuscripts, which were relegated on shelves and little or not at all consulted and studied. The
result of her work, as mentioned, is the preparation of descriptive files that contain short historical
references of the village/town, to frame the context in which the statute was elaborated and has
legally regulated the public (and private) life of the citizens of the Campagna. There are also the
mentions of the statutory codices found (and in some, painful, cases it was not possible to examine
any specimen!) which are briefly illustrated, but an analytical description has been made, from
specimen to specimen, according to a descriptive and well-known model and dated back to the
codifications processed at the end of the last century. It ranges from the external description
(identification, material composition, dating, origin, material, leaves, size, fasciculation, ruling,
limit lines, lines, text layout, catchwords, writings and hands, decoration, seals and book-stamps,
binding, state of conservation, copyists and other craftsmen, revisions and notes, varia) to the
internal description (starting from the title and we show the leaves that contain the different parts of
the manuscript, premise, books, chapters, final sections, subscriptions and tabulae). A specialized
job that offers many opportunities to analyze many aspects. Only one of the many possible is the
comparison among the dating that makes classifiable in more extensive explanations the drafting of
a codex and it seems appropriate to refer to the Colonna's intervention, which appears very
remarkable in a time when they were including many fiefdoms of Campagna into their states. And it
allows to understand the ways and times of the Colonna's lordship during the sixteenth century, in
which they consolidated themselves as the predominant lord in these parts of Lazio.
The other work was done by three researchers who have studied the documents of around twenty
municipalities of the chosen area. Privileged archives, in addition to those of the municipalities,
were the state ones, where the documentation of the Papal and Colonna past of this area is
preserved. And because of insufficient traces of the local judicial archives, as mentioned above, the
most studied sources are the administrative one. The most important fonds are those of the Sacra
Congregazione del Buon Governo, of the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone and the documents of
the rich documentary collection of Colonna family. Here it was possible to examine direct and
indirect sources (there are also preserved copies of the statutes) in order to explain both the
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existence of unknown statutes and their application with certain and documented cases, as
mentioned above.
The field of study was divided into municipal areas and the results are shown in 25 short essays,
each of which refers to the municipalities concerning the area, touching just as many topics; only
one concerns court cases (Anagni of Matteo Maccioni), others have faced mainly a very large range
addressed to the danno dato, widespread and practically monopolist of local contrasts theme
because, with the demographic growth of the XVIII century, it represented the visible and real
expression of the so typical conflict between shepherds and farmers, and which should not rest
further. Instead, the case's study of the danno dato has highlighted several things in addition to its
capillary distribution (characteristic trait of agrarian societies that entrusted their subsistence to
farming and to the wild livestock, whereas are very few the cases in which the possibility of
accumulation appears, which instead, as known, is characteristic of other aspects of the economy).
In particular, it emerges the theme of "neri" that is the wild livestock of pigs, which, even if
"rientra" in the conflict pastoralism/cultivations, had important characteristics beginning from
livestock and ending in the culinary change of the time. The competition between flocks and droves
of livestock puts on the sideline of the same breeding the pig, of which people want to ban wild
grazing for livestock in stable, whereby being a highly dangerous animal promotes his "dannazione"
and relegation indoors. As known the wild breeding will remain in vogue in marginal areas, more
precisely where the forest remained for a long time at the centre of economic activities. And it is
also well known that if the Eighteenth will be the "nero" century for the pigs, the same treatment
will have the goat in the following century when its livestock will be "perseguito". If in the XVIII
century the pigs will be replaced by other very small animals (especially sheep, less the goats), in
the XIX century the grazings will be frequented by substantial herds of sheeps. Within these sheep's
movements, take place many conflicts in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, which were so
important for these Latio areas and they assumed characteristic traits. After all the documents of the
danno dato disclosed other possibility to understand better the "meccanismi” of social life of the
communities of the past, particularly those which help us to understand how much some rules have
played a decisive part in crucial moments and of social and economic transformation.
Several eminent scholars of res statuaria have contributed to this initiative, some of who have
given us their written works. Through the libraries it would be desired the participation of local
scholars, great experts of urban habits, but only in two cases it was possible to have a confrontation,
very useful to study more extensively and in a wide range of investigation. Even the most wellknown
scholars have participated with some contributions.
Alessandro Dani has faced an important problem like the comparison between statutory codices
of the fifteenth century, or rather between the Roman one and the Latium codices of Rieti, Viterbo,
Tivoli, Ferentino, Alatri, Velletri, Castro and Ronciglione, all dated to the same period until the
beginning of the sixteenth century. Of our group precisely the Alatri and Ferentino statutes have a
smaller amount of redactions but also from the point of view of the cases. The work of Professor
Dani indicates a point of references for the following researches that could understand many
internal dynamics of the statutes and many aspects of the local legal culture.
Cristina Giacomi, under request and control of Tommaso Cecilia, searched in municipal
Riformanze the presence of references to the municipal statute of Anagni, which was "rinnovato" in
1517 and bound in a new look in 1587, which we often mention not only to the vicissitudes of his
theft and following recovery, but especially for the strictly necessary regulatory references to the
formation of meetings and council's decisions and for the election of the governmental authority of
citizens.
Sandro Notari publishes a note on the anticolano-fiuggino statute, formerly present in the
municipal archives of the thermal city, which has had different and mysterious events; disappeared
as other statutory codices, it had the fortune to reappear, "mysteriously", in the Senate's collection,
where it is kept today.
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Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni is present with two notes that he read in Castro dei Volsci's conferences
and Veroli. In the first he identifies in the period of the Colonna's lordship the drafting time, and he
corroborates his argument with a meticulous documentary and comparative research with the statute
of Olevano Romano; also in the second report he identifies the compilation period of statutes
restricting the time fork thanks to a detailed and microscopic survey by the examination of the many
surviving sources from Veroli of that period. The presence of foreign officials is also an opportunity
to understand local dynamics and in a territorially wider prospect which sees the hegemony of a
character connected with alliances in the province territory of Campagna and Marittima. The last
mentioned subject is the comparison with the Constitutiones Aegidianae which suggest to think an
extensive local influence, the argument must be entirely developed transversally for all the statutes
of the territory.
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Matteo Maccioni
The power to convene the “publico Conseglio” in Acuto
The documents examined for the town of Acute belong to the collection of the State Archives of
Rome, more precisely to the Congregazione del Buon Governo Archive 1 . The material focuses on
the figure that has the right to convene the People's Council, or Assembly, on the basis of local
Statute. As regards the envelope 36, it is a file containing letters and complaints addressed by the
mayor and the "officiali" of the Acuto community to Buon Governo and by the Bishop of Anagni
still to this Congregation, dated September 1704 - April 1705. The envelope 37 contains the
printing of a memorial with the date September 19, 1778.
Who has the right to call the public council? The problem is revealed in a dispute between the
Community of Acuto and the Bishop of Anagni, baron of Acuto 2 , Pietro Paolo Gerardi. On the one
hand, the latter, impeached by the Community of the forest cutting, considered excessive, justified
himself by the need «risarcire, come per edificare case di nuovo, per Capanne, ed altre cose
bisognevoli» 3 ; on the other, “Popolo, e Plebe d’Acuto” write two petitions to Congregazione del
Buon Governo to denounce «gl’incessanti aggravij, che quel Popolo, e Com(muni)tà riceve da quel
Vescovo», that can be summarized in four points: 1) Bishop has cut 190 trees among the best of the
forest belonging to the Community, in contravention of an express resolution of “publico
1 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fund, Series II (after only BG), bb. 36-
37.
2 The control of the Bishop of Anagni on Acuto castle is reported from the same sources as the period dating
back to "tempi immemorabili". Accurate historical information on the establishment of the feudal domain of
the Bishop of Anagni on Acuto castle are only of the final phase of this process, that is, from the bull of
Urban II in 1088 up to that of Boniface VIII of 1301. Between XII and XIII centuries the castle of Acuto,
pressed between the papal decisions and the purchases operations and donations executed by the bishop's
curia , passes into the hands of that of Anagni. The castle of Acuto, in addition to be under the jurisdiction of
the bishop of Anagni, was also direct feud of that, therefore, subject to merum et mixtum imperium (pure and
mixed government), or the exercise, due to the feudal lord, of the judging power in civil and criminal scope
of justice. The interest of the Papal State in the purchase and in the conquest of the territorial communities is
explained perfectly by Dani: «the various states, weak in their bureaucratic links, needed the territorial
communities to govern, and thus their strengthening was in the direction of conservation of traditional
corporate balances, on which however new mechanisms of interference were inserted, first in the judicial
sphere (by sending or designation of judges), then in that legislative (with the approval of the statutes), so in
that administrative (with control of economic management)», see A. DANI, Gli statuti comunali nello Stato
della Chiesa di Antico regime: qualche annotazione e considerazione, in Historia et ius, 2 (2012), paper 6,
p. 1, [www.historiaetius.eu], examined in 15/02/2017.
About the history and the different stages of subjugation of the castle of Acuto to the bishopric of
Anagni see. M. TICCONI, Acuto: la storia, lo “Statuto”, gli usi e il costume, Roma 2003, pp. 79-107.
3 BG, b. 36, letter from the Bishop of Anagni Pietro Paolo Gerardi to Buon Governo, 31 May 1704. I report
entirely the use of the wood made by the bishop: «Tre sono stati li bisogni di Travi, Travicelli ecc. Primo del
Palazzo Vescovale, ò Baronale, nel quale Io vado ad abitare lì trè mesi dell’Anno, per evitare il caldo della
Città, per il quale li due primi Anni stiedi in procinto di morire, e perche è tanto mal ridotto lo voglio
risarcire ed à questo effetto ho fatto fare alcuni Travicelli, e Tavole. Il secondo caso e Stato, che ho fatto fare
un Reliquiario grande con suoi ornam(en)ti, perche le Reliquie di quella Chiesa Principale si tenevano assai
indecentem(ente) in Sagrestia, e faccio fare un Organo assai onorevole, la maggior parte à mie spese, onde
per il Palco, scale, ed altro vi sono bisognati delli legnami. Ed in terzo luogo Antonio Neccia, per riedificare
una sua casa triuta, ha parimente auto di bisogno di alcuni Travi, per li quali hà ottenuta la licenza in
conformità dello Statuto, si da mè come dal Magistrato. Se dunque per fare tali operazioni pie nelle Chiese
onorevoli, e convenienti nel Palazzo Baronale, e giuste per edificare case in conformità dello Statuto, e per
spendere li miei quadrini per maggior culto, et onore di Dio, ed e Santi merito querele e ricorsi, sono pronto à
riceverne rigoroso gastigo, altrimenti lo meriterà il querelante, et all’E.V. faccio profondis(si)ma
riv(eren)za».
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Conseglio”; 2) the Community pays to Gerardi 200 scudi per year, in place of a "Concordia", to
decriminalize a debt of 3250 scudi, and thus it asks to be «ammessa à monti Camerali per restituire
d(ett)o Cap(ita)le, e liberarsi da d(ett)a annua prestatione di scudi 200 vedendo in tal modo la
povera Com(muni)tà ad utilitarsi di scudi 100 l’anno»; 3) the Community accuses the bishop of
having usurped the third part of the danno dato due entirely to this; 4) finally, it requests the
recognition of the right to call the “publico Conseglio” without the bishop's permission. The People
of Acuto uses as a shield an agreement dating back to 1609 between the Community and the then
bishop Antonio Seneca. With this it was stated that, with payment of 215 scudi per year - then 200 -
to write off the debt of 3250 scudi contracted with the bishop himself, this «non havesse in Acuto,
che il mero, e misto impero, e non potesse ingerirsi in verun conto nelle selve, herbe ecc., e
generalm(en)te in ogni provente della Com(muni)tà, ma quelli restassero a libera disposizione degli
Off(icia)li di quella». Since these agreements are following the drafting of local Statute, the
Community considers itself in the right to invoke the Buon Governo and denounce the conduct of
Gerardi 4 .
The bishop replies point by point to the accusations made against him by the Community of
Acuto, defining offenses as mere calumnies, and insults 5 , and claiming that he has followed in many
cases under inquest the example of his predecessors – for this reason he says that «se questa fosse
usurpaz(io)ne non sarebbe mia». In order to reduce the validity of the accusations against him, the
bishop argues that the memorialist who drafted the bill of indictment against him «prende equivoco,
perche imprudentem(en)te si serve delle notizie, che li dà un Idiota, il quale non sa quello si dica»,
che «lo fa senza vedere le scritture stando solo all’asserzione degl’Idioti» 6 . Gerardi argues that the
Statute and other agreements between the Curia and the Community certify that the reason is on his
side and so he says that he is ready to produce, whenever the Buon Governo wants, the documents
that attest it, so exculpating himself from the charges «che falsam(en)te mi si impongono» 7 .
The correspondence shows that the community of Acuto, the mayor and the officers, as well as
the Governor of the town, moved by the need to elect the Procurator - task of the popular council -
believe that they can call the “publico conseglio” by themselves. The first act is a complaint
advanced by the mayor and his officers, who, since they fail to summon and hold the meeting,
appeal to the Congregazione del Buon Governo so that it pressures in this sense. The mayor says, in
addition to this, that the local Statute «non dispone, che vi debba intervenire la licenza del Barone,
ma quella della Corte, e percio si è sempre praticato di farli non solo con la licenza, ma anche con
l’intervento del Gov(ernator)e pro tempore, senza quella del Barone» 8 . The community of Acuto
complains that the Governor has repeatedly missed the popular council, preventing so the
execution. This behavior is explained in the letter of April 28, 1705, in which the bishop of Anagni
says that the Governor «non ha voluto intervenire al Conseglio, che volevano fare, mentre non vi
era la mia licenza, onde io per non lasciarlo fare, e poi mandar carcerato il sindico, ed altri
intervenuti, stimai più oportuno mandargli un precetto, che non facessero il Conseglio, senza la mia
licenza, ò vero senza mostrare prima la facoltà ottenuta da miei Superiori» 9 . According to the
arrangements of the local statutes, it is not possible to convene the Council «sine licentia curiae»:
the Governor, merely subordinate of the Baron, has no such power, and, the community does not
4 Ibi, Memorial of the People and the Plebs of Acuto to the Buon Governo, August 9, 1704: «Né osta lo
Statuto perche ritorna all’istessa risposta d(ett)a di sopra che è anteriore alla Concordia stante le quali è
ineseguibile in quelle parti contrarie all’istessa Concordia».
5 Ibi, disclosures of Bishop of Anagni Gerardi to Buon Governo, September 12, 1704: «queste sono ingiurie
troppo insolenti contro un povero Vesc(ov)o e provengono, perche pare sia lecito ad ognuno dare questi
libelli infamatorij sotto nome collegativo, acciò non si sappia chi li porge, e si fà lecito con q(ue)sto stile
d’infamare ed eccl(esiast)ici, e laici».
6 Ibi, disclosures of Bishop of Anagni Gerardi to Buon Governo, September 12, 1704.
7 Ibi.
8 Ibi, Missive of the mayor and of the officials of the Acuto comunity to Buon Governo, undated.
9 Ibi, Missive of the Bishop Gerardi to Buon Governo, April, 28 1705.
13

have the power to make resolutions «perche è pupilla senza il Decreto del Giudice» 10 – and so,
powerless. In the letter of April 1, 1705, to Monsignor Nunez, the bishop of Anagni, Pietro Paolo
Gerardi, transcribes in toto the 49 chapter of the Statute of Acuto:
«Cap. 49. Quod Adunantiae, sive Consilia non fiant sine Licentia Curiae. Item Statuimus,
et ordinamus, quod Adunantiae, aut parlamentum In dicto Castro, aut alibi Per aliquos
homines ipsius Castri non debeant fieri Sine Licentia Curiae ad Poenam ut ipsi Curiae et
Officialibus videbitur» 11 .
The reading of the article of the Statute shows that the bishop is apparently on the side of reason.
Furthermore, he claims to have no problem to grant the above license, and that it would be the right
thing to do, but at the same time he considers unacceptable the interpretation and the application
that the appellants give of this article, considering them dangerous for maintenance of the political
status quo: «loro si vorrebbono governare da Republica, mà in tempo mio con la giustizia alla
mano, credo non li riuscirà» 12 .
The controversy reveals that the bishop was afraid of a possible rebellion within the community;
e contrario, the latter thinks that the power of the Baron - often used arbitrarily -is deeply dangerous
to its stability.
Using as an example the oppressions of Governors, and greed of the barons to which the
community is subjected, the memorial of September 1778 illustrates three examples of «dispotico
metodo con cui e dal Governatore, e dal Barone di detto Luogo regolansi gli affari, e gli interessi
della Communità, e del Popolo» 13 . The first example proposed concerns the modality of convening
of the public council. According to Alessandro Trambusti - author of the said memorial addressed
to monsignor Gavotti, «Ponente Anagnina per li Consiglieri, e Popolo della terra di Acuto Diocesi
di Anagni» of the Congregazione del Buon Governo - the convening of the council can take place
directly at the request of “Publici Rappresentanti” and of the Councilors, if it is «diretta a consultare
gl’affari, e le indigenze del Publico» 14 . Trambusti believes that, if an act is the debated topic «di
Governo economico, e non mai di Giurisdizione», is lawful to convene without a license of the
Bishop: it is an institutional duty of the councilors to provide to the interests and material welfare of
the population 15 . Trambusti writes:
10 Ibi.
11 Ibi, Missive of the Bishop Gerardi to Buon Governo, April 1, 1705. The book Antico statuto della
comunità di Acuto abrogato dalle presenti leggi nell'anno della salvezza 1821, pazientemente restaurato
affinché resti per i posteri come ricordo di un animo riconoscente (transcription of F. POMPILI, Acuto 1995,
p. 17) contains the following translation: «RUBRICA XLIX Similmente stabiliamo ed ordiniamo che
l’Adunanza o il Parlamento non debbano essere fatti in detto Castello o altrove da alcuni uomini dello stesso
Castello, senza il permesso della Curia, pena la pena che sembrerà opportuna alla stessa Curia ed agli
Ufficiali».
12 Ibi., Missive of the Bishop Gerardi to Buon Governo, April 28, 1705.
13 Ibi, b. 37, memorial of Alessandro Trambusti to Mons. Gavotti del Buon Governo, september 19, 1778.
14 Ibi.
15 Ibi: «Che alli Publici Rappresentanti, e a Consiglieri medesimi spetti il diritto di convocare il Publico
Conseglio troppo chiaramente lo insegna il Testo nella Leg. Observare a. Cee.de Decur, ivi: Observare
oportebit Magistratus, ut Decurionibus solemniter in Curiam convocatis nominationem ad certa munera
faciant: e ciò al riflesso, che essendo la convocazione del Conseglio diretta a consultare gl’affari ed
indigenze del Publico un’atto di Governo economico, e non mai di Giurisdizione, quale preso de’ Consiglieri
risiede, che a tale effetto chiamansi Curatores Communitatis, come li definisce il Bald. Nel cons, 282 num. 2
Menoch. Cons. 38 num. 32, ne viene da ciò in conseguenza, che ad essi spetti, attesa la contingenza de’ casi,
ed il respettivo bisogno del Publico il coadunare il Conseglio come doppo il prelodato Testo ferma il
Campell. Ad Conflit. Urbin. Decr. 34 numer. 49 ivi :At legittimo Consilii coadunatio spectat ad Magistratum
Leg. Oc. Quod si forte Magistratus deesset poterit tunc antiquior ex oraine vel Collegio Consiliariorum
14

«Quante volte adunque a nostri Consiglieri competa una tal facoltà, e respettivo diritto di
convocare il Publico Consiglio, non senza un’evidente aggravio, che voglia farsi à medesimi,
potrà dall’odierno Barone pretendersi, impedire ad essi di convocarlo se prima non ne
riportino o da esso, o dal di lui Governatore un’espressa licenza. Di fatti se li Publici
Rappresentanti, se l’Anziani del Conseglio ordinandone la convocazione per provvedere
agl’interessi, e respettive indigenze del Publico, altro non fanno se non se esercitare un’atto
del di loro Uffizio, niuno certamente, che abbia senno, ed intelletto potrà affermare, che in ciò
sia necessaria la licenza del Governatore Locale, mà dovrà onninamente confessare, che una
tal facoltà, quale a medesimi compete al riflesso del loro Ufficio debba esser libera, assoluta,
ed indipendente, conforme con la commune opinione de Dottori […] Ed in vero risiedendo
nel Generale Conseglio tutto il potere della Communità, e respettivo Popolo, come osserva il
Campell, ad Conflit. Due. Urbin, decr. 23. num. 71 ivi: Consilium denique generale, in quo
verè, et propriè residet tota vis, et potestas Civitatis, et Populi, e formando altresì la
Communità un Collegio lecito, ed approvato puole Egli certamente convocarsi senza veruna
Licenza, o Ordine del di lui Superiore per gli affari ad essa risguardanti a beneplacito de
Consiglieri» 16 .
The document reveals the community's dissatisfaction for their own judicial situation and a
strong feeling of revenge against the institutions, because of their abuses against the community.
The creeping rebellion in the letters of 70 years before – already existed at the beginning of the
XVII century, and sedated with the Concordia signed in 1609 between the Bishop of Anagni and
the People of Acuto - is revealed in the request to prevent the application of the statutory provision
which gives to the Baron the power and the authority to convene, prohibit and/or allow the meeting
of the public council. In addition to this, the Governor has also added the claim that the proposal to
be discussed at the council meetings are communicated in advance and in writing. It is for these
reasons that Trambusti goes further and radicalized the rift asking for the abolition of the rule 17 . He
says, in fact, that until that moment the Governor, and the Baron, have abused of their power to
impede the convocation and the Council meeting, a power arrogated to themselves improperly and
arbitrarily:
«E chi è che non sappia, che quante volte, o dallo Statuto prescrivasi, o dalla consuetudine
siasi introdotto, che alla coadunazione de’ Consiglieri debba precedere la Licenza del
Governatore Locale, questa non ad altro riducesi, se non se ad una semplice notizia, che si dà
al medesimo del Conseglio da tenersi, nel quale hà anch’esso ad intervenire?
Da questa peraltro non deve, né puole arrogarsi ò il Barone, o il di lui Governatore il diritto
d’impedirlo, né toglie a Consiglieri la libertà di coadunarsi ancorche il Governatore ricusasse
d’intervenirvi, poichè non essendo secondo la disposizione di raggione proibito il Publico
Conseglio senza la Licenza del Barone, o sia Governatore; quante volte questa richiedasi dallo
Statuto, in tanto richiedesi acciocche le risoluzioni da prendersi nel Conseglio restino
approvate dal Governatore del Luogo, e le medesime facciansi alla di lui presenza, così ne
precisi termini della nostra questione distingue egregiamente il Menoch. Consil. 28 num. II.
Iv:i Universitatum Congregationes, et Consilia jure non prohibentur, nec juris necessitate
requirunt Superioris praesentiam, vel licentiamo, CUM LICENTIA SOLUM REQUIRATUR,
ut actus gesti eorum auctoritate confirmari valeant: così fermò il Cancer. var. resol. lib. 3. cap.
reliquos convocare».
16 Ibi.
17 Ibi: «Di fatti avvalorato esso da alcune parole dello Statuto Locale, nel quale dicesi, che il Conseglio non
si convochi nisi de Licentia Curiae crede da ciò derivarne in esso il diritto di adunare il Conseglio a suo
talento, di proibirlo, quando al medesimo così piaccia, e finalmente di non permetterlo, se non se nel solo
caso, che li Consiglieri communichino in iscritto, qualche giorno avanti al di lui Governatore tutto ciò che
debba proporsi nel Consiglio medesimo. Strana per altro non meno, che insussistente è una tal pretensione, e
degna certamente che venga dalla Suprema Autorità di questa Sagra Congregazione affatto abolita, e
depressa».
15

13. num. 163. ivi: Est regula generalis, quod ea, quae ad Reipublicae administrationem,
administrandique necessitatem, sive utilitatem pertinent ipsam, Rempublicam, seu Consilium
posse per se sine consensu Superiori agere, licet bene IN CONGREGATIONE, et
convocatione DEBEAT INTERVENIRE SUPERIOR, SIVE EJUS OFFICIALIS ET
PROPOSITIO DEBEAT FIERJ etc. EO PRAESENTE:
Che se la disposizione del nostro Statuto non dà all’Odierno Barone il gius d’impedire a
nostri Consiglieri la libertà di convocarsi, con quanto maggior aggravio de’ medesimi si è
eccitata una tal pretensione, nel caso nostro, nel quale lo Statuto non solo in questo, mà in
veruno de’ suoi Capi non è operativo, nè puole costringere il Popolo di Acuto alla di lui
osservanza, in quelle parti, che concernono li diritti del Barone. Per ben comprendere la verità
di un tal assunto convien premettere, gravissime essere, state ne passati secoli le controversie,
che insorgevano tutto dì tra li Baroni pro tempore, ed il Popolo; queste ridotte a foro
contenzioso produssero un ben lungo, e dispendioso Litigio, al quale finalmente nell’anno
1609. impose fine una solenne Transazione, che stipolossi trà il nostro Popolo, ed il Barone di
quel tempo» 18 .
Trambusti shows that the request of the Governor to know in advance what should be proposed
in the Council 19 is contrary to what is prescribed in the bull De Bono Regimine, «la quale vuole, che
soltanto doppo convocato legittimamente il Conseglio, si propongano gli affari, quali proposti si
consultino su di ciò li Consiglieri, e finalmente si raccolgano i Voti di questi» 20 . The thing that
wonder Trambusti, more than any thing else, it is the incongruence between the insistence of the
Governor who wanted to have the power to prohibit the Meeting and the fact that he, in practice,
can't change the Resolutions adopted in it: it is his right / duty to be present at the Public Council,
but is deprived of the right to give his vote about how it decides 21 .
The argument put forward by Trambusti is clearly focused on the judicial situation of the
municipality of Acuto, made intricate by the prerogatives that the Governor and / or the Baron
arrogated to themselves in time - in contrary to the agreement of the Concordia of 1609 by which
they, consciously, have established their own powerlessness in the judicial life of the town. The
memorial's author, similarly to the People of Acuto in the missive of 70 years earlier, precisely
refers to this pact of Concordia to highlight abuses and outrage to which the Community is
constantly and unjustly subjected. The inquiry refers to the damage that this dispute caused to a
Community adversely weakened by political-jurisdictional tensions and impoverished financially
because of the consequent economic expenditure.
18 Ibi.
19 Cf. note 17.
20 In the memorial Trambusti refers to the commentary of Jacobo Cohellio to the bull De Bono Regimine of
the 1656, in chapter XXXI, num. 147: «Postquam Consilium praed(ictis) solemnitatibus convocatum est
primo loco proponitur negocium, quod expleri debet, secundo consulitur super eo, Tertio capitur resolutio, &
definitur negocium».
21 BG, b. 37, memorial of Alessandro Trambusti to Mons. Gavotti of the Buon Governo, September 19,
1778: «Ma ciò che rende più ridicola una tal pretension si è il riflesso, che sebbene il Governatore Locale
debba intervenire al Publico Conseglio, debbano le Proposizionj farsi alla di lui presenza, ed esso finalmente
presente prendersi le Risoluzioni, non però ha Egli facoltà di dare il suo voto nel Conseglio med(esimo) in
cui presiede sopra quel tanto, che sia stato proposto: Se adunque al Governatore Locale, si niega affatto la
facoltà di dar questo Voto, troppo legittima da cio ne deriva la conseguenza, che al med(esimo) non debba
mai rivelarsi quel tanto, che sia per proporsi in Conseglio; Imperciocche sarebbe un assurdo grandissimo che
si dasse a quello la notizia, ed esame degl’affari da risolversi soltanto collegialmente in Conseglio, al quale si
niega nel medesimo Conseglio la facoltà di potervi votare».
16

Rossana Fiorini
Alatri: disputes about the danno dato in the citizens Statutes.
As for the Municipality of Alatri we are lucky because we still have a lot of copies of citizens
Statutes which encode, regulate and administer the social life of the community 1 . Today we have six
copies of the Statute of Alatri, that shows a legislation subject to amendments and constant changes,
related to time and society.
The statutory rules reflect a predominantly agricultural economy: the time of the land and its
cultivation beats human time. Agricultural practices and the protection of lands destined to the
cultivation are central topics of the normative regulation: the nmost important topic is the so called
danno dato, that is, the damages caused by animals or by humans and to crops. The archival
research returns a various case series in relation to damage given.
The documents that concern the town of Alatri are preserved in the State Archive of Rome,
Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond 2 . The studied files are composed of letters, requests and
memorials that use the Statute to resolve specific social and daily matters that happened in the city
of Alatri. The document, sent by the "Publlici Rappresentanti" of Alatri to the Sacra Congregazione
del Buon Governo, is dated back the late XVII century and is useful to analyze customs and
costumes of the city. Particulary, the examined litigations concern the law of jus pascendi and the
related disputes between the Community and the Benedictine monks of the Carthusian Monastery
of Trisulti; the contrasts between the Community and renters of the damage that will lead to reform
the regulation of the sale and the custody of danno dato. It is evident the importance of the statute
which serves as the indispensable element for resolving problems in the Community.
A petition 3 written by the Community of Alatri to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon
Governo, dated October 16, 1666, reported the statutory prohibition of feeding pigs for everyone.
This provision was not respected by the Carthusian monks of S. Bartolomeo of Trisulti, with whom
the community had an ancient quarrel. In fact, even if there is a strong contradiction, it is clear how
the ecclesiastics had always enjoyed the ius pascendi. They benefited of the privileges that had been
validated to them by the Cardinal Camerlengo in 1659, already existing and formalized by the
pontifical power in 1656. The community demanded that the statutory compliance through a public
announcement was extended to the Carthusian monks.
So in the memorial 4 , contained within the above-mentioned supplication it was reported that
for ages pigs were led to pasture, despite the disposal of the statute prohibits such activity because
1 The oldest witness to come us of the Statuta Civitatis Alatri is of 1549 (Alatri, Molella Library MS. I, 1).
The Codex Molella is the antigraph of the copy of the official use, drawn up between 1585 and 1586
(Constitutiones sive statuta civitatis Alatri, Alatri Liceo Ginnasio Conti Gentili, Library, Closet XX). Four
testimonies on the example of sixteenth century codex are kept in Rome (ASRm, Library, Collezione Statuti,
842); in Veroli (Giovardiana Library, MS. 42.2.16); in Alatri (Molella Library, two specimes of XVIII and
XIX centuries). About the Statute see M. D’ALATRI e C. CAROSI, Gli statuti medioevali del Comune di Alatri,
Alatri 1976; S. NOTARI, Rubricario degli Statuti comunali di Alatri e Patrica (secoli XVI-XVIII). Per un
rubricario degli Statuti della provincia storica di Campagna, in Latium, 14 (1997), pp. 141-222; G. Boezi,
Jus proprium del comune di Alatri, Alatri 2007.
2 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG), b. 58.
3 Ivi. The letter is addressed to Cardinal Chigi of the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, dated
October 16, 1666 from the Community. The signature at the bottom can not be read clearly. The text is as
follows: «Il Statuto di Alatri proibisce, che non ardisca alcuno ritenere a pascolar porci in quel territorio, e se
i particolari interessati si contentassero, che una renovatione di bando per detta osservanza andasse
solamente sopra di loro, sarebbe negozio facile, e con giustizia ma sentimento di questi particolari sarebbe
che il medesimo bando comprendesse i Padri Certosini di San Bartolomeo di Trisulti, con quali hanno
antichissima lite, e perché i Padri rispondono di non poter essere costretti a questa privazione di pascolo con
mostrare incontinente il loro possesso, convalidato da più privilegi pontifici, stati confirmati nel 1656; e per
sentenza dell’Eminentissimo Signore Cardinal Camerlengo nel 1659; mio sentimento sarebbe che non si
innovasse».
17

of the great damage that the animals brought to lands and crops and, as the text quotes, «ad altro
bestiame» 5 . For this reason the Community tried to recommend himself to the Monsignor Governor
of Campagna, so that he emanated a criminal sentence.
The conflict between the rules recalls contradiction, which derived from the provisions and
the special privileges enjoyed by the Carthusians, thanks to concessions that the Pope allowedthem.
This, however, was strictly contradictory relatively to the Statute - that instead circumscribed
certain freedoms.
In the codex, book of the danno dato, there are specific references:
Rubrica 36 – «De pena bestiarum porcinarum»
«Item, propter moltiplicia enormiaque damna, que per bestias porcinas in territorio
alatrino quotidie inferentur, et ut tollantur discordie et iurgia, que propter damna predicta inter
cives alatrinos oriri possent, statuimus et ordinamus quod nullus civis, habitator, incola
civitatis Alatri seu forensis, cuiuscumque status et conditionis exista, possit nec debeat
retinere aliquam bestiam porcinam ad pascuamdum seu pascendum in territorj et districtu
civitatis Alatri, nullo unquam tempore, ad penam XXX librarum denariorum pro turma, et pro
qualibet bestia porcina penam XX solidorum» 6 .
The archival documentation is rich of controversies related to the damage given. Contextual
are in fact other leaves which contained a letter and a memorial. The Governor of Alatri remitted to
the Buon Governo the memorial delivered to him from the Community. The memorial contains the
petition from the Community that was "turbata" because of the tenants of the Abbey of Saint
Sebastiano, who had set up on its territory a private prison, giving orders to incarcerate the
criminals who committed injury in the Abbey grounds. The Community therefore claimed the
jurisdiction of those abbey lands, which still was included in the territory of the City of Alatri, and
begged the good government to order the Governor to restore the citizen law and punish the
criminals who had set up the "carcere privato "in the right and normal mode 7 .
If we read the letter of the Governor, we discover other valuable information: he declared that
what was reported by the Community were true, and that actually the tenant of the Abbey of St.
Sebastiano brought the animals found while they were causing damage to crops and land at the
"carcere". The most serious fact is that the owners of the animals had agreed in suspicious way
«pagando pena minore di quella che sarebbe loro convenuta di sborsare all’affittuario del danno
dato della Comunità». So was required the permission to proceed against the damagers of the
Abbey assets and against the tenant of the same 8 .
4 Ibi. In the memorial the Communit explains the situation. The document has no signature or date. The text
is as follows: «La Comunità di Alatri espone riverentemente all’Eminenze Vostre che da molti vengono
introdotti i porci in quel territorio pascolando quivi contro la disposizione dello Statuto, che li proibisce per il
gran danno che apportano a gli altri bestiami. Supplica pertanto l’Eminenza Vostra scrivere a Monsignor
Governatore di Campagna, che mandi un ordine penato che non vi si possino ritenere».
5 Ibi.
6 Cf. M. D’ALATRI e C. CAROSI, Gli statuti medioevali, cit., p. 238.
7 Cf. BG, b. 58. The memorial presents the following content: «La Comunità di Altri […] espone come
havendo il Ministerio del danno dato del suo territorio, come cessionaria della Reverenda Camera, hora vien
turbata della giurisdizione dalli Ministri et Affittuarj dell’Abbadia di S. Sebastiano situata nel medesimo
territorio con havervi fatto un carcere privato, et dar ordine, che si conduchino le bestiami delli poveri
cittadini che sono trovati a dar danni nelli terreni della detta Abbadia, et perché tutto ciò è con grandissimo
danno e spesa de cittadini, come della Comunità. Si supplica le Eminenze Vostre a voler ordinare a
Monsignor Governatore, che assista alla medesima […], che non riceva pregiudizio in tal Ministerio, e che li
delinquenti, per il carcere privato siano gastigati come sarà di raggione». The document is not datated.
8 Ibi. The sign of the letter is not readable. The date at the bottom is November 6, 1661. «Dall’informazione
presa sopra il memoriale della Comunità di Alatri, che qui compiegato rimetto, ho riportato esser vero che
l’Affittuario dell’Abbadia di S. Sebastiano pretenda di conoscer le cause de’ danni, che si fanno ne’ terreni di
18

Despotic, intricate and confuser situations were daily, so the statute appears the only one,
irreplaceable source to regulate the community life. There are numerous state attendances traced in
the archive documents, where the Statute is mentioned, to dissolve such disputes. An example (of
1664) is one in which "poveri lavoratori e i cittadini di Alatri," in a letter sent to the Governor,
highlighted to be oppressed by the rent of the danno dato, which mainly hit the citizens owners of a
large number of animals. The Community often sold the danno dato. Here there is the case of Sisto
Liberati. As usual the danno dato was sold by the Community and in the same year granted to Sisto
Liberati, with the condition that the custody of the camp was carried out by two men chosen by the
tenant, as well as the Statute ordered. In addition, those two men had to be accompanied by two
other men chosen by the Community; the same community had to deliver to the tenant the list with
the names of the men that accompanied the keepers. This method was used to prevent damages and
possible disputes 9 .
Continuing the reading we notice that the citizens were forced to pay «decine di scudi senza
mai commettere danno». So the workers resorted to the city governor to require that the tenant
observe the agreement, concluded between the Community and thimself, following therefore the
instructions of the Statute about the danno dato. It was also required to prohibit to the tenant to
choose the guardians spontaneously, disrespecting so the list of names agreed in the contract with
the Community. It was not the first time that occurred extortions and frauds: the Mayor of Alatri,
several years before, had officially mentioned to the Cardinal Panfilj such situations. After hearng
tal Abbadia, e che alcune volte ha fatto ricondurre da lavoratori, e ritenere i bestiami trovati a danneggiarvi, e
che i padroni di essi bestiami si sono quietamente accordati con lui, pagando una pena minore di quella, che
sarebbe loro convenuto di sborsare all’Affittuario del danno dato della Comunità. Per parte di questa, oltre la
ragione dell’aver l’officio con titolo oneroso della risposta di settantaquattro scudi l’anno alla Reverenda
Camera, si allega, mostrandosi il libro dell’accuse, il permesso di procedere non solamente contro quei che
hanno danneggiato ne’ beni dell’Abbadia suddetta, ma anche contro l’Affittuario medesimo di essa».
9 Ibi. The petition is addressed to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo and to the Sacra Consulta.
The reported sign is of «Li poveri lavoratori e altri cittadini della Città di Alatri». The date laced by the Buon
Governo is April 24, 1664. The content is the following: «Li poveri lavoratori e cittadini d’Alatri devotissimi
oratori dell’Eccellenze Vostre si espondono ritrovarsi angariati al maggior segno per li pesi che hanno sopra
de loro bestiami, dove la Communità per uguagliare l’esito, et introito sòle maggiormente imporre collette; è
tra l’altre gravezze se li aggiunge in questo presente anno quella del danno dato solita a vendersi dalla
Communità, come ha fatto questo anno a Sisto Liberati con conditione che la guardia del Canpo si debbia
fare da due homini, da deputarsi da esso affittuario, et approvarsi dalla Comunità conforme ordina lo Statuto,
a quali acciò non comotano falsita, et altri eccessi in grave danno di quel popolo; li si debbia dare dalla
medesima Communità un homo che accompagni ciascuno di detti custodi che elegge l’affittuario; e benché
la Communità per togliere ogni atto dannoso dia al detto affittuario la nota delli omini, che devono in ciascun
giorno accompagnare detto custode dell’affittuario per far la solita custodia, nulla di meno il suddetto
affittuario per far fare delle accuse assai senza che detti custodi da lui deputati si movano dalla Città, dà
occasione alli medesimi commandati dalla Comunità, o che non vi vadino, o che alleghino causa frivola a
non potervi andare in luogo dei quali esso affittuario deputa altri a lui noti, et uguali alli primi con pagarli a
suue proprie spese, acciò faccino delle accuse in gran numero, per poter fare grosso guadagno; e tra l’altri
homini sempre cerca mandarvi homini mendici, di mala conditione, e fama, et in particolare un suuo
compare, che questi senza vedere, né andare a trovare il preteso dannificante, ma solo o con stare dentro la
Città, o dormire nelli cespugli, o altri luoghi nascosti formano le accuse. Perilché detti poveri sono astretti a
pagare delle decine e decine di scudi, senza commettere un minimo danno, e anzi detto affittuario per
maggiormente concuterli far intendere a molti, che si componghino […] pagar tanto l’anno e che poi
dannifichino quanto vogliono in grave danno di quelli che seminano, et hanno di beni nel detto territorio.
Ricorrono pertanto dalle Eminenze Vostre et humilmente, le supplicano ad ordinare al Governatore di detta
Città che astringhi detto affittuario ad osservare la conventione fatta con detta Comunità, et il Statuto della
medesima disponente sopra esso danno dato, et anco che non facci dare esecuzione alle accuse fatte sin’ora
contro la forma del medemo, e che proibisca a detto affittuario di deputare alla detta custodia altri homini,
che quelli convenuti nella conpra che ha fatta di esso danno dato, et a quelli commandati dalla Communità
per far fare detta custodia, e che recusano d’andarvi, d’inporvi la pena a suuo arbitrio, e finalmente che
rimedj a tanti d’anni et inconvenienti, che per causa delle cose espresse nascono. Che il tutto. Che.».
19

y the citizens « di estorsione, falsità ed ingiustizia verificatesi per molti anni» commited by the
depositary and renter of the danno dato against the impositions of the Statute and the orders of the
Sacra Consulta. So they begged «di spedire subito […] un commissario con una ottima compartita
per provvedere conformemente col giusto» 10 .
To have the measure of how danno dato was regulated, we should notice the continous
changes and the remaking of the sales procedures or lease of the same. These procedures changed
again when the extortions of the renters became intolerable. The decision was taken during a Public
Council 11 . It was required not to give the danno dato for rent, but to choose a citizen who collected
the tax of penalties for the charges. In the year 1671 was assigned to this role Mr. Lorenzo Tubj,
who had to order periodically, every month, the accused, so that they payed within eight days, the
sum of the established penalties.
In conclusion, it can certainly be say that the statutes shows a partial perception of society: the
archival record provides a fairly concrete vision of meaningful informations that give us the
possibility to reconstruct the history of the City of Alatri. The comparison between the testimonies
from archive and the Statutes shows the image of the community of Alatri.
10 Ibi. The petition presents the date of Buon Governo on June 10, 1645, written by the Community of
Alatri. «Il sindaco e officiali della Città di Alatri devotissimi oratori […] gli rappresentano che tante
l’estorsioni e falsità, et ingiustitie fatte da molti anni in qua dal Giovanni Battista […] al presente dipositario
et affittuario di danno dato contro la dispositione dello Statuto et ordini della Sacra Consulta, tutti i poveri
cittadini si sentono agravati et oppressi Ricorrono pertanto alla pietà e giustizia di Vostra Eccellenza
humilmente supplicandola a ordinare che sia spedito subito con il detto a spese del medesimo un
Commissario con uno ottima Computista per provvedere conforme al giusto che del tutto Che».
11 Ibi, b. 59. From a petition addressed to Buon Governo, dated on May 6, 1673, signed at the bottom by
Giovan Battista Autini, “pubblico ufficiale” of the Community of Alatri. «Per l’estorsioni, che
commettevano gl’affittuari del danno dato della Città d’Alatri, quella Comunità risolve in Pubblico
Conseglio di non darlo più in affitto, ma deputare un Cittadino all’esattione delle pene per l’accuse, che di
giorno in giorno riportavano i guardiani del territorio con promissione di scudi dieci per cento dell’esatto, e
per l’anno 1671 fu deputato Lorenzo Tutij con obligo d’intimare ogni mese all’accusati la somma delle pene
in che ciascheduno era incorso col termine di pagare fra otto giorni, quali spirati dovesse rilassare contro di
loro il mandato, e consegnarlo all’essecutori, con registrare il tutto al libro, altrimente le pene s’havessero per
esatte in suo pregiuditio, come quel più, che dispongono li capitoli sopra ciò fatti».
20

Cristina Giacomi
The statute of Anagni through the Riformanze of the sixteenth century 1
Ours speech will try to emphasize the crucial role of the Statute in the XVI century. And we will do
so by presenting an essential and priority instrument of the local government in the sixteenth
century: the Riformanze.
When we talk about Riformanze we mean the registers in which the chancellor carefully and in
detail reported what was discussed in the meetings of the local government which met whenever it
was recognized necessary to discuss, decide, approve or condemn facts and events that
characterized the daily life of the city.
To make more immediate an idea of this type of documents, we could say that it was large size
registers, about 15x22 cm, containing paper sheet with hand sewn bookbinding and parchment or
leather covering. The registers were compiled by chancellors who attended the meetings and
reported each speech of the council members. Testimony of an immediate writing are frequent signs
of erasure, abbreviations and fast writing, sometimes difficult to understand. After all, in those
circumstances, the form wasn't a priority but rather the need to report carefully, word for word,
what was decided in council so that, publicized, it became norm of everyday life.
In the XVI century Anagni lives, mentioning Zappasodi, years of "sciagure e calamità" for the most
part determined by the weak and uncertain government of Clement VII who, taking position against
the Colonna, leaves the city several times at the mercy of continuous raids so that the people of
Anagni, with increasingly regularity, appeals to the Statute, in a last attempt to protect their rights.
Around the 30's in 1500, the General Council of the Town decreed that the then «governatore
cardinale Caraffa fac[ia] osservare e osserv[i] lo statuto e le antiche consuetudini, immunità, usi e
costumi della città» and «che non fac[ia] innovare alcuna cosa nei detti statuti oltre i soliti e
consueti ordinamenti» 2 .
These strong assertions show the crucial role of the statute and it's clearly understood the reason for
his being quoted, we could say almost slavishly, in the Riformanze books of XVI century.
Mentioning the statute was equivalent, therefore, of an unambiguous truth, absolutely
unquestionable: great form of freedom and independence for the municipalities under the domain of
the church. Iuxta formam statutorum is the formula which appears regularly in the Riformanze,
confirming what has been said.
The state of abandonment of Anagni persists until 1554, when the bishop and governor Torelli,
"dispiaciuto" for so much degradation, began to buy dilapidated houses to increase his palace with
new spaces. The city council lives with great enthusiasm the “risveglio edilizio” 3 and on October
13, 1554 4 , the Riformanze talks about the election of the mayor, according to the formula specified
in Part I of Chapter I of the Statute 5 .
1
We thank prof. Tommaso Cecilia for giving me useful suggestions and assistance in archive.
2
P. ZAPPASODI, Anagni attraverso i secoli, Veroli 1908 (ris. Roma 1985), 2, pp. 51-52.
3
The mayor Angelo di Alba, the officials Giovanni Modesto, Innocenzo Antonucci, Filippo Iacobelli,
Lorenzo Costantini, Fabrizio Finocchio, Francesco Giorgi, camerlingo Aristeo Manzi and the main
councelors, Gian Nicola Benvenuti, Cesare Ricchi, Marzio Ambrosi, Pietro Paolo Sezzese, Marco Bruschini
e Antonio Turri approve the request of building and they monitor personally the work.
4
Anagni, Historical Municipal Archive, Riformanze 1554-1556 (then Riformanze and the year), f. 50r.
5
Statutum Civitatis Anagniae, part I chapter I.
21

The illusion of a "nuova e migliore era", however, vanishes soon: just in that same 1554 the town
that for years lived territorial disputes with Ferentino, was chosen as the headquarters of the militias
placed, in fact, between Anagni, Frosinone, Ferentino, Alatri, Guarcino, Fumone, Acuto and Tivoli.
Anagni must provide food and accommodation to the commander of the militias and to all the
soldiers quartered here, according to current regulations. When, in 1556, it is declared finally war
square, to face an emergency, the city council designates, mentioning the statute, the commissioners
for each district of the city, appointed to provide for military requests in general, from the
distribution of fodder to housing 6 . And, again, we have knowledge of these by the Riformanze.
The armed conflicts that Anagni is facing are very violent: the Spaniards, led by Toledo, do not
grant time to the defenders to organize themselves and they attack with violence and
unscrupulousness, anticipating any attempt to defend the city that sees collapsing their strongholds,
one by one. Many of the city council members, the podestà, the mayor and the civic magistrates
leave the city in an extreme attempt to avoid the unforgivable cruelty of the Spaniards, who upset
the population, among other effects also the theft of many archive documents including the Statute 7 .
The book of Statutes is stolen by a Spanish soldier, full meaning gesture: in order to cancel a city, it
was important to eliminate its jurisdiction and, in this sense, the statute, being the normative point
of legal and administrative reference, is the right proponent.
In the Book of Riformanze 1557-1560 8 , this is the second of the Riformanze books arrived to us
(probably it was saved from the blaze because it kept in the home of the then chamberlain - at that
time the government was managed "in person" so it is quite possible that the book of Riformanze
was in the house of the chamberlain), we can read about the wide discussion concerning the
recovery of the statute. At the assembly of May 5, 1558 9 the council members, mayor and officials,
and also the camerlingo Felice Nardoni, brought together, talk about the possibility of recovering
the statute, trying to find an appointee and to define the costs for the trip. The city council, in fact,
learns about the fact that the statute of Anagni is guarded by Giovanni Osorio, citizen of Petra
Mellara. We are near Caserta and the journey is, therefore, complex. It must face a series of costs:
food and lodging for the attendant to the recovery, assignment of horse for travel, food and stables
for horses. In the same session it is decided an expense of viginti scudorum. A few days later, on
June 15 10 , the council meets again and appoints the person who will go to Petra Mellara: Giulio
Campagna. In the Riformanze there were no information that would enable us to trace a profile of
the appointed; certainly, it was one of officiali in capite. On July 1 11 , returning to the argument, the
city Council decides that Giulio Campagna, taking the trip, makes a stop in Alatri, at "magnificum
dominum logotenente", in order to have a kind of a sealing signature to take the trip. In that same
date, moreover, it is defined the necessary viaticum. On October 3 12 , it still reads that Felice
Nardoni gives a residue of 10 scudi to Giulio Campagna, as the payment of the trip to Petra
Mellara. Thus it concludes a troubled parenthesis for the city of Anagni that recovers a very
important document for its history and its traditions.
In that same 1558, considering the number of citizens of Anagni and dealing with the current socialeconomic
status of the city, it was decided to reduce the number of districts from 8 to 7, joining the
6
P. ZAPPASODI, Anagni attraverso i secoli, cit., 2, p. 63.
7
The events are told ibid, 2, pp. 65-67.
8
Riformanze, 1557-1560.
9
Ibid, f. 25 v.
10
Ibid, f. 32 r.
11
Ibid, ff. 32 v-33 r
12
Ibid, f. 44 v.
22

less inhabited. Among them, the Castle district is represented by mediani Giulio Campagna and
Pasquale Astolfi. I just allude to this district because, in the Libro delle Riformanze 1560-1564 13 ,
referring to the statutory rules, on September 26, 1562 14 a medianus and a guardian were appointed
for itself.
On February 12, 1563 15 , instead, in the Riformanze we can deduce that, turning to the statute,
Ascanio De Bellis of Arpino is elected as podestà. And mayor and councillors are elected following
the statutory procedures. The election of members of local government, with the categorical cross
reference to the statute, is a very frequent aspect in the Riformanze.
With a quick jump in time, we come to the meeting of the November 1, 1575 16 . In the book of
Riformanze the statute once again is mentioned, with reference to the assignment formula of the
city council, which includes, among the various rituals, the prayer in cathedral. In fact, it is statutory
duty visiting the cathedral at some moments of the year.
In the same 1575, on November 13 17 , we can read the election of 4 citizens, conservators of the
good condition of the city of Anagni and, once given them the assignment, they are asked, with a
formula strictly recorded in the meeting minutes, that "habbino cura dell'osservatione de Statuti [e]
delle cose contenenti in essi".
Exactly one year later, on November 1, 1576 18 , the statute is mentioned again in the book of the
Riformanze on the occasion of the mayor's oath and of the officials.
On February 4, 1577 19 , instead, the statute is quoted in the occasion of the return of the books of
receipts and payments of the city by the camerarius. And again on July 14, 1577 20 , mentioning the
notary's activities, it is confirmed the iuxta formam statutorum.
On May 1, 1578 21 , making a reconnaissance in the municipal archive, according to the inventory
there is the book of the city statute. On July 22 22 of the same year, the designations of guardians of
the fields and the conestabile militum in occasion of the city festivals take place, again, according to
statutory rules. On November 13, 1579 23 , instead, they are elected 4 capocento, guards responsible
of the safety of the city; also here the designation is made taking into account what is prescribed by
statute. Finally, on June 17 1582 24 , the supervisors and guardians are elected according to the
statutory rules.
It is curious the meeting on January 1, 1584 25 . Mayor, officials in capite and camerarius gather on
the first day of the year and make an inventory of assets owned by the municipality and, in
particular, list the archival material; among the objects possessed, a silver stamp, an old cadastre
13
Riformanze 1560-1564.
14
Ibid, ff. 195 v-196 r.
15
Ibid, ff. 227 v-228 r.
16
Riformanze 1575-1581, ff. 2r -3r.
17
Ibid, ff. 8r-12r.
18
Ibid, f. 79v.
19
Ibid, f. 92v.
20
Ibid, ff. 108r/v.
21
Ibid, ff. 145r/v.
22
Ibid, f. 158v.
23
Ibid, 204r--205r.
24
Riformanze 1581-1587, f. 34r.
25
Ibid, ff. 107r/v.
23

and a new one, 24 books including civil and criminal, 6 books of the Riformanze and, obviously,
"quattro libretti in quarto" of the Statute are listed.
On April 27, 1588 26 , instead, a long municipal meeting deals with on 13 points on the agenda
including the election of four district «dalla quale poi si caccino li elettori secondo la forma dello
statuto» and, subsequently the officials are appointed by the voters.
A final reference to the statute, in Riformanze of the XVI century, is on June 18, 1588 27 , when a
statement of expenditure of various types of material is submitted: oil for the lamps of the municipal
building, green wax for seal, candles for the feast of S. Secondina, parchment paper to record taxes.
Latter, it is a list of expenses paid by the municipality for the trip to Rome of those who went to
«confirmatione delli statuti». It reads, in fact, the payment to «messere […] De Marchis notaro in
Roma […] per la speditione di […] patente fatte nella confirmatione delli statuti et tasse de mercede
delli governatori […] d’Anagni»; again, the «segretario dell’illustrissimo cardinal camerlengo per il
segillo della camera messo in detta confirmatione de statuti» is paid; other expenses are «per il bollo
del detto segillo, fittuccia et carta pergamena per la coperta del libro delli statuti» and «per la
supplica data al Papa per ottenere la detta confirmatione». And again it reads that Giacomo Antonio
Colomba, appointed for the trip to Rome, spends his time in the eternal city for a month and a half:
for the payment of his service, the treasury of collection in Rome to obtain the confirmatione 28 is
expected, urging. According to this brief description it is clear, foremost, the centrality of the
Statute, whose books and chapters not only fully retrace the socio-political structure of the city and
especially set rules and regulations which no one can escape. This constant and scrupulous respect
of the statutory regulations is clearly perceptible in the Riformanze. It is interesting to browse these
great books and understand that nothing escapes the application of the rule. Iuxta formam
statutorum is a clear demonstration of how the city of Anagni in XVI century see in the statute the
reference point, from which and to which get to live in a civilized state.
26
Riformanze 1587- 1591, ff. 13r-15v.
27
Ibid, ff. 16r-25v.
28
Almost certainly it refers to the compilation of the manuscript, now deperdito, drafted in solemn form,
decorated and considered as the local official regulatory code, approved by the Governor Portici.
24

Matteo Maccioni
Statute of Anagni and the maleficia
The Anagni's material examined comes from the Libro delle Condanne (1558-1562), kept in the
Historical Municipal Archive of Anagni 1 . The chosen document is worn and hard to read because of
the state of conservation and a writing that is not always easy to understand.
The cases of prosecuting chosen are three and include: 1) insults and beatings against a woman
who collected wheat ears; 2) two cases of blasphemy «in via publica»; 3) a robbery of animals,
horses and mules. The accusations and denunciations concern events that occurred in June and July
1559.
The first case concerns the accusation presented by Narda Pitocchi against Antonio Celle of
Filettino, accused by the woman of insults and beatings after he discovered her while she was
picking wheat ears in the ownership of Santa Maria, in the district "Le Bagnera ". The accusation
minute reports that the aforesaid in question, sickle armed, «malo animo, et peximaintentione»,
moving from place to place with force and aggressively, soke to the complainant with insulting and
threatening words:
«Quod de anno presenti 1559 mense Junii die 12 prefatus inquisitus, Deum prae oculis non
habendo, sed potius humanii generis inimicum, cum donna Narda Pitochi, ut in Territorio
Anagnino in quaedam possitione sante Mariae in qontrada le bagnera, ea recolligendi spicas,
ut moris est, dictus inquisitus, malo animo, et pexima intentione, armatus quadam falce
messoria vulgo nuncupata serrichio, movens se de loco ad locum, impetum et aggressuram
faciendo qontra dictam querelandam, et verbis minatorijs, ignuriosis, contumelioris et
turpibus, ut vulgo loquendo, ruffiana, puttana, levate de qua se non ch’io te taglio il naso, et
alia similia verba etc et eam percutiendo manu vacua in pectore, et expellendo de dicta
possessione ne ricolligendi spicas qontra formam iuris statutorum ac ordinamentum
Reverendissimi Domini, qontra bonos mores bonamque consuetudinem dicti Civitatis
Anagniae penas et penis etc» 2 .
Relating to the accusations of having directed injurious words against lady Narda Pitocchi, it is
necessary to consider what is established by the Local Statute, which imposes a certain kind of
monetary penalty for minors and for people over 14 years for males and 12 years for females 3 .
Those penalties are, however, applicable only if the complaint occurs within 4 days from the event
1 Anagni, Municipal Historical Archive, Pre-unification, b. 362, Libro delle condanne (1558-1562); then
only Libro delle condanne.
2 Ibid., f. 47rv, Narda Pitocchi against Antonio Celle, June 15, 1559.
3 The age difference between males and females is a recovery of what happened in the classical law in which
only the pubertati proximus was considered criminally responsible, if it has been recognized capable of
malice or negligence. This hypothesis, differently from what happened in the past, examines not the physical
condition of the subject, but his intellectual abilities, of discernment, of choice and of will. The distinction
was, therefore, the attainment of puberty, the beginning of which was fixed to the age of fourteen for males
and twelve females.
25

and, in addition, should be reported in the minute the date and offense received 4 - features present in
this lawsuit.
It is important to highlight a small crux: although, at first, the accused is described
«armatusquadam falce messoria», later, when, beating her, he took away the plaintiff from his land,
he is presented disarmed, «manu vacua». The Statute of Anagni provides various sanctions -
although they are always of a financial kind - for cases of aggression perpetrated without weapons,
with no sharp weapons and with sharp weapons 5 . Obviously, the relationship between the extent of
the damage and level of the penalty is proportional: greater is the extent of the physical damage
caused, most conspicuous will be the sum of money that the offender must bestow. In this particular
4 Rome, State Archives, Statutes Collection (then only Statutes Collection), stat. 0640, Statutum inclytae ac
pervetustae Civitatis Anagniae, ex apographo quod anno MDXVII Laurentius Pacoticus sacerdos
dioeceseos Grossetanae exaraverat: «Liber III, C. XIX = De verbis iniuriosis. Item statuimus quod
quicumque masculus maior XIV annis vel foemina XII annis dixerit alicui viro vel mulieri bonae famae,
proditor, vel periuris, falsarium, latro vel revallusus, fur vel similes iniurias de quorum verborum
similitudine stetur declarationi conservatorum aut trium ipsorum ad minus praestito sacramento ab eisdem
iuxta conscientiam ipsorum, ex quibus verbis de jure vel ex forma statuti Anagniae iniuria resultet aequipera
vel verborum aequiperatione similis dici possit, in VII libris denariorum quoties offenderit puniatur. Et si
major XIV annis vel foemina major XII dixerit alicui mercendaro, poltrone, ribalto, menteris in solidis XX
puniatur. Sed si alicui mulieri honestae dixerit gactiva, zocza, rea, malvagia, factochiara vel meretrix vel
similes iniurias in V libris vice qualibet puniatur; de quorum verborum similitudine stetur declarationi
conservatorum ut supra»; «Liber III, C. XX = Quod infra quatuor dies possit accusari de verbis iniuriosis.
Item statuimus quod de verbis iniuriosis IV dies tantum accusari, et non aliter aliquo statuto loquente in
contrarium non obstante, post dictam iniuriam non computato die iniuriae; et dictis quatuor diebus elapsis
non audiatur. Volumus etiam quod si accusatus de verbis iniuriosis suum accusatorem voluerit reaccusare ad
accusandum admittatur post responsionem factam factae de eo per duos dies praeter formam praedictam»;
«Liber III, C. XXII = Quod accusa denuntiatio seu inquisitio de verbis iniuriosis non valeat nisi contineat
diem, et verba sint dicta praesente iniuriato. Item statuimus quod de verbis iniuriosis accusa fieri non possit
nec inquisitio seu denunciatio nisi contineat diem iniuriae et nisi verba dictam fuerint iniuriato praesente.
Statuimus insuper quod si quis accusaverit aliquem de verbis iniuriosis, et propter difectum accusae non
probatae accusatus absolvatur, et accusator puniatur in V solidis, hoc tamen locum non habeat si per pacem
factam accusatus fuerit absolutus».
5 Ibid.: «Liber III, C. XLI = De percussionibus sine armis. Item statuimus quod quicumque suppositum
jurisdictioni potestatis seu rectoris Anagniae percusserit malo modo seu letigerit a collo seu canna superius
inclusive exceptis casibus infrascriptis, seu etiam coeperit per cannam sine armis cum sanguinis effusione in
XVI libris denariorum quotiens offenderit puniatur. Si sine sanguine in VI libris puniatur. Si vero arteratam
seu ugillum seu cum manibus in facie dederit cum sanguinis effusione XXX libris denariorum quotiens
offenderit puniatur. Si vero sine sanguinis effusione in libris XX puniatur. Et si quid aliquem per capillos
caeperit vel per aures aut per aliquem partem faciei in XV libris denariorum quotiens contrafecerit puniatur.
Si a collo seu canna inferius percusserit seu malo modo tetigerit seu caeperit sine armis cum sanguinis
effusione in XL solidis puniatur sine diminutione. Si vero sine armis aliquem sporcaverit malo modo in XX
solidis puniatur. Si cum armis solidis XL puniatur. Si vero cum pede vel cum manibus aliquem percusserit in
terra prostratam qualitercumque sine armis in quocumque parte corporis vel per terra tranginaverit cum
sanguinis effusione in libris XV denariorum puniatur: et si sine sanguinis effusione in libris octo denariorum
quotiens in aliquo praedictorum casum offenderit puniatur. Si vero cum armis poena dupli puniatur. Et si
talis cum pede percusserit a collo seu canna inferius cum sanguinis effusione et non in terram proiecerit in
XII libris denariorum puniatur. Et si terram proiecerit sine sanguinis effusione in XXV libris denariorum
puniatur. Si cum sanguinis effusione in XXX libris denariorum puniatur dummodo ad ulteriores actus non
processerit: et si processerit puniatur poena statuti de maleficio ulterius perpetrato et consummato si fuerit
maior poena aliis per quae pervenrit ad id poenitus praetermissam. Si vero momorderit puniatur in singulis
casibus delinquens poena statuti praesentis manu vacua ac si percusserit. Si cum membri mutilatione seu
fractione, seu debilitatione puniatur poena ac si assassinasset cum armis molutis. Idem dicimus observandum
in singulis maleficiis et excessibus quibuscumque nisi in casibus ubi constaret legittime et expresse fuisse
amissum divisim vel separatim per aliquod temporis intervallum et non continuatim sive iterata delicta
26

case there is no mention, either in the indictment or in the testimonies, of particular injuries -
bleeding, cuts, tumefactions, broken bones - caused to the woman.
In addition to accusations of insults and beating, the inquisite Celle is accused, as it is evident
from reading the reported indictment, of having denied to the women the right to harvest after the
harvesting: a custom made explicit by the Latin phrases «ut moris est», «qontra formam iuris
statutorum ac ordinamentum» e «qontra bonos mores bonamque consuetudinem dicti Civitatis
Anagniae» 6 . About this, I could see that in the rubrics of the Statute of Anagni - at least in the copy
that I consulted - there is only one chapter dedicated to the jus spicandi, Book IV, Chapter XXVI, in
which the prohibition to harvest is ratified «sine licentia domini» 7 , that is of the owner of the land or
cultivate, there is obviously a system of the privatization of the cultivation.
fuerint de quolibet puniatur delinquens pro singulis delictis. Et si quis aliquam vilem et abiectam personam
percusserit qualitercumque ex praedictis modis vel alias iniuratus fuerit eidem modo quocumque talis
percussor seu iniurator arbitrio conservatorum communi puniatur. Vilem autem et abiectam personam in hoc
casu intelligimus de iure communi vel ex forma statutorum quae infamis habetur etiam a dictos spavaltos et
his similes, nec non de qua communiter male dicitur per civitate Anagniae vel in contrata ubi habitat»;
«Liber III, C. XLII = De percussionibus sine armis molutis. Item statuimus quod quicumque percusserit
aliquem suppositum potestati cum citello, baulo, maxa lignea vel stella, lapite, pallocta plumbea vel
cuiuscumque generis metalli, vel quocumque genere armorum non molutorum a collo superius, ac in ipso
collo sine sanguinis effusione et membri mutilatione seu fractione aut debilitatione in XXX libris denariorum
puniatur. Si cum sanguinis effusione vel tumefatione ex qua oporteat ad sanguine prosilire hominis
ministerio in XL libris denariorum puniatur pro qualibet percussione. Et si tamen membrum fregerit non
tamen ex illa fractione efficiatur inutile, duplicetur in eo poena qualibet in suo casu. Si vero a collo infra in
medietatem poenarum praedictarum puniatur in casibus supradictis. Si vero mutilaverit vel inutile fecerit
puniatur poena statuti loquentis in casu ipso ac si cum armis molutis percusserit. Si vero cum aliquibus ex
praedictis armis percusserit in facia cum sanguinis effusione vel tumefatione ex qua oporteat ad sanguinem
prosilire hominis ministerio in LX libris denariorum quotiens deliquerit puniatur, ubi non esset remansura
cicatrix ex qua sequeretur deturpatio faciei perpetuo. Quo casu ubi esset remansura sit poena in centum libris
denariorum si sine sanguinis effusione puniatur in libris XXX pro qualibet percussione. Et si quis cum aliqua
quacumque re, quam tenent alienam de genere armorum percusserit aliquem in facia cum sanguinis effusione
in libris XV denariorum quotiens offenderit puniatur. Salvo ubi esset remansura cicatrix ex qua sequeretur
deturpatio faciei, quo casu puniatur ut supra, exceptione de vilibus et abiectis personis, de quibus puniatur ut
supra in praecedenti capitulo de percussione»; «Liber III, C. XLIII = De percussionibus cum armis molutis.
Item statuimus quod quicumque suppositus iurisdictione potestatis dictae civitatis percusserit gladio ense
manarese vel bastone ferreo seu maxaferrea vel cum quibuscumque armis molutis a spatulis superius
inclusive cum sanguinis effusione vel tumefatione ex qua oporteat ad sanguinem hominis ministerio in LX
libris denariorum puniatur vice qualibet. Si sine sanguinis effusione vel alicuius sanguinis apparitione in
libris XXX denariorum quotiens deliquerit puniatur. Si non exquanciaverit vel in quacumque parte faciei
percusserit cum sanguine effusione in centum libris denariorum puniatur. Si vero sine sanguinis effusione in
L libris denariorum punaitur vice qualibet a capillis inferioribus usque ad cannam inclusive. Et si quis
aliquem percusserit a spatulis inferius cum aliquibus ex praedictis armis cum sanguinis effusione vel
tumefactione ut supra in XL libris denariorum puniatur. Si sine sanguinis effusione vice qualibet in libris
XXV puniatur. Si vero cum mutilatione vel fractione membri vel debilitatione totali ita quod membrum sit
perditum vel mutilatum aut inutili totum factum aliquem percusserit, vel si manum aut pedem vel nasum
inciserit ut mutilaverit, vel oculum caecaverit in CCC libris denariorum talis delinquens puniatur, dummodo
membrum totaliter sit abscissum vel mutilatum aut inutile factum aut oculus caecatur. Si autem auricula
inciserit in centum libris denariorum puniatur: et pro quolibet digito mutilato in centum similiter libris
denariorum puniatur. Si vero dentem proiecerit pro quolibet dente in libris denariorum XX puniatur, et poena
sanguinis in quolibet casu praedictorum ubi de ipso sanguine expressa mentio non habeatur non diminuatur
contra percussorem. Si autem tricciam sei triccias bonae et honestae mulieris inciserit in centum libris
denariorum puniatur. Et si praedictae personae solvendae non essent incidatur eis manus dextera pro
qualibet. Et si inciserit triccias inhonestae mulieris in X libris denariorum puniatur. Nisi esset sua amantia aut
concubina quo casu puniatur in centum solidis. Et si praedictae personae solvendae non essent, et capi
possint ponantur per unum die in catena, et si capi non possint exbanditur de civitate perpetuo ad quam
reintrare non possint nisi poenam persolverint cum effectu».
27

The second case examined concerns the charges of blasphemy moved towards two men,
Giovanni Battista Canterano and Sebastiano Sabelli, also known by the nickname "Barile".
Regarding to these two cases, we have no information about the plaintiffs, because in the accusation
there is not the name of the person filing complaint. In the case of Canterano, accusing of having
cursed Christ and having pronounced phrases contrary to faith and Catholic doctrine in full
daylight, along the public road and in the presence of other men 8 . As regards Sebastiano Sabelli, we
know that he was accused of having blasphemed Almighty God, cursing him, while he was playing
with dice in a square adjacent to the public road, and of having insulted with impious words and
phrases the Catholic faith and the Church 9 .
These two men are so accused to have contravened the provisions of the Local Statute 10 , to the
precepts of the Church and to the morality. Blasphemy is, in fact, at the same time crime and sin: it
6 The latin phrases ut moris est and qontra bonos mores bonamque consuetudinem dicti Civitatis
Anagniae indicate that the ius spicandi was part of the customs of the community. The practice, understood
as usus or diuturnitas, is a not written source of law. It is a rule that is formed as a result of the constant
repetition of a given behavior within a given society, in the free belief to comply with legally binding rules.
The reiteration of a certain behavior by part of the community makes it morally, socially and legally valid
and obligatory.
7 Statutes Collection, stat. 0640, Statutum inclytae ac pervetustae Civitatis Anagniae, ex apographo quod
anno MDXVII Laurentius Pacoticus sacerdos dioeceseos Grossetanae exaraverat: «Liber IV, C. XXVI
= Quod non liceat spicarolis colligere spicas sine licentia domini. Item statuimus quod nullus spicarolus vel
spicarola absente domino vel laboratores colligat spicas de loco alieno per stipulas ubi sunt arcellae vel
montones grani, vel grendae sparsae ad poenam X solidorum et damnum emendat in duplum nisi esset de
voluntate domini loci, et credatur cuilibet bonae famae cum iuramento, et habeat dominus sive colonus
accusator mediam partem poenae, custos vero tertiam partem».
8 Libro delle condanne (1558-1562), f. 70r, against Giovanni Battista Canterano, July 15, 1559: «Hec est
quedam inquisitio que fit et fieri intenditur per Magnificum Dominum Potestatem Et suo mero offitio,
potestate Auctoritate, atque balia, contra, et adversus Johanem Baptistam, Canteranae, in eo de eo, et super
eo clamosa insinuatione referente, non quidem etc et eo quia malo animo etcDeum prae oculis non habendo,
eumque non, timendo, necque colendo, ausus fuit, ut malus cristicula, in via publica, de die, coram
hominibus, blasfemare Deum, dicens maledictus sit Christus, veniendo contra formam, Statutorum, contra
fidem catolicam contra, formam sacrarum constituitam bonorum morum , et bannimentorum Reverendissimi
Gubernatoris etc penas, et penis etc Quare etc Et hoc fuit, in qontrada Turris And. Domum Aronnis, de
Mense Statis Mensis Julij 1559».
9 Ibid, f. 72r, against Sebastiano Sabelli, July 18, 1559: «Hec est quedam inquisitio quae fit et fieri intenditur
per Magnificum Dominum Potestatem Civitatis Anagniae dominum Andrianum Alleva de santo genesio, ex
suo mero offitio potestatis, auctoritatis atque balia, contra, et adversus Sebastianum alias barilem Sabelli, in
eo de eo et super eo etc. Non quidem etc Sed etc. Publica voceetc Et fama etc referente etc Atque
clamosa etc Quod de presenti anno 1559 de Mense Julij die XIII in apotica, Domini Vicentij setini, in platia,
iuxta viam publicam, aleis ludendo rusus fuit malo animo etc Deum prae oculis non habendo, necque eis
pietatis misericordiam, Iustitiam non considerando, immo adverso, diabolico spiriti iudigatus Nomen Dei
Omnipotentis blasfemat, … dicendo sit Deus Maledictus, Et hoc tamque impiis, et Malus cristicula, et
transgressor fidei, catholicae, Dictis animo, et anno mense die ut supra veniens contra Ecclesiam, formam
Statutorum constitutionis bonorum consuetudinorum formam E…, bannimentorum Reverendissimi Domini
Gubernatoris incurrendo etc penas, et penis etc quare etc».
10 Statutes Collection, stat. 0640, Statutum inclytae ac pervetustae Civitatis Anagniae, ex apographo quod
anno MDXVII Laurentius Pacoticus sacerdos dioeceseos Grossetanae exaraverat: «Liber III, C. XIII = De
blaspehmantibus Deum et Sanctos. Item statuimus quod si quis vir maior XIV annis, vel mulier maior XII
maledixerit seu blasphemaverit Deo vel B. Virgini Mariae aut mala verba protulerit seu dixerit, teneatur ad
poenam X librarum denariorum si constiterit curiae, et credatur accusatori cum iuramento et uno teste
idoneo, et habeat accusator quartam partem banni. Et si accusatus non habuerit unde solvat ponatur in catena,
et stet ibi per totam diem, et postmodum fustigetur per civitatem exeptis accusationibus in casu praedicto pro
macellariis vel eorum altero factis quibus stari seu credi volumus nisi probetur per duos testes qui non sint de
macellariis. Si vero aliquis alium sanctum vel sanctam blasphemaverit, seu de eo male dixerit solvat pro
poena libras denariorum senatus V secus si maledixerit S. Magnum vel Beatam Secundinam duplicetur
28

is an offence to the Christian values, and it is also an insult to the community, closely tied to those
values. For this reason the one who is guilty of this deplorable act should be – and in many cases it
is - relegated to the margins of civil society, marked by the black mark and treated as waste: «È
altro al fine che un poco di putredine colorata? No, non è altri; egli è un uomo vile, un vermicciuolo
levato su dalla terra, sordido, stomacoso, un uomo che cola lezzo per ogni lato» 11 .
It is necessary to remark that, in this case, the prosecutor must testify under oath and must
produce a «suitable witness», that is a respectable and trustworthy person, with a good reputation.
Also in this case, the punishment for this crime is a monetary penalty: ten pounds of money for
those who curse, blaspheme or insult God and the Virgin Mary; if the saints are cursed or reviled, it
is a five pounds penalty, which doubles if St. Magnus or S. Secondina are offended (because they
are the town's patrons). Only if the accused doesn't have financial means to extinguish the penalty,
he is condemned to the chain, to which he is forced to stay all day. In addition, he may be flogged
(and reviled) ad libitum by the citizens.
The third case examined concerns the theft accusation against Agostino Ramati, guilty of being
secretly entered at the night in the town's area called , “la Torricella” with accomplices and of
having steal two horses, «unum pilaminis morelli, altriumque rubei ultra quasi», with all the
harness, belonging to the adjutants - auditor 12 e bargello 13 - of Marco Antonio Colonna 14 .
The indicted is also accused of having stolen other animals of great value: twelve oxen,
belonging to Pietro Mei and to "Piditto" of the curia; other four oxen, two of “Bello in campo” and
poenam et credatur ut supra. Si vero blasphemaverit Deum et B. Virginem Mariam similiter et semel
puniatur poena dupli sine diminutione, et credatur ut supra. Et si plures Sanctos blasphemaverit augeatur
poena et multiplicetur secundum multiplicationem seu iteratione blasphemantium et credatur ut supra».
11 P. SEGNERI, Il cristiano istruito nella sua legge, in Maledire Dio. Studio sulla bestemmia, I. TURINA, tesi di
laurea a.a. 1999/2000, Università degli Studi di Bologna, Lettere e Filosofia, Scienze della comunicazione,
p.63.
12 The title of the auditor was attributed to judges and public and ecclesiastical officials having judicial
duties or in connection with the administration of justice.
13 Bargello was the chief of the policemen or citizen militias, then an official in charge of the police
services.
14 Libro delle condanne (1558-1562), f. 74rv, against Agostino Ramati, July 21, 1559: «Hec est quedam
inquisitio que fit et fieri Intenditur, per Magnificum Dominum Potestatem ex suo mero offitio, potestati,
auctoritati, atque balia contra et adversus Agustinum Ramatij, in eo, de eo, et super eo, , per fama publica,
precedente etc non quidem, a malevolis et suspectis noctis, sed a personis, veridicis et fidei dignis, non semel
…, sed plureis, et plureis, ad aures, prefati, Magnifici Domini Potestati venit, qualiter prefatus inquisitus, non
habens Deum prae oculis, sed potiq inimicus humane naturae, et diabolico spirito ductis … malo,
commitendi et perpretandi prefatum, malefitium, delictum, et fortem movens se de loco ad locum, una, cum
quibusdam sotiis ad talia perpetranda, et commitenda, … quorum sub silentio, pertranseunt pro meliori, et
accessi, ad Territorium istique civitatis in qontrada, ubi dicitur, la Torricella, ibidem … substulit, et furto sub
traxit, duos equos, unum pilaminis morelli, altriumque rubei ultra quasi, et similiter unum mulum, que
Animalia, spectabant et pertinebant, cum suis guarnimentis, ibidem assistentibus ad d. Auditorem et
barricellum Illustrissimi et Eccellentissimi Domini MarciAntonii de Colonna, Iuri dominij ultra quasi, ut quo
voluit asportavit ac in eiis usum convertit, in grave damnum et preiudicium, prefatorum, Domini, Auditores
et barricelli, et non contentus predictis sed malum malis adende, …, …, dictum Territorium Anagninae.
Invenit quosdam bufalos, nummero, duodecim in circa … et pertinentis ad petrum Mei, et pidittum de
Anagnina curia, dominici ultra quasi et similiter boves quatuor, spectantis duos, ad bellum in campo iuri, …
ultra quasi duos alios, ad Dominicum ferratii iuri, dominij ultra quasi, nec non unum iuvencum pilaminis,
rubei, spectante et pertinente iuri domini ultra quasi ad Johannem Carticonem ultra eiis malum, que animalia
omnia erat valoris, et communis extimationem pro ut liquidabitur in processu, et quo, voluit, unum cum
dictis, sotiis conduxit, et asportavit, ac in eorum usus convertit, in grave d. et precis prefatorum … bestiarum
contra formam iuris et Statutorum sacrorum constitutorum etc bonos et laudabiles mores vicendi, ut predicta,
facta, fuer per supra inquisito de Anno, 1556, de mense, Martij, in edomada santa, ultra alio veriori
Tempori, etc penas et penis etc super quibusque etc».
29

two of Domenico Ferrati (or Ferrari); a young bull, «pilaminis rubei», belonging to Giovanni
Carticone.
For the theft of animals the Statute does not establish predetermined monetary penalties but it
provides the requisition of the stolen beasts and their restitution to the rightful owner. If the person
who is suspected to be in possession of stolen animal is not able to demonstrate securely the
property, beyond a reasonable doubt, he is obligated to give back the animals and he is imprisoned.
If the suspect is able to produce a valid motivation for which he is in possession of the beasts then,
reasonably, he should not be subjected to further investigation. The suspected has eight days to find
a buyer for the animals, after which the holder of these will be condemned to give back them to the
debtor. The Statute provides that the same prosecutor has the power to determine the right
guarantees in the event that the circumstances transferred the animal's properties from him to others
by means of a sales contract 15 .
The fact that for the theft of animals is not provided a monetary penalties, but the restitution of
the first and the detention, is a proof of the importance of animals in the life of the community. Do
not forget that animals, in a society mainly dedicated to agriculture and pastoralism, are
fundamental because they ensure the survival of the population from an economic point of view and
for the production of food goods: before the mechanization of agriculture, the animals were in fact
used as a driving force for agricultural tools and as means of transportation, as well as for the
production of consumer goods for sale inside and outside the local community.
15 Statutes Collection, stat. 0640, Statutum inclytae ac pervetustae Civitatis Anagniae, ex apographo quod
anno MDXVII Laurentius Pacoticus sacerdos dioeceseos Grossetanae exaraverat: «Liber III, C. LXV = De
animalibus furto subtractis. Item statuimus quod si quis boves furto subtractus vel alia quaecumque animalia
ab aliquo potierit potestas seu rector et judex illa incontinenti in iudicio faciat exhiberi, et primo scriptis
signis et numero bestuarum apud aliquem faciat sequestrari. Si persona possidens fuerit suspecta dicto
quaerenti et ipsis signis in iudicio examinatis cum bestiis si concordantia inveniatur tunc prohibeant
detemptori seu convento ad certam poenam vel ad alienationem seu contractionem procedat sine potestatis
licentia seu rectoris vel judicis vel mandamento. In qua quaestione sic procedi volumus. Quod si potestas seu
rector et judex fidem habierit per confessionem conventi vel idonea probatione quod talis petitor ipsa
animalia bona fide possiderit vel pro suis tenuerit per aliquod tempus, et de dominio non probato, ad
restitutione ipsorum animalium detemptorem detenti condemnetur. Salvo tamen si praefatus conventus
legittime probaverit aliquam juxtam causam propter quam idem petens a dominio petitorum animalium vel
alias a sui intentione rationabiiter sit exclusus, vel fuerit infra terminum octo dierum sibi per emptorem
praefigendum et talis detentor eidem debitori dicta animalia secundum formam praedictam restituere fuerit
condemnatus. Idem petitor idoneas fideiussiones cautiones quos si quo tempore constiterit ipsum dicta
animalia alienasse per quemcumque contractum alienationis vel jus ei non competere quod ipsa vel ipsorum
extimationem restituat condemnato. Et praesens statutum sibi locum vindicet etiam in non suppositis
jurisdictione potestatis».
30

Rossana Fiorini
Boville Ernica: a fragment of the Statute
This study aimed to find written documents and testimonies about the historical statute of the
city of Bauco, today Boville Ernica 1 .
In the research until now conducted the study of the Bauco's Community refers to what is called
«plurisecolare attività autonormativa degli ordinamenti locali campanini» 2 . The documents that we
have and know are dated to the late XVIII century and describe a city that for ages had "selfgoverning",
in medieval and early modern age, as sibi princeps (with the imposing and in same
ways title of Republic 3 ) and that now implores the sovereign to authorize the “risoluzione del
pubblico Conseglio di Bauco”, and therefore requests a new printing of statutes. We are facing a
late feudal situation: the presentation to the pope of the «statutarie leggi» approved by the General
Counsil of the Lando of Bauco «per toglier di mezzo tanti latrocinii, che si commettono in Bauco
nell'olivi, e nelle piante […] come anche per ovviare ai danni, che si fanno dai bestiami negli oliveti
[…] acciò […] raffrenare la licenza dei ladri, e dannificanti» 4 – in order to obtain the extension of
the Apostolic Brief - a long legislative process started . It is known from the documents, from the
petition to the Pope dating back to the spring of 1781, to call the Lieutenant of Frosinone to decide
about the text and to propose amendments to two chapters 5 , from which, according to the
“comunisti” of Bauco, depends the right organization of the statutory laws. The Cardinal
Camerlengo Carlo Rezzonico was entrusted directly to the matter. The statutes in their final shape
are approved by Pope Pius VI in 1783; in preparatory dossiers found, there are many previous drafts
and it shall be read, in addition to the amendments and changes made, also the reasons for the
rejection of some proposals of some articles 6 .
1
The institutional experience of Bauco is an atypical case in the local context of the Province of Campagna:
the community gave to itself a self-government defined Republican (although it should be, in some cases,
subject to local lords - including the Colonna - until it was directly subject to the Camera Apostolica)
differently from most of the neighbouring towns. The Republican "baucano" "regimento" would have its
origin from a statute given in 1204 by Pope Innocent III. It can be dated back to the facts through the
consultation of the “Cronache di Fossanova”: these report that the Condomini Partecipes of Bauco are able
to repulse the assaults of Germanic troops settled at the nearby strongholds of Sora and Arce, outposts of the
Kingdom of Sicily, which tried always to subtract territories to the Papal States. Escaped the danger, the
Pope granted to them administrative and judicial autonomy: this system gave the power management to the
twelve "aristocratic" families every nine months (for nine months); so any “domino”, before he gets back to
office, had to wait well ninety-nine months. The "oligarchic-republican" period lasted until 1582 and some
prerogatives regarding the choice of magistrates were gradually stolen from the public organs, from the next
century. Cf. S. NOTARI, Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli statuti comunali della
provincia storica di Campagna, in Rivista Storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 22, Le comunità rurali e i
loro statuti (secolo XII-XV), Atti dell’VIII Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli studi e le edizione delle
fonti normative, Viterbo 30 maggio – 1 giugno 2002, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F. VIOLA, pp. 51, 57-58, 84.
2
Ibid, p. 58.
3
Ibidem. See also L. SCOTONI, I territori autonomi dello Stato ecclesiastico nel Cinquecento. Cartografia e
aspetti amministrativi, economici e sociali, Galatina 1982, p. 54.
4
State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG), b. 447.
Missive from the governor of Bauco to Buon Governo on November 24, 1781.
5
Ibid, Library, Collezione statuti, 824.7, Lo statuto di Bauco sopra li danni che si fanno nelli terreni del
luogo sudetto (in seguito solo Lo Statuto di Bauco), cc.6, capp. I-XVI; in miscellaneous volume was added
the printed text of the pontifical chirograph (in Rome in the Stamperia della Reverenda Camera Apostolica,
1785) from which it was taken the hanwritten text of the collection as an example.
6
Ibid, Camerale III, Series Comuni (then only Camerale III), b. 349. The first documents in the file are
letters to pope Pius VI. The dates put by the “Stanze del Vaticano” to Cardinal Camerlengo back to May 18
and 26, 1782.
31

The instance is approved by the pope who sends it to the prefect of the Congregation “de 'Sgravj,
e Buon Governo”, the chirograph Cardinal Casali, in order to, “riveduto, esaminati, ed in parte
riformati detti statuti” 7 , the laws have «una inviolabile osservanza per indennità di quel territorio» 8 .
Here, it will be considered the evidences about some disputes that have as argument the danno
dato 9 , and the documents produced during the complicated process which finally leads to the
approval of the new statutory laws. Proceeding with order, it is therefore appropriate to list the
articles found until now that testify the remake of the chapters themselves. For that purpose it was
consulted numerous official documents, including a number of letters, which are transmitted to the
attention of the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, according to the mode of administering
judging 10 , which often refer to or cite the statute directly. It should be highlighted that the real
statutory source of Bauco is at still unknown 11 , because from the research have emerged in fact only
fragments of the Statute “sopra li danni delli terreni” and “riforma di un capitolo”, respectively of
1781 and 1816 - already included in rubricarium of municipal statutes of province of Campagna by
Sandro Notari, who highlights how the wide historical and legal literature about the potestas
condendi statuta dei comuni nelle terrae ecclesiae has only marginally discussed the specific case
of the cities of Campagna 12 . In our case, on the other hand, having available a normative act
7
BG, b. 447. Document entitled «Memoria Per l’Udienza di Nostro Signore». The decision is on the back:
«Transmitatur Copia Chirographi» and it is dated on March 29, 1783.
8
The penalty and the text are registred in the Bullarium romani continuatio, VII, Roma 1843: CDXXVI,
Confirmatio statuti in loco noncupato “Bauco” super damnis datis in bonis eiusdem loci, pp. 93b-96a. It is
significant the reference of the Pope to the “general laws” about this subject, the bull of Benedict XIV, on
January 25, 1751, and an encyclical of pope Clement XIV, «alla quale [Enciclica Clementina] ed alla detta
Benedettina si dovrà aver sempre relazione ne’ casi, e circostanze non contemplati nei presenti Statuti». Cf.
S. NOTARI, Per una geografia, cit., p. 58.
9
G. GIAMMARIA, Il ‘danno dato’ negli statuti di Campagna e Marittima. Una nota illustrativa, in Rivista
Storica del Lazio, cit., pp. 121-140. «È cosa nota che con l’appellativo danno dato si intenda quasi
univocamente danno campestre, sia ai fondi che alle coltivazioni, causato tanto da persone, quanto da
animali, sia di proposito sia involontariamente. Definibile anche maleficia laeviora, fondamentale nelle
società agrarie, in cui la coltivazione e l’allevamento rappresentano le principali risorse. Esso si ricollega al
furto perpetrato alle proprietà rustiche e ben distingue l’azione di asportazione da quella di danneggiamento,
considerando la prima una discriminante importante. Il danno dato comprende qualsiasi uso improprio e
inappropriato di beni altrui e tutto ciò che può condurre ad un’alterazione illecita, non accettata della
proprietà. Il danno risulta essere sempre risarcibile, e tale azione – pagando un’ammenda o penalità –
estingue il procedimento giudiziario, a condizione però che non sussista maligna intenzionalità ed il danno in
questione venga ritenuto e valutato esiguo, o ancora venga cagionato per forza maggiore o da un minore. Nel
caso in cui il danno venga apportato di proposito, le norme statutarie andranno a controllare in maniera
minuziosa la volontà: se solo volontario o con odio, se con violenza a uomini e cose, se per incuria o solo per
colpa. Non sembra che prima del Quattrocento, il danno dato sia stato disciplinato e pertanto è presente
solamente negli statuti cittadini e rurali». From a doctrinal point of view there is not an analyzed reflection.
Only in the modern age we meet the considerations of P. FARINACCI e G. DE LUCA; there are also more
directly procedural, also if the literature seems to be quite poor.
10
S. NOTARI, Per una geografia, cit., p. 42.
11
Camerale III, b. 349. Here it need to quote the declaration of the municipal secretary Rocco De Paulis,
dated on July 16, 1781, contained in the file of the preparatory documents for the new statutory laws, in
which he attests that in Bauco there was no statutory normative. We can reads «Depongo io infrascritto
pubblico segretario di questa Comunità per la pura verità richiesta non esser in questa nostra patria verun
Statuto di sorte alcuna. In fede di che ne ho munita la presente col solito segno comunitativo». If, therefore,
previous statutes existed, it is likely that the memory of these was lost.
12
S. NOTARI, Per una geografia, cit., p. 30. The scholar receives the remark of Sandro Carocci who,
regarding this tradition of studies, emphasizes «il limite di trascurare», about the powers of Holy See to
intervene on the rules, «l’articolato divario che, in questo campo intercorreva tra le enunciazioni di papi e
legati e la concreta prassi legislativa e istituzionale». Cfr S. CAROCCI, Regimi signorili, Statuti cittadini e
governo papale nello Stato della Chiesa (XIV e XV secolo), in Signori, regimi signorili e statuti nel tardo
32

concerning only the danno dato, it is not possible today to fully retrace the institutional forms which
were in charge of Bauco's community; although it can be stated that there are fragments
enlightening the rules in effect.
The documents related to “li danni sopra li terreni” are imperative texts, with a large and
complex structure: in these we can read the causes that led to the request of the rearrangement of the
statutory sources. The documents are accurate and promptly, and expressly discuss the normative of
the danno dato. The operation of 1781 is not however only an update, but derives from an appeal of
the Public Council and of the people itself to put «un dovuto equitativo freno ai continui danni che
si cagionano alle piante d’olive e ai loro frutti in diverse maniere, non solo dagli uomini ma anche
da ogni sorta di bestiame, come anche ad altre sorti di piante e prodotti» 13 .
Before listing the chapters of the new statute about the danno dato, we try to understand how this
was previously organized. It is not easy to determine exactly how the legislation was about damages
to the properties, but in the documents found at the Rome State Archives there are hints which
allow us to define them. Since 1717 we know that it was not “più un dovere affittare il danno dato”,
but that its resources could be obtained from a “riparto” over the cattle 14 . Few observations are
needed: first of all the documents help us to understand very well as there was the obligation of
renting the danno dato and that, only after, this form of exaction was directed towards the tax
collection derived from cattle; the motivation, as can be seen, was given by the fact that with the
second way any damage is avoided. Evidently did not have to manifest itself then the situation of
many damages to fields and crops which fifty years later will require a new specific printing of the
statutes.
There could still be reason of disagreement between the interests of different social classes who
took care of the countryside and those of the Community. The danno dato was considered as a tax
revenue in the Community paid by damaging of private and public funds, but in the course of time,
this kind of tax must have been considered negatively because, as it results since 1716, some cattle
breeders had obtained from the Buon Governo not to consider the danno dato for the following
three years, which could be divided instead «per capo di animali» 15 , and therefore to replace the set
of fines with a “riparto”. After the lapse of three years, the Sacra Congregazione ordered that the
distribution of the sale of the danno dato occurs differently, but the ordinance was neglected.
Strictly linked to the story is the preconception which flows from the citizens of that time: «gli
amministratori delle cose pubbliche» were «gli stessi padroni di animali» which, according to the
Community, «si procurarono detta licenza per potere a loro beneplacito danneggiare liberamente» 16 .
Evident reference to the necessary license is found again in documents of 1717 17 , with the reason
«di togliere […] i tanti danni che si commettono e l’estorsioni degli affittuari» 18 , representing how
the general context had been subject to changes over time. In testimonies of the following year, we
medioevo, Atti del VII Convegno del Comitato Italiano per gli studi e le edizioni delle fonti normative, a
cura di R. DONDARINI, G. M. VARANINI, M. VENTICELLI, Ferrara 5-7ottobre 2000, Bologna 2003, pp. 252-269.
13
BG, b. 447. The document is a copy of the minutes of the Public Council of November 11, 1781.
14
Ibid., b. 445. «Mi riferisce il Vice Podestà di Bauco, che fin sotto li 5 di marzo prossimo passato, da quel
pubblico consiglio fusse risoluto di non doversi più affittare il danno dato ma che debba ripartirsi sopra li
bestiami per l’entrante quota solita ritrarsi dal medesimo affitto, con contenergli secondo l’uso a
consuetudine della città di Veroli in quanto alli danni manuali et affidati con il motivo che dalli affitti
dell’accennato provento si faccino illeciti accordi con chi ha bestiami dal che ne nascano danni
considerabili». From a missive signed by the governor Giovan Battista Leonini addressed to Buon Governo,
dated on May 16, 1717.
15
Ibi, b. 445. The sheet, included into a supplication dated January 21, 1722, written by the governor
Ludovico Anguissola, probably dates to November 20, 1721.
16
Ibidem.
17
Ibid. From memorial attached to the letter sent from Giovan Battista Leonini on May 16, 1716 already
mentioned.
18
Ibidem.
33

can understand that when «nell’anno […] passato […] fu ripartito a capo dei bestiami l’affitto del
danno dato, furono commessi danni eccessivi nei sementati a vigne, a cagione che non camminava
per il territorio l’affittuario del danno dato, et in cambio di riuscire di utile al pubblico, fu trovato
dannoso» 19 .
These words make us understand that the expedient to eliminate the rent of danno dato was
significantly damaging for the crops, because obviously lacked the tenant who was seen as a
grazing controller and a deterrent for damages.
But it was not always easy to have a tenant, because, in 1718 the Community of Bauco does not
find one who had wanted to deal with the rent of the danno dato; meanwhile, the Sacra
Congregazione had allow to divide the revenue for two years «sopra li bestiami del territorio» 20 and
this “riparto” was led not only for the established time, but until the end of 1721 21 , without the
renewal of the concession by the Buon Governo 22 . In a letter of March 1722 the Community of
Bauco complains that «il podestà [...] sia fatto lecito senza ordine» to sell the rent «del danno dato
spettante alla Comunità» 23 . The dispute arises now about the sum for the Community: in previous
years the rent of the dannno dato yielded about 60 scudi, and thanks to the distribution instead the
sum had grown to about 95 scudi, until to 200. Not only, it also asked that the governor of
Frosinone orders to the podestà to convene the Public Council before proceeding to a resolution of
the rent 24 . So the governor proposes to the councillors the request to publish the «soliti editti e
incarti per la vendita del provento». It is clear that the Community had the interest in keeping the
riparto on the cattle: the procedure provided that it should come to a decision during the council
meeting where, submitted the proposal by the government, it came to the vote that resulted to be in
fact «favorevolmente vinta con voti 51 favorevoli e 2 soli contrari» 25 .
This is the last information of the period. It can be supposed that the “ripartimento” on the cattle
may have been due to the increase of reported damage and of the need to revise the laws, only many
years later, in 1781. In that year the Community of Bauco, met the council of the city on November
11, 1781, decides to reform some chapters of the Statute to avoid the damage to the olive groves 26 .
«Die 11 novembre 1781. Coram Illustrissimi Domini Francesco Bisentio praetore, Ioanne
Gualberto Becarini Sindaco, Domini Cayetano Diamante; et Eugenio Palmegiani officialibus,
absentibus, quanquam intimatis Domini deputatis, ecclesiastico, saeculari, et regulari fuit
convocatum pubblicum consilium, cum interventu Domini consiliariorum de numero etc.
Propositio: Avendo questa nostra comunità fatto umiliar supplica alla Santità di Nostro
Signore Papa Pio VI felicemente regnante fin dallo scorso febbraio, in cui si chiedeva la
conferma per mezzo di un breve da alcuni capitoli concernenti un dovuto equitativo freno ai
continui danni che si cagionano alle piante d’olive, e i loro frutti in diverse maniere non solo
dagli uomini, ma anche da ogni sorta di bestiame come anche ad altre sorti di piante, e
prodotti per cui degnasi la santità sua rimetter iscrizione dell’Istanza all’Eminentissimo
Signor Cardinal Conti Segretario de Brevi, che ne volle sentire l’informazione, e voto del
Signor Luogotenente di Frosinone, come pervenuta informazione al detto Eminentissimo
Signore, e riferita alla santità sua, che si degnasse rimetterla all’eminentissimo signor cardinal
Camerlengo, da cui maturatamente esaminati i Capitoli a seconda del’equità, e ragione, e
19
Ibid. Missive of the governor Leonini to Buon Governo on February 6, 1718.
20
Ibid. Missive of the governor Leonini to Buon Governo on June 18, 1718.
21
Ibid. The document is signed at the bottom by Ludovico Anguissola, governor of Frosinone; dated January
21, 1722.
22
Ibid.
23
Ibid. The citizen implore the Buon Governo. The document is probably dated on February, or at the
latest, in early March, 1722.
24
Ibidem. The letter reported that the podestà had, without an explicit order, leased the danno dato for the
sum of 60 scudi.
25
Ibid.
26
Ibid, b. 447. Minutes of the council of the day November 11, 1781.
34

iformati nella maniera che ora le signorie vostre sentiranno, quindi è che essendo stata
presentata nuova supplica a nostro signore per la spedizione dell’accennato Breve e degnatasi
di riscrivere che si proponessero tali Capitoli in detto Consiglio seguente, cioè: capitoli
formati dalla comunità di Bauco, per evitar li danni e furti degl’olivi, come anche di
qualsivoglia altri arbori fruttiferi e de seminati nel suo territorio.
1 – Che trovandosi, chiunque a portar via dagli oliveti, rami o legna di ogni sorte di olive, tagliar
alberi, sveller radiche e fare ogni altro atto pregiudizievole alle piante di olivo in qualsivoglia
tempo, incorra 27 nella pena di scudi 4, da dividersi 28 fra il giudice locale, ed accusatore, oltre la
rifazione di tutti e singoli danni ed in altre pene corporali ancora, secondo la qualità, e condizione
delle persone e circostanze di casi 29 .
2 – Che chiunque si farà lecito di rubar piantoni di olivi, o ramo di questi per piantagione, debba
soggiacere alla pena di scudo 1 per piantone, o ramo derubato 30 oltre la rifazione del danno, e pena
afflittiva come sopra.
3 – Che qualora si trovassero dannificati gli olivi senza la presenza della persona dannificante ed
indi si venisse in cognizione di chi avesse causato tal danno, sarà lecito di procedere contro questi,
previa le solite legali giustificazioni, per inquisizione ad oggetto soltanto 31 della rifazione del danno
a pro del dannificato
4 – Che non sia lecito a chiunque di introdurre bestiami di sorta alcuna, sotto qual si voglia
quesito colore, negli oliveti ristretti con macerie, fossi o limiti in qual si voglia tempo, sotto pena 32 ,
se saranno pecore di baiocchi 10 per qual si voglia capo; se somaro, o mulo baiocchi 50 per capo; se
bovi, purché non stiano attualmente sotto il giogo scudo 1 per bove; se capra baiocchi 50 per capo
atteso il maggior danno, che sogliono cagionare con il loro morso; oltre di che sia tenuto ogni
pastore dei riferiti bestiami alla rifazione del danno intendendosi oliveti ristretti, ancora quelli, li
quelli fossero con termini con 1 o più compossidenti, e non vi fosse nei termini, o confini, divisione
di macerie, siepi, limiti o fossi, bastando che stiano ristretti nella circonferenza
5 – Parimenti si proibisca poter introdurre qualunque sorte dei bestiami nelle piantagioni di olive
per anni 10, che si son fatti e si faranno, sebbene non siano ristretti come sopra, altrimenti si
incorra 33 nella pena contenuta nel capitolo 2, da ripartirsi come sopra con la rifazione anche del
danno, dovendosi questi riguardare come ristretti per dar tempo alle piante che crescano 34 .
27
Cf. Ibid, b. 447. From the fond it has been found a “sheet of corrections” useful to reconstruct the various
draft of the statutory text. In the sheet of corrections it's indicated to add after “incorra” the words “per
conferma voler”.
28
Ibidem. After “da dividersi” it will be added “pro equali fra il Giudice locale, la Comunità e l’Accusatore”.
The preparatory texts of the Camerale maintains the same correction. Cf. Camerale III, b. 349.
29
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: it will be added “a tenore dell’enciclica della sua sacra memoria di
Clemente XIV de …”. The correction is in Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
30
BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: after the word “derubato” it will be added “per ciascuna volta da dividersi
come sopra”. The correcction is in Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
31
BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: “Si levi la parola soltanto e, prima della parola sarà, si dica …”. In the last
preparatory text the correction is maintened. Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. The correction is in Lo Statuto di
Bauco, cit.
32
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: after the word “sottopena” it will be added “da incorrersi in ciascuna
volta e a dividersi come sopra”. The correction is in Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
33
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: after the word “si incorra” it will be added “ciascuna volta”. The
correction is in Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
34
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. The sentence “dovendosi questi riguardare come ristretti per dar tempo alle piante
che crescano” shall be removed in the preparatory dossiers.
35

6 – Negli oliveti non ristretti di macerie, siepi fossi o limiti si possa introdurre qualunque sorte di
animali, con che però trovandosi danno nei germogli, o piantoni dei detti oliveti, siano li
dannificanti tenuti alla rifazione dei danni 35 .
7 – Che si intenda in detti oliveti, o ristretti o non ristretti in tempo del frutto pendente proibita
l’introduzione di tutte le su dette sorti dei bestiami dal 1 di novembre fino a tutto febbraio 36 , in caso
di contravvenzione sia i delinquenti soggetti 37 alle pene espresse nel capitolo 4; qualora poi i frutti
pendenti cominciassero a cadere per infezione, o intemperie d’aria, allora si intenda la proibizione
anticipata al 15 di ottobre, previa la notificazione da pubblicarsi dal governatore locale, e le dette
pene da dividersi come sopra con la rifazione dei danni 38 .
8 – Riguardo ai gallinacci come pregiudiziale ai frutti, non solo pendenti, ma anche decaduti
dalle piante, si intenda proibita l’introduzione in qualsivoglia sorte dal 1 di settembre sino alla totale
raccolta sotto la pena 39 di baiocchi 5 per capo, rifazione del danno e la pena su detta da dividersi
come sopra.
9 – E siccome si sono troppe inoltrate le maligne industrie dei ladri da pochi anni a questa parte,
li quali sotto specie di spigolare 40 vanno di giorno e notte a man salva derubando olive con notabili
danno anche delle piante stesse col romper rami; quindi è che per ovviare ad un danno cotanto
notabile si proibisca a chiunque di spigolar olivi in qualsivoglia oliveto se prima il padrone dello
stesso non avrà terminata interamente la raccolta delle olive sotto la pena 41 di scudi 4, ed altre
afflittive da arbitrarsi da su detto governatore locale secondo la qualità dei casi e persone 42 .
10 – Ed acciò che la povera gente possa aver comodo di raccoglier la spiga negli oliveti si
proibisca perciò esser pressamente ad ogni padrone di qualsivoglia sorte di bestiame, ed anche ai
padroni degli oliveti medesimi di introdurre bestiame di qualsivoglia specie a pascolarlo negli
oliveti, già colto il frutto se non scorsi giorni 8 dalla detta general raccolta sotto la pena a
trasgressori di scudi 3 per qual si voglia volta da ripartirsi tra il giudice, comunità ed accusatore ed
anche per inquistionem 43 .
35
At the end of the article in the Statute it was added: “ed all’incorso nelle pene come nel Capitolo V”, cfr.
Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
36
Cf. Camerale III, b. 249. In the preparatory dossiers the month indicated is “gennaio” but in the final
drafting of the Statute is reported “febbraio”, cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
37
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: after the word “soggetto” it will be added “ciascuna volta”; correction
maintened also in final drafting, cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
38
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. In the preparatory dossiers the sentence “e le dette pene da dividersi come sopra
con la rifazione dei danni” is not reported.
39
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: after the word “sotto la pena” it will be added “per ciascuna volta”;
correction maintained also in final drafting, cf. in Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
40
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: after the word “spigolatura” it will be added “e di profittare della olive
abbandonate dal Padrone o suoi Uomini nell’atto della raccolta” (correction maintened also in the final
drafting, cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.). In the sheet of Camerale it reads: “[…] li quali col pretesto di
spicolare vanno di giorno […]”. Cf. Camerale III b. 349.
41
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: after the word “pena” it will be added “per ciascuna volta”; correction
maintened in the final drafting, cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
42
Cf. BG, b. 447. The sheet of corrections points to affix to the end of sentence the words “a tenore di detta
enciclica”; correction maintained also in finale drafting (cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.), which ends with the
same above words. The preparatory fascicule of the Camerale reported after the same sanction of four scudi
“per ogni volta da distribuirsi al Padrone, e di altre anche corporali secondo la circostanza de casi”. Cf.
Camerale III, b. 349.
43
Ibidem. In the fasciculation of preparation the “spiga negli oliveti” is identified with the words “olivi
derelitti”; they should not spend 8 days but 15; the penalty isnot of 3 scudi bu of 10; it did not indicate the
judge but the governor. Definitive text of the Statute is identical to the reported in the text, cf. Lo Statuto di
Bauco, cit.
36

11 – Chiunque devasterà macerie, siepi e fossi che formano ristretti gli oliveti, incorrerà nella
pena di scudi 1 da dividersi tra il giudice ed accusatore 44 oltre la rifazione della stessa materia e
siepi e olive e fossi.
12 45 – Se poi si trovassero persone le quali di proposito, sia di notte che di giorno, andassero a
man salva derubando, incorrono nella pena del furto, come anche afflittiva secondo l’enciclica della
S. M. di Clemente XIV, oltre la rifazione di danni.
13 46 – Che volendosi dai padroni degli oliveti, compratori, raccoglitori di olivi, volgarmente detti
spigolatori ed affittuari, macinar i loro olivi nei mulini forestieri di Bauco, sia loro permesso di
farlo, con ch però debbano dare la preventiva assegna al segretario locale della quantità che per il
fine su detto verranno estratte sotto la pena della perdita dei etti olivi, o olio, che cadranno in
commissum ed altre pene afflittive secondo la già riferita enciclica della S. M. di Clemente XIV.
14 – Che ogni padrone dei molini da olio sia tenuto nel fine d’ogni settimana, da che comincerà
la macina, sino al fine, dare nota giurata per mano di pubblico segretario, che dovrà far gratis 47 , di
tutti quelli, che realmente ed effettivamente avranno macinato e della quantità all’olivi, ed olio
ritratte da qualunque persona sotto pena in caso di contravvenzione, a chi la darà detta nota di scudi
due, a chi la darà simulata, sotto pena di scudi sei per ogni volta ad ambedue le suddette mancanze
da ripartirsi tra il giudice, comunità ed accusatore 48 . E tutto ciò affine di venire in cognizione non
solo de veri padroni macinati, ma anche per aver la notizia certa di tutta la quantità dell’olio, che si
ritraerà in tutto il territorio, per darne le consuete essere all’Annona Oleana di Roma,
incombensandosi il medesimo segretario passar copia dell’esegre ricevute in mano dal giudice
locale settimana per settimana, acciò possa inquirere contro i trasgressori.
15 – Essendosi da molti anni incominciata l’indusria della seta in questa nostra patria e per tal
effetto fatte delle molte piantaggioni de mori celsi da cittadini, che però scorgendosi continui
derubamenti nella foglia medesima con grave loro danno e pregiudizio e nell’arbori stessi col
romper rami; perciò si è stabilita, oltre l’emenda del danno al padrone dannificato, la pena di scudi
cinque contro chiunque ruberà la foglia suddetta, o pregiudicherà agl’arbori, da ripartirsi tra il
giudice, comunità ed accusatore 49 , e non essendo il dannificante idoneo al pagamento si debba
procedere alla pena afflittivo a tenore della suddetta Enciclica.
16 50 – Contro poi tutti quelli, li quali studiosamente danneggiaranno le piante di qualunque
specie sia nascenti che crescenti, s’intenda comminata, ed imposta la pena di scudi quattro da
ripartirsi come sopra, ed anche afflittiva secondo la suddetta Enciclica; ma se il danno non sarà
44
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349: in the preparatory drafting are not indicated the judge and the prosecutor but it
reads “da dividersi come sopra”. “la Comunità” is added to the definitive text, cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
45
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. In the preparatory drafting contained in the fascicule of Statute, the chapter 12 is
entirely crossed out, and so the numbering moves over a unit but the article will be reported in Lo Statuto di
Bauco, cit.
46
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. There are differences between the different redactions: in addition to incurring
penalty of olive or oil loss, there was also a fine of 10 scudi to pay. In the final part there was no reference to
Encyclical, but it writes “secondo la circostanza de casi e delle persone”. The article does not appear in the
definitve text of the Statute, cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
47
Cf. BG, b. 447, sheet of corrections: “Invece di far gratis dire mercede gratis”; the same text is also in the
preparation; cf. Camerale III, b. 349. The article does not appear in Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
48
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. In the preparatory drafting are not mentioned the judge, the comunity and the
prosecutor but only the words “come sopra” are used. Furthermore the final sentence does not appear at all.
49
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. In the preparatory text instead of “tra il giudice, comunità ed accusatore” it reads
“come sopra”. The definitive text of the Statute is identical to what appears in the text (art. 13), cf. Lo Statuto
di Bauco, cit.
50
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. The chapter differs in part from that of the Camerale copy: “Contro poi tutti
quelli, che studiosamente danneggieranno le piante sia nascenti, che crescenti, s’intenda, che siano incorsi,
oltre all’emenda di paoli tre da ripartirsi come sopra, ed anche afflittiva secondo la detta Enciclica”. The final
part of the text instead was not transcribed. The definitive text is identical to that reported in the text, but it is
specified a penalty of four scudi “per ciascuna volta” (art. 14); cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit..
37

studioso, allora s’intendono soggetti gli dannificanti, oltre l’emenda del danno alla pena di baiocchi
30.
17 51 – Coma ancora incorrono nella medesima pena ed anche afflittiva e all’emenda del danno
fatto quelli che a bello studio danneggiavanno i seminati d’ogni specie con i loro bestiami, o
faranno pascer l’erba ne terreni, sia ristretti che non ristretti, ed anche prativi.
18 – Alla medesima pena di scudi 4, oltre l’afflittiva, ed all’emenda del danno si intendano
incorsi tutti quelli che anderanno derubando o se sapesse avere in qualunque medesimo derubato
tanto ne campi, quanto nell’are, grano, formentone detto granturco, orzo, legumi, ed altre strade
volendo, che per reprimere maggiormente la licenza di tutti ladri, persone danneggianti abbiamo ad
incorrere tanto alla Benedettina Bolla de danno dato, quanto all’Enciclica suddetta della S. M. di
Clemente XIV in quelli casi e circostanze che non sono stati nel precedente statuto, né previsti né
considerati 52 .
In seguito di simil ubidienza si propongono alle medesime EE.VV., acciò li esaminino ed i
conformità di essi diranno il loro rispettivo parere» 53 .
In the preparatory fascicule, there are some very interesting documents where it explains why
some articles are rejected and thus not approved by the Lieutenant. The reasons, all transcribed by
him, are different: he often suggests “resecare” the articles to promote the freedom of the
landowners or not to hinder the activity of the experts in any expert reports; furthermore he writes
for safeguarding the borders (often roughly determined), the disputes about the activities of the oil
pressing and finally to protect the free trade 54 .
From the reading of the text, it emerges how the provisions relating to criminal subject were
strongly characterized by an intrinsic affliction: with these a strong repressive function are pursued.
The criminal violations, provided in these statutory documents, concern damage to the estate, land
and property. Especially they govern the damage to the olive groves: it is in fact shown an
analytical description of the damage that could cause to this kind of plantation. This valuation
51
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349. Also here there are considerable differences between the different draftings: «E
finalmente chiunque farà danno nelli orti seminati, vigne, arboreti, erbe, e tutt’altro non compreso nella
presente ordinazioni dovrà rimaner soggetto alle pene prescritte o dallo Statuto, o dalla consuetudine, che si
osserva nella Città di Veroli da ripartirsi come sopra, ed oltre all’emenda del danno a favore del dannificato».
The defintive text is identical to that reported in the text, but there are not details about the danno studioso
(art. 15), cf. Lo Statuto di Bauco, cit.
52
The article reported is the last of the Statute, it does not show differences. (art. 16). In the analysis
presented within the this study, the numbering of articles will refer to that of the text above and not to that of
the Statutes preserved in the Library of the State Archives of Rome.
53
BG, b. 445. The final fragment of the document is reported below. «L’Ill.mo Sig. Tito Marziale uno del
numero de’ Sig.ri Sindaci arringando dice, che essendo pur troppo giusti a ragione volergli proposti capitoli
concernenti il modo d’evitar i danni che si fanno tanto dagli uomini, quanto da bestiami, e come più
diffusamente dal tenore di essi capitoli, e questi, sia cosa molto vantaggiosa, anzi necessaria ad accettarsi ed
abbracciarsi in tutte le sue parti a riserba soltanto però di restringere nel capitolo decimo il termine di giorni
quindici a giorno otto, per la introduzione di bestiami nell’oliveti già ricolti, e rispetto al capitolo undecimo
che si comprenda colla devastazione di macerie e siepi, anche quella de’ fossi, qualora questi servano di
ristretto agl’oliveti, ed il tutto o seconda delle supreme determinazioni, che si degnerà in ciò prender la
santità di Nostro Sig.re, quante volte voglia compiacersi ammetter tali riflessioni, con determinare anche il
giudice, che dovrà procedere nell’esecuzione delle pene in detti capitoli stabilite contro trasgressori,
coll’espressione della qualità delle pene corporali, giusta le circostanza de delitti e de casi; per il che è di
parere, che di bel nuovo si reiterino alla S…. le preci da questo nostro magistrato per la grazia già richiesta
della spedizione del divisato Breve. Proclamato per medesimo. Chi intende aderire a tal arringo, e di
approvare detti capitoli da me proclamati, e come sopra dichiarati darà il voto bianco, e chi no, lo darà nero».
The discovery of the important documents mentioned above offers the opportunity to make
comparison between the different drafts of the text that we limit ourselves to indicate summarily having in
mind the necessity of a study more extensive which requires further archival investigation and especially a
thematic investigation needed.
54
Cf. Camerale III, b. 349.
38

naturally depends on the value attributed to the fruit of the olive groves in the local economy 55 .
They are also identified the non-restricted olive groves from the restricted ones, meaning with the
latter the lands “con termini” 56 , that is monolithic small columns, roughly chiseled stones or poles
placed at the limits of the fields to mark the boundary.
In a unique context and with appropriate highlights, it is interesting to note that the laws and
regulations concerning olive groves are imported for general cases, then applied to all other types of
plantations - published in the final articles of the statute and for which the penalties and
punishments expressed previously are recolled. In fact there are only three articles mentioning all
kinds of plantation, thus underlining the great importance that the olives had to represent in the rural
economy of the city. It could almost say that the rules about the olive groves had general
application, and not instead represented the specific case.
Preliminarily we can say that the statutory source provides, in principle, that those who have
caused damage are subject to a penalty and also to the compensation to be paid in all
circumstances 57 . Obviously there are classifications that characterize also the body of other statutory
laws, first of all the diversification among the beasts 58 . Penalties are always proportionated to the
seriousness of the crime and are subject to the culpable or fraudolent will of committing a crime 59 .
A discrimination is made in reference to the time of the year when the damage is done 60 , not
appearing however, as an aggravating circumstance, the night exercise of activity 61 .
55
G. GIAMMARIA, Il ‘danno dato’ negli statuti di Campagna, cit., p. 134.
56
A very important measure, especially if it was the boundary with adjacent Cities. In our case, for example,
in the art. 4 it is pointed out that it could be “termini con uno o più compossidenti”. This documentation is
extremely interesting and I think that it must be subject of a dedicated study, both legally and economically
analyzed and also for the social implications tha emerge.
57
In eighteen articles the penalty which recurs more is the “rifazione del danno”, then followed by type of
violation; in art. 13 the penalty is the loss of olive or oil milled. They are mentioned the afflictive penalties
relating to Encyclical of Pope Clement XIV (artt. 12-13; 15-16; 18). It also mentions the “Benedettina Bolla
de danno dato” (art. 18). Exceptionally they recur corporal punishment (artt. 1-2) and this seems particularly
unusual if you compare other statutes such as Pontecorvo or Castro dei Volsci (cfr. G. GIAMMARIA, Il ‘danno
dato’ negli statuti di Campagna…, cit., p. 134-135).
58
By way of example, a tiny beast that performs a damage requests a penalty of less than a beast of
considerable size. On the base of statute reading there are different beasts such as “sheep”, “donkeys”,
“mules”, “ oxen”, “turkey-cocks” and “goats”, the latter in particular indicated for most expected damage
due to “their bite”. It is not, however, make any reference to the herd.
59
Some significant provision can be mentioned: “Se poi si trovassero persone le quali di proposito […]”
regarding theft in general (art. 14); “Contro poi tutti quelli, li quali studiosamente danneggiaranno […]” in
relation to all species of plants (art. 16); “Come ancora incorrono nella medesima pena ed anche afflittiva e
all’emenda del danno fatto quelli che a bello studio dannaggiaranno i seminati d’ogni specie” (art. 17). So it
is considered an aggravant factor the “volontaria decisione di produrre un vulnus al proprietario”. Cf. G.
GIAMMARIA, Il ‘danno dato’ negli statuti di Campagna, cit., p. 128. Before the Benedictine Bull and then the
Clementine Encyclical governed the penalties for the danno dato in the countryside. For example according
to the Bull not with a corporal punishment, but only with a pecuniary penalty the author of a danno dato
studioso was punishable . But those who had been unable to pay the pecuniary, would have had to suffer the
corporal.
60
There is a particularity in the Baucan Statutes on this regard. Indeed it is not realized a tightening of the
penalty but some prohibitions at certain time of the year are arranged, exemplifying: “in tempo del frutto
pendente” from November 1 trough February or, with an anticipation, since October 15 the introduction of
cattle in the olive groves was forbidden (art. 7) and from September 1 until the complete picking of the fallen
fruits the introducing of roosters or hens was prohibited (art. 8). Here, then, it was requires the calendar time
and in relation to them it was determined prohibitions and penalties. Cf. Ibid, p. 129.
61
The statutory power of the rural Communities generally presents specific case studies in relation to the
time of the danno dato. This, usually, involves a penalty larger if the damage is caused by night. The
statutory discipline of Bauco rather not diversifies in any articles the double regulation, indeed in the art. 1
the penalty arranged is the same “in qualsivoglia tempo”, as well as the prohibitions of “spigolare” in the art.
39

Besides the penalty is diversified also according to whether it is to take away branches, wood,
roots and trees from the olive groves or whether, for example, to steal «i piantoni di olivo».
Another important activity in agriculture which is regulated with the new statutes is the so-called
"spigolatura": it consisted in the collection of ears of wheat after the harvest, fallen in the field and
not gathered by the harvester. It was permissible, in accordance with rule, to can glean only when
the owner of the field had definitively finished the harvest (in documents the gleaning also is
refered to olives); in addition, for eight days following, it was denied the entry of grazing animals
into the fields.
Also the squeezing of olives was regulated by the statutes, in fact, the articles 13 and 14 clearly
establish rules in the case of export of olive: the pickers had previously declare the “assegna” of the
amount to be conducted outside to the local secretary. Also the owners of the mills had to declare to
the secretary who had milled, the amount of handled olives and oil obtained. The work of city
secretary during these procedures was very onerous and his figure appears central in the control
procedure of the production. His work was submitted to the local court. The secretary, with a sworn
notes, gave every week the amount of olives which had been really milled and of the oil withdrawn
by the families; he finally gave the information to the olive oil food administration.
One particularly interesting crop, which is in art. 15, is linked to the plantations of mulberry
trees, useful to the industry of silk already active for a long time compared to the year of statutes.
The article regulated the penalties for damage which are caused in particular to the leaves of these.
The validity and codification of the statutes is particularly linked to the organization of the
offices and institutions of the Town. From the reading of the documents the major officers of this
emerge, including the mayor 62 , the councillors, the camerlingo 63 , the podestà 64 , the judge, the
prosecutor. The latter three offices are those which are more often mentioned in the statutory
doctrine presented here. Especially regarding the organization of penalties in contravention, it was
expected 65 the distribution of this between the Community, the local judge and the prosecutor.
A such text - revised, reviewed and reformed in part, as it can be read in the documents - after
the long-awaited approval, would have to remain intact for a long time. In the legislator's intentions
the statutes should indeed represent the final outcome of a balanced distribution of the penalties
compared to the previous normative which, as we have discovered in the last pages, had caused
many disturbances in the Community. If, however, the goal of a new printing of the statutes had
been to satisfy the pressing demands of the Community and thus to limit the damage caused in the
lands (especially in olive groves), the division of the penalties did not seem coherent, equable and
balanced. The expected cases were different but obviously approximate and therefore, contrary to
what one might have supposed, the Community was looking for a change of perspective from
previous rules, urging in 1794 66 a reformulation of some of the items listed in the statutes
themselves. Symptomatic of this editorial approximation was a request to change some statutory
chapters. In this regard it is easy to observe how the petition, sent to the Buon Governo, was signed
by the owners of the animals, oppressed by the complaints and fines received for the damage caused
to the countryside. The synthetic amount of this moderation request was processed according to the
type of damage, that the rule neither established nor interpreted by drawing on a new and greater
equity and relying on the distinction between the damage of little value and those of wider scope. In
8 “vanno di giorno e di notte” and in the art. 12 the imposed penalty is fixed “sia di giorno che di notte”.
62
Figure which was to oversee the Public Council. He signed and subscribed the documents, therefore he had
to be educated and able to read and write.
63
He guarded and administered the money and the municipality revenues, bearing at its office the seals to be
used under license of the Public Council or of the Mayor.
64
The highest charge of the municipal organization, the highest magistrate.
65
Compare the artt. 1, 10, 11, 14 e 15.
66
BG, b. 449. It is a memorial and two letters addressed to Buon Governo. To prepare the documents in the
name of the community are the mayor Giovan Gualberto Beccarini and the official Paolo Crescenzi. The
time span of these is between February 8 and 26, 1794. The date put by Buon Governo is March 15, 1794.
40

fact this clarifies that for all damages, even those of small entities, the same rigorous fine was
applied and repeated inexorably. In a note of the document it reads: «risiedendo i rispettivi
contadini in campagna è caso quasi impossibile che qualche loro animale non abbia per sfuggita ad
incorrere in modico danno, non sembrando perciò ragionevole, che debba il padrone esser multato a
similitudine del danno grave» 67 .
Therefore they beg to estimate the damage with greater accuracy. It is conceivable that these
reasons have been upheld in the Riforma di un capitolo of the Statute, in 1816, of which, it is worth
pointing out, we have not other information within the limits of this research.
The latest Statute presences in the archive documents are still in 1840, for an episode of danno
dato, occurred in 1838. The event is related to a boy of Monte San Giovanni Campano who was
introduced in an olive grove and, surprised, he had been accused and fined the penalty of different
scudi. Indeed, it will then be the father to appear in the documents, being the underage boy, son of
the family. The last documentary evidences come from the State Archives of Frosinone,
Delegazione Apostolica Fond, in a deposition in which the Priore of Bauco states that «in questa
Comune vi esiste lo Statuto Locale per i danni dati nel di lui territorio cagionati, e fino al presente e
in pieno vigore, specialmente per li danni fatti dal bestiame caprino, con quelle regole, e penali che
nel Capitolo 4° di esso Statuto restano già emanati contro di queste, per cui per maggior
dichiarazione, ho creduto rimetterne qui copia autenticata» 68 .
This episode therefore arguably suggests that still in the mid-nineteenth century the Statuto di
Bauco sopr li danni che si fanno nelli terreni is a normative source of reference in “pieno vigore”
for the whole Community.
67
Ibidem.
68
State Archives of Frosinone, Delegazione Apostolica Fond, Agriculture, Title II, b. 324. The Prior Paolo
Pinti to Delegazione Apostolica; the date below is July 22, 1841. In the envelope it was also traced the
certified copy mentioned by Prior. It was established that the chapter 4° yet matched with what is presented
here.
41

Rossana Fiorini
Castro dei Volsci: the reasons which led to the drafting of the Agrarian Statute of
1795. Archive Testimonies.
With regard to the local historical research about the "Storia Comune" project, we have examined
the documents concerning medieval municipal Statutes in force until 1816 in the Town of Castro
dei Volsci, formerly known as Castro, a small city which lived on agriculture and livestock.
The institutional experience of Castro was regulated by the statutes called Statuta Castri terrae. The
writing of the oldest legislative text of Castro currently kept, which comes from an act of normative
autonomy of the Universitas, should be placed between 1404 and 1510; the statute was then a
transcription in 1589.
The statutory source of Castro, similarly to many other, can not be defined unchangeable, fixed and
unvaried; it is a living material, subject to modifications and additions, to better regulate the
community life, even if for itself there were the fields of specific and major interest as, for example,
the protection and the most importance which was attributed to agricultural practices and to the
damages which could be caused to the plantations or land. It is true that of the fifteenth-century
statute only the orders about danno dato remained in force until the eighteenth century (when with
the subjugation of the baronial land to state legislation its normative quickly lost value); until they
were replaced with the new Agrarian Statute of 1795.
The new codex was divided into two parts: danni dati with beasts, danni manuali. The agrarian
statute replaced the regulations of the old statute which dated back to several centuries before and
therefore could no longer be considered suitable to legally regulate the farming practices, nor even
the danno dato.
So, as Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni states, it is easy to understand how much those provisions would be
inadequate, which were prepared according to an agricultural economy system very primitive and
for a community of a few hundred people, which now vice versa exceeded the 2100 units.
Moreover, while the monetary inflation had taken effectiveness to financial penalties established by
the ancient rules, it was felt the need «del coordinamento di questa con la ormai copiosa
legislazione statuale in materia agricola» 1 . These reasons can be seen with the reading of the
archives documents consulted in the Colonna Archive in the Library of the National Monument of
St. Scholastica at Subiaco, and in the fond of the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo of the
State Archives at Rome. The archive research has in fact produced a series of documents which
concern, for a large part, the danno dato. This information is very important, because it makes us
understand how the study about the dannno dato - within the larger discussion of the documents -
can report an insight into the effective application of the rules derived from the statute. The material
viewed also dates back to the years immediately preceding the new drafting of the Agrarian Statute
of 1795. The importance of regulation of rural productive activities appears more effective and
concrete in the careful and meticulous distinction of damnorum datorum.
It is clear an extreme care of the regulatory writings for the damages caused by animals and men to
the cultivations and generally to agricultural products: a constant of the long run which connects
1
P. SCACCIA SCARAFONI, Gli Statuti di Castro (oggi dei Volsci), Anagni 1989 (Biblioteca di Latium, 8) p. 31;
ID, Gli Statuti di Castro di Campagna, Anagni 2017 (Biblioteca di Latium, 21).
42

and equates the rural civitates and the smaller communities. We can notice the collective need to
increase the lands to be cultivated, necessity also felt by ecclesiastics and often opposed by the
barons, attracted by lower costs of the grazing. The worsening of the penalties and the search for a
greater efficiency of sanction in some cases would seem the consequence of the introduction of
herbaceous crops for livestock and of the relating subtraction of various types of funds, forbidden,
even if only in a temporary manner, to the pasture 2 .
In the documents there are the pleas of individual citizens, for example to require that a proper
regulation was implemented, which can unite all places and neighbouring cities, in relation to the
duties 3 to pay for grazing lands and in reference to fines to pay related to the danno dato.
Already since 1752 we find the petitions addressed to the Buon Governo in which it is possible to
distinguish the Community's will to changes the regulations concerning the jurisdiction about the
damages caused by pigs. It was requested a closer surveillance to the them which made the air and
the earth "sporca" to the prejudice of the care of the person and of his good health. Moreover the
instance about the expulsion of pigs was repeated, previously proved since 1708 by Council
resolutions. They would send at the same time: a copy of the notice drawn up in 1708 with the
Governor's signature 4 , copy of the letter of the Sacra Congregazione, a copy of some Council
resolutions adopted to remedy the continuing damage that were committed 5 . They explained the
reasons that led an incomplete observance of the aforementioned notice due to "facinorosi" and
"delinquenti" who do not have made its full implementation 6 .
2
Subiaco, Library of The National Monument of S. Scolastica, Archive Colonna (then only Colonna), Castro
III A.D., Corrispondence, 1742-1775. The lieutenant Domenico Antonio Galloni, with a missive of
September 12, 1772 addressed to Governor, reaffirms that the custom of Castro concerning the grazing,
provides that penalties for illegal grazing in the forest end on the day after St. Andrea Apostolo excluding the
Selva della Monticella. But the brothers Lauretti di Vallecorsa want to take away the free grazing to Castro
inhabitant for this reason they are collecting evidences contrary to that custom. This is prejudicial to the
interests of the Colonna family because it inhibits the passage to the free grazing creating obstacles to the
fida.
3
Ibid.
4
Ibid. The text of the notice said: «Ci ha la medesima Sacra congregazione con ordine espresso a noi
ordinato con ogni rigore estirpare tali animali da detta Terra, e Territorio sotto pene rigorosissime, riservando
solo ad uso proprio dei cittadini chi vorrà allevarsene ritenere anche uno, o due, ristretti e che non vadino
vagando per la terra ciò le sia lecito. Quindi per ubbidire, come è il nostro debito, con il precedente pubblico
editto ordinario, ed espressamente comandiamo, che dopo la pubblicazione del presente non vi sia nessuna
persona di qualsivoglia stato, grado, condizione, anche privilegiata, non ardischi, né presumi ritenere simili
animali se non con la conformità del presente editto sotto la pena della perdita degli animali e di scudi 25 per
padrone, d’applicarsi la metà alla corte e l’altra metà disponeva in tal caso la detta Sacra Congregazione oltre
la mercede, che destiniamo agli esecutori, che sarà di scudi 5 per massaria, e giulj per capo d’animale,
dichiarando la massaria s’intenda passata il numero di 10; avverta ogni uno di ubbidire perché si procederà
per via di inquisizione e si darà credito ad un testimone degno di fede; il presente editto pubblicato che sarà,
e affisso la copia nel luogo solito di questa terra vogliamo, che abbia forza e rigore come fosse stato ad
ognuno personalmente intimato, dato in Castro nella nostra residenza questo dì 6 ottobre 1708. Lelio Lunghi
Governatore. Pompeo Mulinaro Cancelliere».
5
Ibid. The governor writes to the Prince Colonna on April 20, 1752 «I pubblici rappresentanti per
comprovare maggiormente le loro istanze […] hanno esibito un bando proibitivo di detti (animali) neri fatto
fin dal 1708, dal Governatore di quel tempo per ordine della Sacra Congregazione […] come altresì alcune
resoluzioni consiliari per la detta espulsione».
6
Ibid: «[…] mi è stato soggiunto avere avuta l’esecuzione per alcuni anni, e che l’avrebbe avuta fin al
presente giorno, se in questa terra non fossero nate delle scissure, e disordini per causa di omicidij ed altri
43

Indeed, much of the following archive documents are characterized by the conflicts between
citizens for the various cases regulated by the codex of the danno dato. The contexts in which these
conflicts were particularly harsh, in addition to those of the grazing rights and the power of
limitation of these, were related to tightening of the penalties imposed for the damages of the beasts.
The treatment of the subject by the Public Council took place in 1794, just a year before that the
new rules are confirmed. First of all, there was the advisory of the damages to olive plantations and
it voted for it increase the penalties, believing that this was the only remedy to prevent the
«frequente danneggio, e come l’unico mezzo per promuovere lo spirito di questa utile industria,
tanto raccomandata» 7 by the Buon Governo «con editto emanato nel 1788». A different position
was taken by the councillor Marco Palombi who, without contesting the sanctions, with a pleading,
led to success his argument because: «Il di lui arringo, tutto che inconcludente però, tirò a sé nella
ballottazione il maggior numero di voti dei consiglieri, i quali avendo bestiame a proprio conto non
sanno indurgli all’accrescimento delle pene, che farebbero contro loro stessi» 8 . So most of
councillors did not take in consideration the opinion of the “deputati ecclesiastici”, but chose to
approve the harangue 9 of the councillor Palombi.
enormi delitti, per i quali contumaci e delinquenti si erano resi talmente audaci e facinorosi, che la Giustizia
non poteva seguire il suo pieno corso e gli esecutori non potevano mai accostarvisi, e dal tempo delle
predette scissure in qua perde la sua osservanza; laonde per le cose suddette prima di venire alla
rinnovazione di detta proibizione di neri ho stimato mio preciso debito consultarne le sanissime
determinazioni di Vostra Eccellenza, potendole accertare tanto per parte mia, che per parte dei renomati
pubblici Rappresentanti esser gravi li danni che da detti animali si apportano […]».
7
State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond , Series II (then only BG), b. 918.
From a letter of the lieutenant Giovan Battista De Giulj to Principe Colonna, on January 28, 1794: « Sul
ricorso avanzato a nome Giuseppe Solli alla Santità di Nostro Signore per l’accrescimento delle pene per le
bestie, che dannificano le piantagioni di olive, rimessomi da Vostra Eccellenza volersi i Pubblici
Rappresentati sentire il Pubblico Consiglio, tenuto il 24 del corrente. Niuno dei consigliere si oppose alla
rappresentanza del Solli in quanto alla sussistenza dei su detti danni nelle dette piantagioni, massime novelle
si questionò lungamente, se sì o no, dovessero crescere, le pene per rimediare a tali dannificazioni. I Deputati
Ecclesiastici, se non dal numero maggiore, almeno dalla parte più sana de’ consiglieri diedero il loro
ragionato voto consultivo, che si crescessero tali pene, come l’unica remora per impedire questo frequente
danneggio, e come l’unico mezzo per promuovere lo spirito di questa utile industria, tanto raccomandata
dalla Santità di Nostro Signore con editto emanato per organo di Monsignor Tesoriere de’ 21 aprile 1788. Al
parere de’ Deputati Ecclesiastici, si oppose il Consigliere Marco Palombi, il quale senza confutare le ragioni
addotte da essi deputati, arringando altro non poté dire, che si stia alle pene delle Liberanze, altre volte
imposte. Il di lui arringo però, tutto che inconcludente, tirò a sé nella ballottazione il maggior numero De’
voti de’ Consiglieri, i quali avendo bestiame a proprio conto non sanno indursi all’accrescimento delle pene,
che sarebbero contro loro stessi e perciò invece di seguire il parere de’ Deputati Ecclesiastici, la maggior
parte de’ Consiglieri approvò l’arringa del consigliere Marco Palombi, la quale favorisce i Dannificanti; e
toglie ogni speranza ai coltivatori degli Olivi di vedere un giorno il frutto de’ lori sudori e impedisce
l’accrescimento di questa vantaggiosa industria. Che però costando dall’esperienza, che le pene imposte in
addietro per impedire le dannificazioni a tali piantagioni, non sono state finora bastanti ad ottenere il fine
della legge; sembra troppo necessario, che si venga ad espediente più efficace, quale è appunto
l’accrescimento di dette pene, a norma del parere de’ Deputati Ecclesiastici, ben informati della vastità del
territorio sufficientissimo per il pascolo del bestiame, senza che questi scorrano per il corpo degli uliveti: che
in contrario ne dicano i Pubblici Rappresentanti a piè del foglio della risoluzione consiliare, che col ritorno
del ricorso umilio all’Eccellenza Vostra a cui profondamente mi inchino. Di Vostra Eccellenza Pienissima.
Castro 28 Gennaio 1794. Giovan Battista de Giulij Luogotenente»
8
Ibid.
9
Ibid. This harangue «toglie ogni spesa a coltivatori di olive, di vedere un giorno il frutto di loro sudore; e
impedisce all’accrescimento di questa vantaggiosa industria».
44

Giuseppe Solli, in a petition to the Pope against the shepherds, reaffirmed that damages made by
livestock to the plantations of olives continued to be excessive 10 and therefore he asked to impose a
penalty to prevent “i danneggiamenti”. The Auditor of Ceccano, directed to the Buon Governo,
pointed out that the proposal of Solli was not well accepted by all and that the situation appeared to
be more complicated than it was believed, because certainly the increase of the penalties would
have discourage the activity of pastoralism; so it would have been enough to apply the rules of the
existing Statute. In addition, the Auditor highlighted that the pastoralism was a relevant activity and
that conversely the same owners of the olive groves did not intend to invest any amount of money
to make a fence with "macerie" and edges 11 which was really efficient.
10
Ibid. Giuseppe Solli sends a petition to the Pope. The document is dated January 11, 1794. «Giuseppe Solli
al Beatissimo padre. Giuseppe Solli del Luogo di Castro Feudo del Gran Contestabile Colonna prostrato ai
piedi della Vostra Beatitudine umilmente espone, che li Pastori di detta Terra di giorno in giorno
danneggiano con il Bestiame le piantagioni d’olive. Per la tenuità di pena imposta contro tali Danneggianti
nella Legge Municipale fatta da Persone che ritengano Bestiami in guisa, che per mero caso in una
piantagione vi resta qualche piantone, che non sia dalli Bestiami; già la Vostra Beatitudine animò lo Stato a
far tali piantagioni con dar il premio per esser tal piantagione riconosciuta troppo vantaggiosa; ora affinché
tal piantagione possa dare, e rendere l’utile riconosciuto, l’Oratore supplica la Vostra Beatitudine ad imporre
una pena, mediante la quale si astenghi di danneggiare simili piantagioni. Castro, 11 Gennaio 1794».
11
Ibid: «Il memoriale presentato al Santo Padre da Giuseppe Solli di Castro e rimesso alla Sacra
Congregazione in cui proponeva l’aumento delle pene statutarie per il danno dato negli Uliveti e di quel
Territorio, si manda da quel Luogotenente la informazione. Il Consiglio di quella Comunità e li Pubblici
Rappresentanti di quel Pubblico sono contrari al detto proposto aumento delle pene, come dalla carta ossia
foglio, che umilio a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Revendissima. Aggiungo, che se le pene si esiggessero
come si trovano stabilite, potrebbe ciò bastare alla salvezza degli oliveti. Pare probabile, come avvertono li
Pubblici Rappresentanti , che l’aumento si proponga per iscoragiare la pastorizia con la industria della quale
si mantengono moltissimi in quella Terra. Gli Zelanti poi dell’aumento pare, che intendino di non volere
spender per le fratte e per le macerie con le quali ristringere i loro oliveti, e avere per lo scoraggimento de’
pastori indirettamente il loro intento […]». Lettera dell’Uditore di Ceccano Giacomo A. Rizzardi al Buon
Governo in data 4 febbraio 1794.Ivi: «Il memoriale presentato al Santo Padre da Giuseppe Solli di Castro e
rimesso alla Sacra Congregazione in cui proponeva l’aumento delle pene statutarie per il danno dato negli
Uliveti e di quel Territorio, si manda da quel Luogotenente la informazione. Il Consiglio di quella Comunità
e li Pubblici Rappresentanti di quel Pubblico sono contrari al detto proposto aumento delle pene, come dalla
carta ossia foglio, che umilio a Vostra Signoria Illustrissima e Revendissima. Aggiungo, che se le pene si
esiggessero come si trovano stabilite, potrebbe ciò bastare alla salvezza degli oliveti. Pare probabile, come
avvertono li Pubblici Rappresentanti , che l’aumento si proponga per iscoragiare la pastorizia con la industria
della quale si mantengono moltissimi in quella Terra. Gli Zelanti poi dell’aumento pare, che intendino di non
volere spender per le fratte e per le macerie con le quali ristringere i loro oliveti, e avere per lo
scoraggimento de’ pastori indirettamente il loro intento […]». Letter of the auditor of Ceccano Giacomo A.
Rizzardi to Buon Governo on February 4, 1794.
45

So the Community of Castro proposed 12 to increase the amount of the fines related to the damages
caused by the beasts, regulating a diversification of them: if they are committed by “grossi” animals
or “minuti”, if “studiosi” or “notturni” (therefore intentional).
It is interesting to note that the regulation proposed during the Public Council was then accepted in
the final text of the Agrarian Statute of Castro dei Volsci of the year 1795:
«Le pene che si saranno imposte anche liberazione fatta dalli deputati del Pubblico Consiglio
tenuto coll’intervento dei deputati ecclesiastici, e già approvata dal barone sono le seguenti:
bestie grosse a spromuccare, o altro danno agli oliveti ristretti recipienti giulii 10.
Bestie minute, anche porcine, a detti oliveti giulj 15.
E dette pene agli oliveti ristretti vi siano di tutto tempo. Agli oliveti non ristretti sì padronali
che communitativi nihil.
Bestie grosse ad dar danno agli oliveti non ristretti, in tempo vi sono le olive, o in terra o nei
piedi baiocchi 15.
12
Ibid. Copy of the minutes of the Pubblic Coucil of the Castro's Community signed by the Secretary
Domenico Antonio Galloni and by the Lieutenant Giovan Battista de Giulij on January 25, 1794. « Foglio di
risposta che fanno li Signori Pubblici Rappresentanti di Castro alla supplica fatta dal Sig. Giuseppe Solli a
Nostro Signore per la pena rigorosa ai Bestiami nelle piantagioni delle Olive, qual supplica è stata fatta
manifestata alla Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, che ha riscritto informazione, etc. Sentiti gli
Pubblici Rappresentanti, i quali per una cosa più giusta hanno voluto sentirne il Pubblico Consiglio tenuto
coll’intervento de signori Deputati Ecclesiastici , fatto ieri 24 gennaio 1794 del seguente tenore, cioè:
Proposta: il sig. Giuseppe Solli ha ricorso ha Nostro Singore colla supplica che ponga la pena contro a chi
danneggia li Oliveti più di quello, che è nella deliberanza per causa, che quella vi è troppo tenue, motivo per
cui vengono danneggiati detti oliveti come meglio dalla supplica ora letta, la quale dalla Sacra
Congregazione del Buon Governo è stata rimessa per sollecita informazione sentiti in scritto i Pubblici
Rappresentanti, i quali vonno sentire il presente Pubblico Consiglio, onde li sopradetti sig. Deputati
ecclesiastici Abate don Domenico Antonio Tafani, e don Giuseppe Lombardi per il loro voto consultivo, per
dar remora a questi danni frequenti per dare al Paese una risorsa, forse l’unica, che si puole sperare con
l’industria dell’oliva, sono di sentimento, che si crescano le pene, cioè riguardo alle bestie grosse, cioè
vaccine, anche Bovi, muline, o Somarine vi si imponga la pena danneggiando gli oliveti ristretti in ogni
tempo scudi due a capo, e che di notte il doppio, ed che studioso il doppio della notte, e riguardo alle Bestie
minute caprine, pecorine, e porcine trovate a danneggiar in detti oliveti ristretti vi si imponga la pena di
baiocchi settancinque a capo, e di notte il doppio, ed essendo danno studioso il doppio della pena della notte;
a queste stesse pene si estendano anche le stesse anche se ristretto all’oliveti non ristretti in tempo che vi
sono li frutti. E tali pene da ripartirsi per la metà al danneggiato oltre il danno, e per l’altra metà alla corte o
balio.
Marco Palombi consigliere arringando dice che li pare ben giusto di stare alle pene già imposte nello
statuto ossia nelle deliberanze e perciò che si debba fare a dette pene.
Stante tale disparere, si voterà due volte con dichiarazione che si intenda accettato o sia approvato il
parere, o arringo, che avrà più voti bianchi, e chi no non approvato.
Corso il Bussolo per il parere dei Signori Deputati Ecclesiastici si sono trovati voti bianchi numero
nove e neri numero dieci sette.
Corso il Bussolo per l’arringo del Consigliere Palombi si contavano voti bianchi sedici e neri numero
dieci.
Sicché è stato approvato l’arringo di Marco Palombi. G.B. de’Giulj Luogotenente. Di A. Galloni
segretario»
46

Bestie minute, anche porcine, a dar danno come sopra scudi 50, alli porci mannarini scudi
5» 13 .
This confirms the linearity and the continuity regarding to the danno dato discipline 14 .
13
Ibid, the document ends with the following text: « Essi Pubblici Rappresentanti dicono, che si rimettono
anche essi a quanto è stato risoluto in Pubblico Consiglio, cioè al parere dell’arringatore Marco Palombi,
quale è rimesso approvato in detto Consiglio, e dicono che fa bene il parere dei Sig. Deputati Ecclesiastici è
stato di dare grosse pene, questo credo che sia stato a motivo di non esser essi capaci della pastorizia e
neppure del territorio di Castro che è troppo confuso, che il tutto. Castro, 25 gennaio 1794. Domenico
Antonio Galloni segretario».
14
Cf. also P. SCACCIA SCARAFONI, Gli Statuti di Castro, cit., pp. 102-103, art. 11 about the «Oliveti».
47

Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni
The statute of Castro di Campagna
Maybe since the late antiquity and the early Middle Ages, the territory of Castro belonged, from patrimonial
point of view, to the Church as a great agricultural property, rich of rustic lowland farms (the casalia and
the domuscultae), as it seems to indicate the early medieval archaeological reperts of Casale di Madonna
del Piano 1 . However, the belonging to the patrimony of the Church of Rome is fully manifested in the
mid-twelfth century, when Eugenius III gives to Casamari abbey a portion of mills, lands, pastures and
forests of Castro and a part of the neighbouring castle of Monternero, a centre however in the process of
depopulation in favour of Castro 2 .
However the first mention of Castro is earlier, in 1081, when pope Gregorius VII, confirming the
jurisdiction of the bishop of Veroli, included the castle in diocesan territory, and this have been don by the
successive popes from Urbanus II to Anastasius IV 3 . It is understandable that Castro, a hill and fortified
centre, as the name indicates, is built in the context of the wider phenomenon of the encastellation when
in Lazio, from IX century, the need to cultivate the lands far away from the cities pushed especially the
large ecclesiastical institutions at creating new settlements in locations equipped and defended by walls 4 .
In 1157 there are the first news of the papal authority’s control on the castle through a fiduciary, called before
bailiff and then caretaker: it should be highlighted that the position of the keeper is the one responsible of
the government of an important, political and military castle for the State of the Church. The subsequent
historical sources are very explicit about the strategic role of Castro, controlled by ecclesiastical and
secular personalities, which – on payment of a large cash fee to the Church – exercise on their own the
property rights and of sovereignty on the population and ter r itory 5 .
Moreover, in the 1284, pope Martinus IV gives the castellania of Castro to the rector of the province of
Campagna e Marittima, Andrea Spiliati 6 , so it is not surprising that then the documentation of 1311 attests
that Castro is the headquarter of general judge court of the province, Raimondo di Guglielmo de Bolderiis 7 .
Despite this so strict controll of the pope administration, during the Fourteenth century it seems to develop
a civic organization, because the testament of Giacomo di Ceccano of 1363 left sixty florins «hominibus
1 The site gave back the remains of a large villa existed between the late republican and the imperial age,
reduced to a farm in IV century and in which, between V and VI century, was made a Christian cult building, with
apse and three naves; the agricultural-religious complex was living up to the IX century, when it was destroyed by
a fire «probabilmente coevo della distruzione di Montecassino e di San Vincenzo al Volturno ad opera degli Arabi
(881-883)», cf. G. R. Bellini, L’edificio di culto, in Il Museo civico archeologico di Castro dei Volsci, a cura di M.
Fenelli, P. Pascucci, Roma 2009, pp. 63s; 64. For information and bibliographiy about the archaeological complex
see S. Pietrobono, Carta archeologica medievale. Frosinone, Firenze 2006, pp. 161-164; Il Museo civico, cit.,
passim.
2 See argumentations and bibliography in P. Scaccia Scarafoni, Gli Statuti di Castro (oggi Castro dei Volsci),
Anagni 1989 (Biblioteca di Latium, 8), p. 10.
3 Cf. A. Pieralisi, Bullae seu diplomata, Roma 1899, pp. 9-11; C. Scaccia Scarafoni, Le carte dell’Archivio
capitolare della cattedrale di Veroli, Roma 1960, pp. 104-108, 121-124, 145-148, 150-153, 169-171, 193-196.
4 About the encastellation see P. Toubert, Les structures du Latium médiéval. Le Latium méridional et la
Sabine du IX au XIII siècle, Rome 1974, pp. 303-447.
5 Cf. P. Scaccia Scarafoni, Gli statuti di Castro, cit., pp. 11-14.
6 G. Falco, I comuni della Campagna e della Marittima nel Medio Evo, in Id., Studi sulla storia del Lazio
nel Medioevo, Roma 1988, pp. 419-690: 470.
7 Cf. M. T. Caciorgna, Le pergamene di Sezze (1181-1347), Roma 1989, pp. 342-344.
48

de Castro in conmunitate», in reparation for some damages caused to the population 8 . But surely the time
is not very favourable, because we are at the time of the so-called “Avignon captivity”, that is, when the
successors of Boniface VIII are mostly French, reside in Avignon and administer this province with staff
from beyond the mountains (before it was Roman or born in the Southern Lazio), which, foreign to the local
legal tradition, try to compress the secular freedom of main municipalities, consecrated by pope Caetani
in the constitution “Romana mater”, and certainly hold back the creation of new autonomies in the castles
controlled directly, as Castro 9 .
Moreover, the period of residence of the popes in Avignon coincides with serious rebellions within the entire
State of the Church against the papal administration, and in 1366 a general uprising broke out of the towns
of Southern Lazio, but Castro is firmly in the hands of officials of the province and does not participate 10 .
The “Avignon captivity” ends in 1377 with the return of Gregorius XI to Rome, but he died the following
year, leaving many unresolved conflicts both in the State as in the College of Cardinals. The next election of
Urban VI, first Italian pope after five French, leads for reaction the secession of the French cardinals, who
at Fondi – with armed protection of the count Onorato Caetani – elect another pope, or an anti-pope: French
Robert de Genevois, who takes the name of Clement VII. Thus it began the Great Western Schism (1378-
1417) which lasted for over 39 years. Clement VII is unable to settle in Rome and he established himself
in Avignon, but he designates as rector of Province of Campagna e Marittima Onorato Caetani, with vicar
apostolic powers and granting him even the inheritance of the position. Caetani is very able military man
and shrewd politician, so that, making war and promising the best conditions to municipalities, he is able to
gain the alliance of a large part of the province 11 .
In this situation, the city of Veroli switches obedience of Avignon in March and April 1383, after the death
of his old bishop Giovanni e Prato. Follows a period in which Veroli has simultaneously two bishops: one
of the Roman election can’t take possession of the chair in Veroli and – at least in the second half of the ‘90s
– he resides in Bauco (Boville Ernica) 12 ; while the other, Nicola, before entering in Veroli, in the 1384 he
settles in Castro, which was therefore already in the orbit of Onnorato Caetani and, indeed, it had to present
itself as the safest place in the diocese for the faction of Avignon 13 .
But, in the second half of the 90s of the Fourteenth century, Onorato Caetani and the Avignon obedience
gradually lose the ground throughout the province militarily and politically (Veroli goes over Roman
obedience in spring 1399) and, most significantly, the first report of Castro for the Fifteenth century shows
us this castellania manned by a fiduciary of Roman pope Boniface IX, successor of Urban VI: Ubaldino
Guidalotti, invested with the castle in 1403 14 .
8 Regesta chartarum. Regesto delle pergamene dell’Archivio Caetani, a cura di G. Caetani, Sancasciano Val
di Pesa 1926, 2, p. 218s.
9 About the situation of Campagna e Marittima at that time, see G. Falco, I comuni, cit., pp. 567-659.
10 Ibid., p. 463.
11 For information and bibliography about Onorato Caetani, see Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, Roma
1973, 16, sub voce a cura di E. R. Labande; M. T. Caciorgna, La contea di Fondi nel XIV secolo, in Gli ebrei a Fondi
e nel suo territorio. Atti del convegno. Fondi 10 maggio 2012, a cura di G. Lacerenza, Napoli 2014, pp. 49-88. For
the political action relating to the towns of Campagna e Marittima, see G. Falco, I comuni, cit., pp. 659-676; A. Esch,
Bonifaz IX. und der Kirchenstaat, Tübingen 1969, ad indicem; M. T. Caciorgna, La contea, cit., pp. 63-72.
12 Chapter Archive of St. Andrea in Veroli, parch. 86, on June 29, 1396, Bauco, rescript of the Roman obedience
bishop, Francesco Bellanti, relating to a benefice in Veroli.
13 Ibid, parch. 52, on June 7, 1384, Castro, rescript of the clementist bishop, Nicola, realting to a benefice in
Veroli.
14 G. Silvestrelli, Città, castelli e terre della regione romana, Roma 1940, p. 135; A. Esch, Bonifaz IX.
undderKirchenstaat, cit., p. 491n.
49

In the next 1404, Boniface IX earns for himself the powerful king of Naples, Ladislao d’Angiò,
giving in return the government of the province of Campagna. The monarch of Naples has among
his best allies the Colonna’s family of Genazzano branch and soon rewards them with the concession
of Castro and Ripi (certainly before 1408) 15 . We do not know the terms of this first concession to the
Colonnas of Genazzano, but they manage to retain the ownership even when the Great Schism is
further complicated by the prevalence of a third obedience in this province, that is to Alexander V,
elected by Council of Pisa in 1409: since that year this pope recognizes the castles of Castro and Ripi
to the brothers Giordano and Lorenzo Colonna for three generations, with the faculties of apostolic
vicars, that is, with an almost sovereign legal position 16 .
Finally the Great Schism ends in 1417 with the unopposed election to the papacy of the brother of
Giordano and Lorenzo Colonna: Oddone, who takes the name of Martin V. The favour of the new pope
allows to the Colonnas to consolidate and perpetuate the ownership of Castro. Indeed, in 1427, Martin
V arranges to divide the numerous feuds of Colonna between the nephews Antonio and Odoardo,
sons of Lorenzo, and assigns the ownership of Castro to Antonio. But, in the budget of the Apostolic
Chamber in 1481, through inheritance dynamics that we do not know in detail, Castro results to be
passed to the «signor duca Columna et fratelli», i.e. to Fabrizio, duke of the Marsi, and his brothers,
sons of Odoardo, of which we will talk again 17 . Meanwhile, we say that the following successions in
dominion of Castro are in straight line: from Fabrizio to his son Ascanio, famous military man, and
from this to his son Marcantonio II, the winner of Lepanto.
The surviving statutes of Castro are of the period of belonging to the Colonna family, as show four
references of the text to domini Columnenses o domini nostri (preface; book I, rubr. I e XXXVI;
book II, rubr. XXVII) 18 . In addition, in two cases, the phrases which accompany the reference to the
Colonna implie that the dominion of the castle is longstanding 19 . Combining this observation with the
fact that the ancient statutes in Latin are followed by “capitoli novi” in vulgar tongue, which, dated
1510, expressly presuppose the existence of the statutes 20 , it is reasonable to give a first assignment of
the Latin text to the period between the full fifteenth century and the end of the century. In addition,
the reported expressions domini Columnenses e domini nostri lead us to believe that at the time of
drafting of the statutory block the dominion of the castle belongs to a plurality of owners. Therefore,
according to the available knowledge, it can be proposed as the most likely the period in which Castro
is of Fabrizio Colonna and brothers, i.e. around 1481.
Now it is the moment to say a few words about the municipal statutes in general. First of all about
the name statuta, which comes from the verb statuere, i.e. to establish. Indeed the oldest statues
were isolated decisions taken from time to time by municipal authorities in front of a practical and
actual necessity. In a second time, each town began to bring together the resolutions which had a
stable regulatory content, into a single text arranged by subject. In the genesis and development
15 See P. Scaccia Scarafoni, Gli statuti di Castro, cit., p. 15.
16 See ibidem.
17 See C. Bauer, Studi per la storia delle finanze papali durante il pontificato di Sisto IV, in
Archivio della Società romana di storia patria, 50 (1927), pp. 319-400: 358.
18 See P. Scaccia Scarafoni, Gli statuti di Castro, cit., pp. 35, 37, 46, 57.
19 «[...] universitas terrae Castri ad laudem dominorum nostrorum, sub quorum gremio fidelis semper
extitit [...]», cfr. ivi, p. 35; «[...] pro statu dominorum nostrorum Columnensium, prout solitum et consuetum
fuit», cf. ibid, p. 46.
20 «li guardiani [...] non possano punire ultra la forma delli statuti», cf. ibid., p. 73.
50

of the statutory texts has obviously a fundamental role the class of jurists (especially notaries and
jurisconsults), who – inserted in various civic magistrates – before gave shape and legal language to
deliberations and then curate the reunion of it in organic texts, distributed in more books according to
the subject; finally they provided to their reform and update according to the trend of the time.
It is necessary to add that the statutes did not intervene in a world without legal rules. Indeed, there
were many: all the tradition of Justinian Roman law, reinterpreted by commentators and schools linked
to the universities; the papal decrees gathered in systematic collections, which ranged in many fields
of law and constitued the most authoritative jurisprudential background; moreover, each province
of the Papal State had their own constitutions, which reflected the local legal traditions; finally, the
consuetude, unwritten regulation, which in every place corresponded to the need and the sense of
justice. In this situation, the statutes corresponded primarily to the necessity to have certainty about
the rules to be applied, but also to the necessity to create rules more suitable to the local context, that
is to constitute a particular law. Likewise, when the twons began to have foreign judges (the podestà
of the cities, the vicars or rectors in the castles), it must have felt the need to write down the local
customary law or at least the part of it which could appear disputable in front of the judge stranger to
the place. From all of these factors it is, however, clear that the statutes had no claim to contain all the
regulation in force in the place of reference.
Just one example, the Castro statutes do not contain a norm which punishes the murder, but this does
not mean that the murders were not punished in Castro: certainly it was done by resorting to other
legislation.
Regarding the municipal statutes of our territory, approximately they can be placed in two categories:
those of the cities, which contemplated, asserted and consecrated in the writing the more or less
extensive autonomies towards the papal administration; and those of the castle communities subjected
to feudal rule, these statutes tended to contain the noble powers and to see recognized by the feudal
lords (and their courts) the consuetudines castri, that is the customary rules of the place, in particular
those regulated the prerogatives of the lord. Under a purely quantitative profile, we could say that,
generally, the municipal statutes were quite wide, that is articulated in more rubrics, while those of
the castle were significantly more simple 21 . But a deep difference between the statutes of the main
cities compared to those of the castle centres was in the free or less election of those which exercised
a political or judicial power of the place: that is the podestà of the city, the vicar or the official of the
castle.
We come to the late Middle ages statutes of Castro, conserved in the sixteenth-century parchment
manuscript described by Francesca Pontri in this volume, beginning from short preface which
precedes the provisions. Initially it has an intonation with a abstract moral character, but then it gives
some precious clues to understand the genesis of the statutory block: in fact it claims that it is the
«universitas terrae Castri» to establish it and that it made this «ad laudem dominorum nostrorum, sub
quorum gremio fidelis semper extitit», but with the practical purpose of certainty of the law («ne inter
21 About this type of municipal statutes in this area, see S. Notari, Per una geografia statutaria del
Lazio: il rubricario degli statuti comunali della provincia storica di Campagna, in Rivista Storica del Lazio,
13-14 (2005-2006), 21-22, Le comunità rurali e i loro statuti (secolo XII-XV), Atti del VIII Convegno del
Comitato italiano per gli studi e le edizione delle fonti normative, Viterbo 30 maggio – 1 giugno 2002, a cura
di A. Cortonesi e F. Viola, pp. 25-92. About individual aspects and comparisons of statutes, see A. Esposito,
Matrimonio, famiglia e condizione femminile nella normativa statutaria del Lazio medievale, in ivi, pp. 93-108;
G. Giammaria, Il ‘danno dato’ negli statuti di Campagna e Marittima. Una nota illustrativa, in ivi, pp. 121-139.
51

multa volumina legum fluctuare cogatur»), for the purpose prevailing above every law, including the
provincial constitutions. The idea of the birth of Castro’s statutes from an act of law autonomy of the
community seems remarkable, although it might think that the initiative was preceded by a negotiation
with the Colonnas. We can note that, from historical point of view, an operation of this magnitude
could be placed satisfactorily during a stormy period which includes the pontificates from Sixtus
IV to Alexander VI, when – co-protagonist in the complex political Italian game – Fabrizio and the
Colonna’s family must face heavy proscriptions and confiscations of the feuds and they need to ensure
the most possible fidelity of the population subject to their 22 .
The Castro laws are divided into one hundred thirty-nine rubrics in legal late-medieval Latin, with some
orthographic variant, maybe local (as assallimentum for assalimentum, condandatio for condemnatio,
quatraginta for quadraginta, quicunque for quicumque, solli for solidi).
In the sixteenth-century copy, which arrived to us, the Castro’s statutes are not divided into books, but
– by the succession of arguments and by comparison with other statutory compilations 23 – it is easily to
understand that, originally, the regulatory block was distributed into four books, according to a fairly
widespread model:
- the first book is dedicated to the civic organization and to principles of procedural law;
- the second contemplates the repression of the maleficia, namely the criminal law, today called penal;
- the third book is about the matter of so-called ‘danno dato’, that is the most important cases of
dannification in the agricultural economy;
- the fourth book contains heterogeneous norms or the extraordinaria, mostly of administrative
characteristic.
The parchment manuscript also includes Capitoli novi about the danno dato, addressed on December
1, 1510 by Agnesina di Montefeltro, wife of Fabrizio Colonna, to the “commissario” of Castro, that
is the representative of the Colonna’s dominion in loco 24 . Differently from the previous text, these
provisions are in Vulgar tongue and in a passage – relating to the disputes between Castro and Pofi –
this return to the «ordine che darrà Domenico de Bologna», a character who, therefore, should have a
greater role than the one of the commissioner in Colonna’s administration, perhaps a governor.
We come to the statutory norms. I have already mentioned the importance that had the election of
judge for the autonomy of the towns. Indeed, the first interpretation problem of the statutory norms
of Castro is about this argument. In fact, from the third, many rubrics of the one which is identified as
the first book, talks widely about the tasks of the officialis – or officialis curiae – as civil or criminal
judge 25 , while the first rubric establishes the popular election of it, made “in concione universali”
with a selection of a shortlist of two or three names, in whose ambit the local governor of Colonnas
22 For a summary of the action and events of Fabrizio Colonna, see sub voce edited by F. Petrucci in
Dizionario biografico degli italiani, Roma 1982, 27, pp. 288-293.
23 See, for example, locally in the ambit of the lands of the Colonna, the statutes of Morolo and Supino:
E. Canali, Cenni storici della terra di Morolo (con l’edizione dello statuto del 1610), a cura di G. Giammaria,
Anagni 1990 (Biblioteca di Latium, 12), p. 18s; G. Giammaria, Lo statuto di Supino, Anagni 1986 (Biblioteca
di Latium, 1), pp. 18-22.
24 Cf. P. Scaccia Scarafoni, Gli statuti di Castro, cit., p. 73s.
25 For example book I, rubr. [III], [IIII], [VI], [VIII]-[XI], [XIII]-[XV], [XVIII], [XXIII]. In the latter
rubric appear as the “officialis curiae” as the officiales dell’ universitas Castri. The municipal officiales are
taken in more explicit consideration in the rubric [XXXXVI], De mutatione officialium, which determine the
duration in office for four months, the election “in consilio universali” and the termis of the oath.
52

makes a further choice, confirming only one in the charge. The election of a shortlist of candidates
to the office, binding for the gorvernor of the feudal lord, seems a signal of a significant political
development for a late-medieval castle community. But this deliberation has never been effectively
applied? Or it will have been a concession wrested from the Colonnas in a moment of particular
weakness of their lordship, then remained on paper? Mind you: it is not just a question of political
power between the castle community and the Colonna’s lordship, because at the time it needed the
extensive relationships and uncommon acquaintances to identify a stranger jurist willing to come in
loco and able to «totam hanc universitatem in genere administrare, gubernare et procurare» as stated
in the oath (book I, rubr. II), where in the administrare it has been included the administration of the
justice, but also a whole range of political choices. And it can not to be excluded that the popular
election described by the statutory laws should involve a participation of the community to the
economic costs to pay the salaries to the officialis. We reflect on the fact that already the main cities
of the Campagna had showy limits in finding the podestà, often having to be content of jurists from
neighbouring centres 26 .
Moreover, the norm relating the election of the jurist is not the only which proposes some difficulties
of historical interpretation: similar doubts arise about the part of normative about the maleficia of
which Marcantonio II will exclude the efficacy “a sanguine supra” during the approval of the statutes
in 1561 27 ; also problematic is the rubric De molendinis et molituris (book I, rubr. XXXXV), which
would ensure the freedom to grind in any mill, in contradiction with its monopoly that we know from
the documents of the modern age 28 .
There is then a further question, however, connected to the same genesis of statutes of Castro: what
is the meaning of the fact that (although developing the articulation and the case) many criminal
rules are similar to those of the statutes of Olevano of 1364? Moreover, in that year – as it is evident
in the statutes 29 – the ancient Colonna’s feud in Olevano had been subjected by the municipality of
Rome, although to get back then to the Colonna 30 . Elsewhere, it was assumed that part of the statutes
of Olevano has served as a model for those of Castro in the fifteenth century, thanks to the passage
of jurists from one castle to the other during the staff turnover in the Colonna service 31 . However
it is not inconceivable that both regulatory blocks derive these rules from a common archetype not
yet identified. In any event, in the appendix we reproduce the most significant examples of these
coincidences between the two statutory texts.
In front of these complex issues, which eventually involve the essence and the methods of the
Colonna’s lordship, it would be attractive to have sources which would allow us to fully know
the names of the Castro’s judges in the fifteenth century and the trials held by them, as well as the
organization and staff employed by Colonnas in the management of the feud. Within the limits of the
this work, the writer has conducted an initial study in the five oldest protocols of the notary fond of
26 See in this regard J.C. Maire Vigueur, Comuni e signorie in Umbria, Marche e Lazio, in Comuni e
signorie nell’Italia nordorientale e centrale: Lazio, Umbria e Marche, Lucca, Torino 1987, p. 423.
27 See P. Scaccia Scarafoni, Gli statuti di Castro, cit., p. 74.
28 See ib., p. 16s.
29 See V. La Mantìa, Statuti di Olevano Romano del 15 gennaro 1364, Roma 1900, p. XVII.
30 For dominion of Colonna on Olevano, see G. Silvestrelli, Città, cit., p. 343.
31 See P. Scaccia Scarafoni,Gli statuti di Castro, cit., p. 29.
53

Castro, spanning the years from 1472 to 1525 32 . Indeed it can not expect great results from a this research
because it has conducted in a fond of the local drafters writings, while the notary in the judge’s service
was generally a stranger. However we can get some useful element.
The first judge found is ser Giovanni di Perugia, vicar of Castro, who in this role arranges and attends an
inventory of movable properties of a deceased person with the assistance of the factor of the Curia, the
ecclesiastic Antonio Cole Iacobi, in a period between the end of 1476 and the beginning of August 1477 33 .
After almost two decades, on March 25, 1426 we find as judge ser Nicola di Ripi, vicar of Castro, engaged
in a voluntary jurisdiction 34 . Then, engaged in the same activity, in 1498 Federico di Cecigliano appears,
doctor of law, commissioner and officialis of Castro 35 . In 1502, an act of voluntary jurisdiction is done with
the approval of Giovan Francesco Spada di Alatri, commissioner of the castle 36 .
From these reports, altough so limited, we have the impression that who administer the justice of Castro
are, in reality, appointed by Colonnas, because otherwise it would be difficult justify the presence of a
jurist of Perugia anche even of a doctor of law in an age when there are main towns governed by some
not graduated podestà 37 . Moreover, even the prevalence since 1498 of the title of commissioner suggests
that they are the appointed of the Colonna. Indeed, in this regard clearly they lay the open letters of
appointment of «magnificus Gabriel de Briscia, comissarius generalis domini Fabritii de Colunna», issued
by the duke in Rome in 1487 and that we have received us thanks to the inclusion in a deed of the same
year 38 :
32 State Archives of Frosinone, Fond of Notary Archive of Castro dei Volsci (then only ASFr, Fondo Notarile
Castro dei Volsci), b. 1, prott. 1-5.
33 Ibid., prot. 2, Acts of notary presbiter Laurentius Ioannes, c. 59v, act with chronic date mutilated of the
year and month, remaining only the indications of the tenth indiction and of sixth year of the pontificate of Sixtus
IV: «[…] hoc est memoriale et inventarium bonorum omnium mobilium condam Antonii Gaglardi (così), factum
et ordinatum per ser Iohannem de Perusia, vicarium castri Castri, presentem etc. et presente dopno Antonio Cole
Iacobi, factore curie [...]».
34 Ibid, prot. 5, Acts of notary Sebastianus ser Francisci Iohannis Postis de castro Castri, cc. 19v-20v: «[...]
constituta in iudicio coram spectabili viro ser Nicolao castri Riparum, honorando vicario terre Castri, Nanna Antonii
Bubalelli, uxor condam Pauli Cole Iacobi Simeonis, mater infrascriptorum heredum, que petiit a prefato vicario ius
videlicet Marie, Antonii et Nicolai, heredum condam dicti Pauli olim defuncti, tam personis quam bonis ipsorum
pupillorum, heredum et filiorum predictorum, dari tutorem et curatorem quam ibidem a dicto domino vicario,
nomine dictorum filiorum nominavit et petiit predictam Nannam uxorem predicti Pauli et matrem predictorum
[...]. Qui dictus dominus vicarius et officialis predictus, sedens pro tribunali ad eius solitum bancum iuris, suum
interposuit decretum et auctoritatem, dicendo dicte Nanne hec verba: Tutrix esto et curatrix esto; cum beneficio
tamen inventarii bonorum dictorum pupillorum [...]. Actum in domo solite residentie supradicti officialis, in
contrata Civite, ad bancum iuris, presentibus hiis, videlicet Iacobo Antonii Matonis et Bartholomeo Cole Melioris
et Salvatore Collepardis habitator(ibus) Castri, testibus vocatis etc.».
35 Ibid, c. 69r-v, act dated April 10, 1498: «[...] constituta personaliter in iudicio coram iuris doctore domino
Federico de Cicigliano, honorabili commissario et officiale terre Castri», Bella Rose Ioannis, madre dei minori
Benedetto, Antona e Beatrice, figli del defunto Antolino Bernabei, chiede al medesimo commissario di costituire
gli zii Vangelista e Antonio Bernabei tutori e curatori per detti minori; «qui dominus commissarius et officialis
predictus, sedens pro tribunali et eius solitum bancum iuris, suum interposuit decretum et auctoritatem,
dicendo dictis Vangeliste et Antonio hec verba: Tutores extote et curatores extote, cum beneficio tamen inventarii
bonorum dictorum pupillorum, pupillorum et heredum. Actum in domo solite residentie supradicti officialis, ad
bancum iuris [...]».
36 Ibid, prot. 4, Acts of unidentified notary, c. 38r: «[...] coram spectabili viro Iohanni (così) Francisco Spada
de Alatro, honor(abili) commissario terre Castri», Nicola Todiscus chiede che sia nominato un tutore per suo figlio
Giacomo, minore ed erede della defunta madre, indicandolo nella persona di Alessandro Aurelio, nonno materno
del minore; «qui dominus commissarius supra, sedens, predicta admisit fieri [...] dicendo eidem Alexandri (così)
presenti et intelligenti et acceptanti: Esto tutor, esto tutor, esto tutor [...]. Actum in terra Castri, in domo residentie
dicti commissarii [...]».
37 For example for Veroli, the obligation to elect podestà only who is doctor in law intervenes only with a
statutory reform of 1516 (Giovardiana Library in Veroli, parch. P. LI).
38 ASFr, Notary Fond Castro dei Volsci, b. 1, prot. 3, acts of notary presbiter Laurentius Ioannes, cc.143v-
54

Fabritius Colunna, armorum etc.
Castri, Riparum et Sancti Stephani
[P]er tenore della presente, ordiniamo et deputamo et constituimo nelli infrascripti lochi nostro
comissario lo nobeli[ssimo] Gabriel de Brescia circha tucte le entrate et occurrentie quomodocumque
pertinenti ad nui et alla nostra corte; commandando expressamente ad tucti vicarii, facturi, comestabili,
officiali et subditi nostri de dicti infrascripti lochi gli debiano dare in tucte cose fede piena che lui
ordenarà et vorrà et obedientia quanto alla persona nostra propria; notificando che nui haberemo
rato, accepto et fermo tucto quello sarrà facto, ordinato et exequito per lo dicto Gabriel comissario et
conpare nostro, quanto fosse facto, ordinato et exequito da nui propri; non facendo, né persconendo
lo contrario per quanto havendo cara la gratia nostra et socto altra nostra iure pena reservata al nostro
arbitrio. In quorum fidem, presentes fieri fecimus nostri consueti sigilli impressione munitas. Datum
Rome, xvi iunii, anno Domini MCCCCLXXXVII.
The document deserves at least a further consideration: Fabrizio Colonna alone exercises the lordship
of Castro. Except a different interpretation, this fact gives the impression that the mentioned phase of
co-ownership among Fabrizio and his brothers has been gone beyond since the middle 1487. However
even the following documents mention only Fabrizio as local lord 39 .
Vice versa, a dozen years earlier, on May 19, 1475, during the mass of the archpriest in the matrix of St.
Olive, it was solemnly celebrated an adoption of a child «coram reverendissimo domino prothonotario
de Columna, domino nostro» 40 , therefore one of the co-owners of Castro, although it is not possible
to identify him with certainty because, at the time, there are two Protonotaries Apostolic, brothers of
Fabrizio: Lorenzo, who will be assassinated in Rome in June 1484 to the hands of family enemies, and
Giovanni, who will create cardinal by the pope Sixtus IV in 1480 41 . Whatever it was, it seems that the
protonotary in question was remaining enough in Castro, because a deed of September 29, 1476 lists
among the witnesses «Simone de Valentone, familiari domini prothonotarii de Colunna» 42 . Vice versa,
146r, act dated July 4, 1487, Gabriele di Brescia, «comissarius generalis domini Fabritii de Colunna», exhibits
ope letters of his appointment and sells an area pertaining to the curia of Castro. In publishing here the open
letters, it was taken care to rearrange the elements bringing the intitulatio and the inscriptio at the beginning of
the text while in the notarial copyare transcribed at the end («[...] A capite presentium scriptum erat: Fabritius
Colunna, armorum etc. Intus erat scriptum: Castri, Riparum et Sancti Stephani»).
39 ASFr, Notarial Fond Castro dei Volsci, b. 1, prot. 3, cc. 160R-v, act dated December 3, 1487: «Iohannes
condam archipresbiteri, factor i(llustris) domini Fabritii de Columna et administrator etc.» concedes to Giovanni
and to Carlo of the deceased Pietro Caçarelli the faculty to built above a tower of Castro, leaving open, however,
the loopholes and anything else necessary to defence of the town. Ibid, same prot., c. 163r, act dated December
21, 1487: Giovanna of deceased Cola Stephani sells a room of the house, «occasione delicti filii sui presbiteri
Bartholomei, qui in presenti detinetur in carceribus sub potestate domini Fabritii de Colunna». Ibid, prot. 5, cc.
136v-137v act dated October 12, 1499: the magister Giacomo archipresbiteri and the magister Francesco, both
of Castro, are the tenants of the herbs and of the herbage of the Castro territory, to purchase made «a factore
castri predicti et illustrissimi domini domini Fabritii Columne ducis etc.» and sell all the acorn to Diallevalo,
ceccanese.
40 Ibid, prot. 2, c. 31v. The adoption is done through formal and solemn actions worthy of being studied
for the local history of law: Antonio condam Petrutii of Castro puts his daughter Giovanna on the altar where it
is celebrated the mass, and Angelo Falanga of Gaeta lifts her from the altar, receiving her as daughter, however
with the right to use her «in cunctis suis negotiis onestis» for eight years and with the onus to assign her a dowry
of 24 ducats.
41 About the protonotary Lorenzo see the information reported in headings relating to Fabrizio in
Dizionario biografico degli italiani, edited by F. Petrucci, cit., 27, p. 288. For Giovanni see sub voce in ibi, pp.
342-344.
42 ASFr, Notary Fond Castro dei Volsci, b. 1, prot. 2, c. 52v.
55

a document of 1484 explicitly refers to the ‘protonotario’ Giovanni (in effect cardinal for some time)
as the co-owner of Castro with Fabrizio 43 .
The notarial protocols show also the consistency of the local apparatus of the Colonna’s administration
and of its activity. Thus, between March and July 1476, among the witnesses of notarial acts appears
the notary Fabrizio de Pontianis of Rome 44 , who may have been the notary of the noble curia: with
regret it must be stated that the State Archives of Rome preserves its protocols only since 1496. From
1485 figures in the documents the already mentioned and authoritative Domenico di Bologna, or
«Dominico de Porta de Bononia, habitatore Castri» 45 , who – even without explicit qualifications–, we
have to assume, is a jurist of Colonnas. Obviously, in this high-ranking of professionals, it must be
included the vicars and the commissioners already examined, who keep judicial hearing «ad bancum
iuris» in their residence, «in contrata subtus platee (così) Sancti Salvatoris” 46 , or “in contrata Civite” 47 .
With these, in a subordinate position, there is the attendant to ordinary administration of the property
of the lordship, that is the factor, often an ecclesiastical, who provides – among other things – the rent
of the herbage and of the glandaticum of the Castro’s territory 48 . There is also the military element 49 ,
and, for the executive staff, the representative of the curia, who is a stranger 50 .
With regard to the administration of the criminal justice, there are few traces but they give the idea
of a system handheld with efficiency and taken care by the central administration of the Colonnas 51 .
To this one is owed also the use of local professional forces making them circulate in the feuds of the
lordship 52 in a government strategy which might be worthy of study elsewhere.
Viceversa, unfortunately, in the examined notarial protocols it lacks any explicit reference to the
statutory laws, even when it is very likely that we are in front of their application, as in the case of
43 Ibi, prot. 3, cc. 38r-39v, act dated February 7, 1484: exchange between the chapter of the matrix of St.
Oliva and «Antonius Simeonis de castro Castri, factor et administrator rerum dominorum nostrorum, videlicet
domin(orum) i(llustrium) prothonotarii Iohannis et Fabritius (così) domini nostri de Colunna ».
44 Ibid, prot. 2, cc. 42v, 43r., 50r.
45 Ibid, prot. 3, c. 84, act dated September 11, 1485; ibid, same prot., c. 157r, act dated October 11, 1487
(from which it is drawn up the passage between quote). About the sons of this: ibid, prot. 5, c. 18v, marriage
contract of February 1, 1496, Giovanni Battista is the witness; I monasteri di Subiaco. La biblioteca e l’archivio,
a cura di V. Federici, 2, Roma 1904, pp. 302, 446, Sigismondo is the notary and draw up at Subiaco in 1557.
46 ASFr, Notary Fond Castro dei Volsci, b. 2, fascicule reunited after restoration, c. 61v ancient foliation,
act dated January 15, 1477.
47 Ibid, b. 1, prot. 5, c. 70v, act dated April 10, 1498.
48 Ibid, prot. 2, c. 43v, act dated February 1, 1476; b. 1, prot. 2, c. 59v, act attributable to 1476-77,
see note 33; b. 1, prot. 3, cc. 38r-39v, act dated February 27, 1484; b. 1, prot. 3, c. 86r; b. 1, prot. 3, cc.
160r-v, act dated December 3, 1487; b. 1, prot. 5, cc. 136v-137v, act dated October 12, 1499.
49 Ibid, prot. 5, cc. 155-v-158r, act dated February 3, 1500, among whose witnesses figure «Princivalle
armigero illustrissimi domini Fabritii Columna dux (così) etc.».
50 Ibid, prot. 1, c. 4v, act dated May 31, 1472: Mariano Antonelli of Anagni, mandatory of Castro, has
banned the sell of land to the highest bidder.
51 Ibid, prot. 2, fascicule reunited after restoration, c. 62r-v di ancient foliation, trade dated January 22,
1477, from which resulted that Antonio condam Iohannis Ferrari di Castro, «ob certum scelus contra curiam
per eum actum [...], factus erat exul et Castrum reverti minime poterat»; b. 1, prot. 3, c. 163r, act dated 1487 dic.
21, Giovanna of deceased Cola Stephani sell a room of the house, making it «occasione delicti filii sui presbiteri
Bartholomei, qui in presenti detinetur in carceribus sub potestate domini Fabritii de Colunna».
52 It is the case of notary «Sebastianus ser Francisci Iohannis Postis de castro Castri», who in 1498 is
vicary of Piglio and gives a judgment that it is preserved in one of his protocols in order to have himself drafted
the document, see in ibi, prot. 5, cc. 104r-105r: 1498 nov. 6, Piglio, «Nos notarius Sebastianus de castro Castri,
pro illustrissimo domino domino Fabritio Columna etc. vicarius castri Pilei, pro tribunali sedentes ad meum
solitum banchum iuris [...]». Another example is that of Castro’s Pellegrino Rampalli, warden of the fortress of
Colli, see in ibid, c. 153r, act dated January 27, 1500.
56

arbitration between close relatives, provided by the rubric De differentiis inter consanguineos (book
I, rubr. XIIII) 53 . By contrast, the same protocols are testimony of a more lively and dynamic castle
society than one might expect from a small feudal centre, with flows of people and trade outside of
strictly local ambit.
appendix
comparison between some rules of the statutes of Olevano and Castro
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LVIII. De penis minorum
Item quod si minor XXIIII annis usque ad X
fecerit furtum, puniatur in dimidio quam alius
qui maior esset. Et si minor X annis damnum
dederit aut furtu commiserit, damnum tantum
emendet. Et si rixam fecerit aut percusserit
cum sanguine vel sine, absque pena transeat,
medicaminis pretium tantum prestet. Et ad
probandum dictam etatem et annos, pater et
mater admittantur.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXIII. De excessibus commissis
ludendo
Item quod excessum aliquem si quis commiserit
ignoranter seu ludendo seu casualiter et
probare poterit, facta reconciliatione cum parte
lesa, sine pena transeat et contra eum procedi
non possit. Et si processum fuerit, retractetur
processus.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XXXVIII]. De furtis puerorum,
damnis et excessibus
Si minor quindecim et maior decem annis puer
fecerit furtum, puniatur in dimidio quam maiores
et, si minor decem annis, damnum aut furtum
emendet sine poena. Et, si rixam fecerit aut
percusserit tam cum sanguine quam sine, impune
transeat, medicantis pretium tantumodo prestet et
ad probandum ipsam etatem sive annos pater et
mater admittantur.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. X]. De excessu commisso
ludendo
Statuimus quod si quis excessum commiserit
ludendo vel ignoranter et hoc probare poterit, facta
compositione cum parte lesa,transeat sine poena
et officialis non procedat ulterius contra eos, nec
permittat quod aliquis contra eos procedat nisi
facta fuerit querela coram officiali a parte lesa,
non dum facta compositione de offensa; et hoc
intelligimus in casibus in quibus potest transigi et
pacisci.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXIII. De forbannitis et diffidatis
Item quod forbanniti et diffidati dictum castrum
reintrare non possint, nisi prius curie et parti lese
extiterit satisfactum. Si aliter reintraret aliquis
ipsorum, castellanus seu vicarius teneatur ipsos
capere et detinere donec satisfaciant curie et
parti lese, salvo si a dicto exbannimento fuerit
appellatum et in causa appellationis obtentum
pro parte diffidati, in quo casu appellationi
deferre teneatur. Forbanniti vero propter
homicidium nullo modo reintrare possint
donec in totum satisfecerint secundum formam
statuti loquentis de homicidio (. . .).
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XI]. De forbanditis
Ordinamus quod forbanditi in dicto Castro regredi
non possint nisi prius curiae et parti lesae erit
satisfactum; salvo si ab exbandimento fuerit
appellatum et in causa appellationis pro parte
forbanditi fuerit impetratum, in quo casu officialis
appellationem differre debeat. Forbanditi vero
propter homicidium nullo modo redire possint.
53 For example ibid, c. 3r, election of referees of May 29, 1494, between Angelo Antonii Ambrosii and
his son Pietro, to divide a shared house and contested among them.
57

Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXIV. De verbis iniuriosis
Item quicumque dixerit alicui verba iniuriosa,
videlicet homicida, latro, fur, revallosus,
puctana, mentiris et his similia, in decem
solidos vice qualibet puniatur, sive unum
verbum dixerit sive plura.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXV. De improperiis
Item quicumque improperavit vel ad memoriam
reduxerit alicui iniuriam sibi illatam, eius patri,
matri, fratri, sorori vel nepoti carnali, utpote
de patris homicidio vel matris vel aliqua morte
turpi vel iniuria gravi, in X solidos vice qualibet
puniatur.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXVI. De pena impellentium aliquem
Item si quis aliquem irato animo impulerit, si
eum cadere fecerit in X solidos puniatur, si vero
cadere eum non fecerit puniatur in V solidos.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXIX. De pena extrahentium arma
sine percussione
Item si quis contra aliquem extraxerit
quocumque modo arma et non percusserit,
in X solidos puniatur, nisi hoc fecerit ad sui
defensionem. Et si contra plures personas
eodem instanti semel dicta arma extraxerit, pro
uno excessu tantum puniatur.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXXII. De percutientibus cum armis
in facie
Item si aliqui aliquem percusserit cultello
vel ense, clava, lancea, sagitta, falcione vel
lapide seu baculo et his similibus in facie cum
sanguinis effusione, ita quod signum turpe
appareat et in facie percussi remaneat, si cum
cultello et his similibus, puniatur in XV libris
denariorum; si cum lapide vel baculo, in X
libris. Mulieres vero et minores XV annis usque
ad decem annos, si talia commiserint, puniantur
in centum solidis. Et si offensor penam solvere
non poterit vel neglexerit infra competentem
terminum sibi datum et capi poterit, secundum
iura puniatur. Et si capi non poterit, procedatur
contra eum ad diffidationem et publicationem
bonorum curie et offenso pro tertia parte. Et
quod in omnibus percussionibus percussor
cogatur dare pretium medicaminis percusso,
taxatione tamen castellani seu vicarii.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXXVI. De pena insultus
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XV]. De verbis iniuriosis
Quicunque dixerit alicui verba iniuriosa, videlicet
homicida, fur, latro, revagliosus, ruffianus,
reportator et hiis similia, ex quibus rixa et odium
consuevit exoriri, sive unum de predictis sive
plura dixerit, in viginti solidos puniatur si fuerit
proclamatum exinde ab audiente iniuriam et
infra tres dies cum iuramento fiet accusatio
testimonialis.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XIIII]. De exprolatione
iniuriarum
Quicunque reimproperaverit vel ad memoriam
reduxerit alicui iniuriam sibi vel patri vel matri,
fratri vel sorori suae vel nepotibus illatam, utpote
de homicidio vel morte aliqua naturali, puniatur
in quatraginta solidos, si persustinentem iniuriam
fuerit exinde proclamatum et cum iuramento illum
duxerit accusandum.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XVI]. De impulsione iratorum
Si aliquem irato animo impellet et cadere non
fecerit, puniatur in viginti solidos et, si cadere
fecerit, dupliciter puniatur.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XVII]. De extractione armorum
Quicunque extraxerit arma contra suum civem
ad percutiendum et non percusserit, puniatur
in quindecim solidos, nisi hoc fecerit in suam
defensionem; et si contra plures in eodem loco in
una rixa extraxerit arma, pro uno excessu tantum
puniatur.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XX]. De percussione cum armis
Si qui percusserit aliquem cultello, ense, clavia,
lancea seu sagitta, falcione et baculo ferrato et hiis
armis similibus, cum sanguine et in facie, ita quod
signum cicatricis appareat et remaneat, puniatur
in quindecim libras et expellatur de Castro a loge
duodem milia passus et stet exul per tres menses
ad minus. Si vero percusserit cum lapide, puniatur
in decem libras et maneat exul per duos menses.
Mulieres autem et pueri decem annorum usque
ad quindecim, si predicta commiserint, puniantur
in tribus libris. Et si offensores predictas poenas
solvere non poterint nec capi, procedatur contra
eos ad exbandimentum et ad publicationem
omnium bonorum eorum, applicandorum curiae et
offenso pro tertia parte; et hoc ordinamus expresse
observare. Et si capi poterit, puniatur secundum
iura.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, Rubr. XXII]. De assalimentis
58

Item si aliquis assaliverit aliquem seu
insultaverit in quocumque loco existentem,
puniatur in XL solidis, salvis aliis penis in
quas incidere potest pro aliis excessibus quos
committeret. Et si de nocte fuerit, puniatur in
duplum et qui eum tunc offenderet, transeat
sine pena. Assalimentum vero et insultum
intelligi volumus cum aliquem offenderet vel
offendere vellet, nullis verbis precedentibus.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXXVIII. De excessibus commissis ad
defensionem
Item qui, ad defensionem suam vel sue
familie, utpote patris, fratis, sororis, matris,
nepotis carnalis seu consobrini vel familiaris,
domestici, aliquid fecerit seu aliquem
offenderit, non teneatur ad penam.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXXX. De pena armorum
Item si quis inventus fuerit cum armis prohibitis
per vicarium vel familiares et domesticos
ipsius intus castrum predictum de die, solvat
V solidos, de nocte vero decem, exceptis
officialibus curie et communis, quibus portare
liceat, non tamen malitiose sed pro statu
pacifico et concordia dicti castri.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. LXXXIII. De nequitiis mulierum
Item considerantes nequitias mulierum,
volumus quod si aliqua mulier fuit pregnans
et voluerit de aliquo ponere clamorem dicendo
quod fuerit exfortiata ab illo a quo esset
pregnans, eius proclamatio non teneat nec
admittatur et accusatus transeat sine pena.
Statuti di Olevano
Rubr. XC. De pena infocantis
Item qui studiose posuerit ignem ad
comburendum aliquam domum intus castrum,
secundum iura puniatur; si vero extra in aliqua
domo in qua habitetur, puniatur in L libris
denariorum et, si non habitetur, in X libris.
Et si vocatus non comparuerit, diffidetur et
bona eius publicentur curie et damnum passo
usque ad debitam quantitatem pene et damni
et reaffidari non possit donec satisfecerit curie
et damnum passo. Et si capi poterit et infra
competentem terminum sibi datum satisfacere
neglexerit, secundum iura puniatur et curia
possit omnimodo procedere.
Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. CIV. De pena non euntium ad opus
communis
Item qui vocatus fuerit ad opus communis et
non iverit, solvat denarios XX.
Si quis aliquem assalliverit in quocunquqe loco
existentem, puniatur in centum solidos, salvis
aliis pęnis in quibus incurrat pro aliis excessibus
quos commiserit. Et qui, succurrendo assallitum,
percusserit vel offenderit agressorem, transeat
sine poena; et qui de nocte assalliverit, puniatur
in duplo. Assallimentum autem vocamus et
intelligimus dummodo aliquis aliquem offendat
vel offendere velit, verbis iniuriosis et contumeliis
non precedentibus.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, Rubr. XXIII]. De percussione causa
defensionis
Quis, ad sui defensionem vel suae familiae, matris,
patris, sororis et fratris sui vel nepotis carnalis
seu consobrini aut domestici, familiaris, aliquem
leserit, non puniatur ad aliquid, dummodo fiat
defensio cum moderamine inculpate tutele ut iura
volunt, ac si ipsum defenderet vel res proprias.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, Rubr. XXVII]. De portantibus arma
Quicunque fuerit inventus cum armis ad
defensionem seu impugnationem vel offensionem,
excepto cultello non ultra mensuram, intus dictum
Castrum, puniatur in decem solidos et de nocte in
duplo, exceptis officialibus curiae et communis,
salvo quod non possit ire cum dictis armis
malitiose nisi pro statu dominorum nostrorum
et communis dicti Castri, salvo tempore guerrę
quando mandatur ab officiali cum concilio quod
liceat omnibus portare arma.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. VII]. De nequitia mulierum
Considerantes nequitiam mulierum, statuimus
quod, si foemina [gravida] proclamaverit dicendo
quod fuit exfortiata a quo est facta gravida,
proclamatio eius non admittatur et, si male
denunciatum fuerit, accusatus transeat sine poena.
Statutes of Castro
[Book II, rubr. XXXX]. De incendiariis
Ignem studiose accendentes causa comburendi
aliquam domum intus Castrum, secundum iura
puniantur; si extra menia in domo habitantis,
puniantur in quinquaginta libris; et si domus non
habitatur, in vigintiquinque libris puniatur; et si
capi non poterit, diffidetur de Castro et bona eius
curiae applicentur et passo incendium usque ad
satisfactionem damni; si non capietur etpoenam
ante dictam solvere noluerit, puniatur secundum
iura. Intelligitur quod in quolibet predictorum casu
damnum emendet, excepto in casu ubi poena esset
personalis, in quo ad curiam generalem remittatur.
Statutes of Castro
[Book I, rubr. XXXVIII]. Ad opus communis
Qui vocatus fuerit ad opus et non iverit, puniatur
in quinque soli(do)s nisihabeat legitimam
excusationem et credatur ei cum iuramento.
59

Statutes of Olevano
Rubr. CVI. De cautionibus
Item quod castellanus dari faciat cautiones
de non offendendo et pace servanda cuilibet
petenti eas ab aliquo de dicto castro , qui, si
dare noluerit, forbanniatur et stet forbannitus
donec prestet huiusmodi cautiones.
Statutes of Castro
[Book I, rubr. XXX]. De cautionibus ne
offendatur
Statuimus quod officialis dari faciat cautiones de
non offendendo et pace servanda homini de Castro
petenti ex rationabili et evidenti causa; et qui dare
recusaverit aut dare non potuerit [exbandiatur]
donec prestet huiusmodi cautiones.
60

Rossana Fiorini
Ceccano: danno dato, confirmation of a statute
Introduction
Recalling in exact and detailed manner the basic steps of the statutory history of the city of
Ceccano 1 is a very difficult task, considering the lack of available sources. The local historiography,
in fact, reports the lack of ancient statutes, but thanks to the examination of the archive documents
many proofs of the statutory legislation of the community have been product. The documents
examined for our research derive from the fond of the Congregazione del Buon Governo in the
State Archives of Rome.
It is also important to explain that, in spite of the non-existence of a statute copy on which to
compare the data found, to our benefit we can have available the Council Resolutions, 2 kept in the
historical municipal Archive, which have already manifested many information. So our analysis
adds new and further elements to what we have known so far.
Fate of a statute
A first statutory source – which contained the oldest customs of the community – was probably
under the control of Giovanni I, when there was a larger political stability. 3
Later, in the XIV century, also Ceccano fell within the more general legislative reorganization of
so-called Egidian Constitution (in force in the territory of Ceccano since 1362) and all the cities
which were in the lordship of the de Ceccano were obliged to observe the Ceccano's Statutes. These
provisions aimed to satisfy the strengthening of the Church's powers. 4 In the following centuries,
1
The destiny of the Community were indissolubly tied to those of the comites, then domini, de Ceccano, a
powerful family who dominated an extended Lordship since the second half of X century. Most of the
information about the de Ceccano are in G. H. PERTZ, Annales Ceccanenses seu chronicon Fossae Novae, in
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Hannoverae 1866 (Scriptores, 19). The establishment of a such lineage in
this territory caused several conflicts with the pope: the de Ceccano in fact did not turn into the orbit of the
papal power and they always tried to develope arrangement and administrative practices against the
pontifical jurisdiction; then with Giovanni, under Innocent III, they recognized the pontifical lordship, as
long as their power did not end in the course of the XIV century. Cf. G. FALCO, I Comuni della Campagna e
della Marittima nel Medioevo, in Archivio della Regia Società Romana di Storia Patria, (1919) pp. 537-605;
P. TOUBERT, Les structures du Latium médiéval: le Latium méridional et la Sabine du IXème à la fin du
XIème siècle, Roma 1973; Castelli del Lazio Meridionale: contributi di storia, architettura e archeologia, a
cura di G. GIAMMARIA, Roma 1998.
2
About this cf. C. CRISTOFANILLI, Vicende statutarie di Ceccano dal Medioevo al sec. XX, in Teretum, 6
(1995), 2, p. 65; an examination of the Books of Councils leads the author to a partial reconstruction of the
decision-making authority of the Community, which in the general lines do not deviate from those provided
for the Pontifical State comunity; cf . E. LODOLINI, L'archivio della S. Congregazione del Buon Governo
(1592-1847). Inventario, Roma 1956 (Pubblicazioni dell'Archivio di Stato, 20).
3
C. CRISTOFANILLI, Vicende statutarie, cit., pp. 66-67. We do not have any transcription of this, but we can
find some informations thanks to a contemporary document, the Carta Libertatis, by which Giovanni I de
Ceccano in the 1196 granted to the abbot Landulfo the jurisdiction above men and goods of the Abbey of
Santa Maria a Fiume.
4
Ibidem. The Community Statutes were obliged to align theirselves and to make up rules coherent with the
new constitutions, in order to not contradict them. The statutes of new compilation, on the other hand, must
receive the pontifical approval to come in force. The new discipline caused rebellions by some towns,
including Ceccano; furthermore, the abolition of the papal bull Romana Mater issued by Boniface VIII
(1297), which authorized the volunteers donor of the clergy for the king without the permission of the pope,
and permitted the free election of the podestà and the main municipal appointment, aggravated the
rebellions. The disputes ended only when the above-mentioned bull was changed and reintegrated; a
document of 1389 reminds that the city government, while remaining under the feudal power of Giovanni
III, had its own official and a magistrate forming the Universitas. Then Pope Sisto IV decreed – in the bull
Etsi Cunctorum (1478) – that the previous Egidian Constitution were extended to whole territory of the Papal
61

the institutional events of Ceccano joined to more general fates of the Province of Campagna e
Marittima of the Pontifical State, stronghold of the noble Roman families 5 .
A first drafting of a community statute should date to the first half of sixteenth century: this is a
lost version, repeatedly quoted in the Books of the Councils and in the Registry of Sentences 6 .
About the danno dato
It is clear that it is not easy to study the statutory discipline, 7 but various interpretations and
numerous elements can be derived from the reading of official documents or correspondences and
letters.
The Community of Ceccano addresses the Congregazione del Buon Governo to highlight the
serious damages caused by the goats. With a letter of August 1778, the Community of Ceccano
denounces the status of legal inadequacy of statutory rules about the sanctions for damages caused
to crops 8 and solicits the Sacra Congregazione to definitively ratify the Council Resolution,
previously discussed and approved in the Council 9 . The new law ratifies the possibility to be able to
suppress the beasts which were found to damage the crops. The Council met and deliberated on
January 11, 1778. It was a rather anomalous provision: in fact, it is well known that, even in
comparison with the information generally taken from other Communities of the Province of
Campagna, the beasts were considered very important resources, and so hardly susceptible to kill
them. The chosen Council Resolution did not meet the positive and favourable opinion of all: in
another sheet of the same envelope (dated May of the same year) it is possible to read the judgment
of Gaspare Tonelli, auditor of Ceccano. He, writing to the Buon Governo, claims that the resolution
taken by the Council is in contradiction to the justice and, for this reason, he therefore suggests to
impose a fine against the transgressors, the owners of the beasts which have caused damages to the
lands defined “ristretti” – that is those fenced lands dedicated exclusively to the cultivation, where
State, and Paul III Farnese gave them new vigour tam in Urbe quam in Provincia (cf. also G. FLORIDI, La
“Romana Mater” di Bonifacio VIII e le libertà comunali nel Basso Lazio, Guarcino 1986).
5
The inventories of Onorato III Caetani from Fondi are useful for a documentary research about the statutory
normative, because, in addition to list the castle assets, they return to the historical study the Court
ordinances. In these documents all the territories of Ceccano were given back to the Court and the provisions
concerning the old defensa (rights) of the Church are mentioned, to be respected in accordance with the
articles and the Statutes granted to her. Cf. Inventarium Honorati Gaietani: l’inventario dei beni di Onorato
II Gaetani d’Aragona, 1491-1493, transcription of C. RAMADORI, critical review, introduction and
supplements of S. POLLASTRI, Roma 2006, ad indicem; E. A. PAPETTI, Ceccano al tramonto del Medioevo
nell'inventario di Onorato III Caetani. 1491, Translate and notes edite by U. GERMANI, Frosinone 2003, pp.
7-23.
6
This drafting is part of a wider context of a work of arrangement of the community norms and customs
which led, in the same years, to the revision of the statutes of many other centres of the Southern Lazio.
7
For this reason, it is very important a paper copy of the XIX century, two sheets of recto and verso, coming
from the private archive of Carlo Cristofanilli, which reports the Chapter 54 of Book IV of the Ceccano's
Statute.
8
State Archives of Rome, Fond of Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, Series II (then only BG), b. 938.
On August 14, 1778, the Community of Ceccano writes to the Sacra Congregazione. «La comunità di
Ceccano […] rappresenta essere intollerabili i danni, che specialmente dalle bestie caprine, si recano a quei
arboreti ed oliveti. Giacché non sono state sufficienti le pene ed aumento delle medesime per ovviare tali
danni».
9
Ibidem. «[…] il Consiglio, che a questo effetto si adunò, per non sentire più tali schiamazzi e bestemmie di
quei poveri, risolvette che da qui in avvenire si potessero le capre ammazzare impunemente trovandosi a dar
danno nei luoghi suddetti. Resta solo, che tale risoluzione venga ora approvata dall’Eminenze Vostre, di che
sono pregate, perché così si sarà dato fine a tali danni né più si sentiranno i lamenti, e bestemmie di quel
popolo danneggiato».
62

the passage and grazing of the animals were particularly damaging. Therefore, without the necessity
of killing the animal. 10
The Council decisions, however, appears to be the extreme ratio in front of recurring episodes:
the documents are extremely clear in this regard, they report a situation where nothing could be
done by the previously dispositions, which had modified and aggravated the punishment imposed.
So the committed damages pushed the Community to demand to made lawful the killing of the
animals. The adopted council resolution said in fact:
«Per dar riparo a li danni che vengono causati nelli ristretti di questa terra, e suoi cittadini,
giacché gl’altri pratticati per il passato tutti sono stati, e riusciti inutili, sarebbe egli di
opinione, e erede espediente, che oltre la pena statutaria contro li trasgressori, dare la facoltà,
e libertà alli padroni di tali ristretti di poter impunemente ammazzare le bestie caprine, che
entrano in detti ristretti, con l’approvazione dei superiori».
Despite this, it was impossible to find a remedy for the damages caused by the goats 11 , so the
opinion of the auditor had now been uniformed to what the population demanded. Now they suggest
to totally expel the animals from the territory and allow their killing, or rather one by herd, as it is
the case of the pigs 12 .
It proves, however, that the discomfort of the population, after a brief break, resumes to manifest
itself because, as Domenico Marella testifies, the appeal against this is not last long, and all the
animals, in general, are making considerable damages 13 .
10
Ibid. The auditor of Ceccano writes to the Sacra Congregazione on May 5, 1778. «È contraria alla giustizia
e all’equità la risoluzione presa da questo Pubblico Consiglio di potersi ammazzare le capre, che si trovano a
danneggiare ne’ luoghi ristretti, potendo quelli, che ricevono il danno, convenire giudizialmente li padroni di
esse per conseguirne l’emenda. Se si crede tenue la pena statutaria, si può accrescere, a riportarne
l’approvazione de’ superiori, giacché così si rimedierebbe all’intollerabile licenza d’alcuni caprari».
11
Ibid, b. 939. Letter addressed to the Buon Governo by the auditor Pietro Antonio Vaccari, on October 3,
1780. «Rapporto a quanto si espone nella supplica data alla Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo in nome
dei Consiglieri della terra di Ceccano, e che univocamente col documento nella medesima annessa mi do
l’onore di ritrovar compiegata all’Eccellenza Vostra devo ossequiosamente riferire alla medesima, esser
veramente intollerabili li danni, li quali si recano delle capre nelle vigne, alboreti, oliveri, ed altri ristretti di
quel territorio, e non esser stato possibile finora il prendervi riparo, neppure all’accrescimento della pena
altre volte dalla prelodata Sacra Congregazione ordinato, atteso che gl’animali suddetti appartengono per la
massima parte a persone prepotenti, le quali poco, o nulla temono lo sbirro. Farci perciò anch’io di parere,
che altro riparo che vi resti a prendere, se non bandirle affatto dai luoghi, e ristretti suddetti colla permissione
a chi ve le troverà a danneggiare di ucciderne una per branco, nella maniera istessa che per statutaria
disposizione vien permesso di fare con gli’animali neri, tantoppiù che non mancano in suddetto territorio
altri luoghi commodi, e propri, ove ritenerle alli pascoli senza pericolo di recar danni».
12
This fact about the black animals can be compared with some information found in the Council
Resolutions. «Si confermano le difese tra le vigne, e che se debbia ammazzar il porco trovandosi a far danno
nelle vigne, e portar il quarto alla Corte, e che se paga de pena uno carlino (per pascere uno da dece in giù),
et che se debbia rescuoter il denaro dell'erbatico ecc. che alcuno fosse trovato con uva in mano, o incontrato
per strada, o in qualunque luogo fossero trovati, che gli abbia a menar dove l'ha colta con la pena ad arbitrio
del signor Auditore (facendolo) stare anche in berlingha e che sia creso con giuramento ogniuno per accusar
(danni) dell'uva e che sia pagato quello che accorderà il (capitano)». Ceccano, Historical Municipal Archive,
Book of the Councils (1579-1587), Resolution August 5, 1580; cf. also C. CRISTOFANILLI, Vicende statutarie,
cit., pp. 66-67.
13
BG, b. 939. The document is a memorial that has neither a signature nor a date. It is added to two letters,
one of October 30, 1784 and the other of November 5, 1784, signed respectively by the auditor Patrei and by
auditor Terisse. The leaves are addressed to the Sacra Congregazione which writes the date of November 13,
1784 on the back. «Domenico Marella della terra di Ceccano diocesi di Ferentino Oratore Umilissimo
dell’Eccellenza Sua divotamente le rappresenta come da quattro anni fa quella Comunità porge supplica alla
Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo per li danni che quella Comunità praticava nei ristretti, e molto più
nelli oliveti, per i danni che facevano le bestie caprine; si degnò essa Sacra Congregazione con veneratissimo
rescritto imponere la pena sopra le bestie caprine […] motivo che più da padroni venderne suoi armenti di
63

Through the statutes the civil and criminal law of the Community was regulated, but not always
the established rules were sufficient to mitigate the abuses which were committed (especially in the
countryside) and, consequently, more severe sanctions were often required to enforce the law.
In particular, we learn the information about the supplication of Antonio Lauretti 14 to the Buon
Governo (at the end of XVIII century), sent to obtain that it was forbidden the insertion of the
animals in the vineyards already damaged by the recent frost for at least five years and to increase
the sanction of 20 baiocchi for each beast which had caused the damage. In this document it is
mentioned the danno dato, that is the fraudulent or unintentional damages caused by people or
animals to the communal lands and their cultivations. The attention is placed just on the increased
penalty (already due to the court): the Council resolution 15 approves that the prohibition of
introducing animals into the land lasted for five years and established that the sanction would be
applied half to the owner of the fund and the other half to the Community. The auditor considered
this diversification within the penalty opposed to baronial law 16 , which, until then, was exclusive, in
the sense that the baron took the entiry penalty. Moreover, the auditor proposes to keep the
prohibition for two years and not five 17 . The reply 18 of the appointee of the Buon Governo mediates
bestie caprine. […] Ha durato poco un tal rigore in quanto anno corrente non solo nelli ristretti vanno
pascolando le capre, ma pecore e animali neri, vaccine d’ogni genere, bufali e cavalli, senza haver visto
avanti ai propri occhi i poveri paesani non hanno a chi ricorrere […] pertanto poveri paesani vivono nelle
angustie molto più che molti de poveri compatrioti nella annata scorsa».
14
Ibid, b. 940. In the leaves, it was found a memorial signed by Antonio Lauretti and other landowners of the
land of Ceccano. The date at the bottom is May 22, 1790. The document reports «come stante le gelate
dell’anno scorso si seccarono negli albereti tutte le viti quali soltanto in quest’anno germogliando nelle
radiche si vanno ritirando su per unirle all’albero, portando anche del frutto; ma siccome Eminenti Signori
seguita la raccolta del grano e granturco, entrando le bestie al pascolo queste ritrovando le viti basse e stando
alla loro altezza essendo, che le pascolano, e se una va a perdere il frutto, o l’intento, che per l’anno fruttuoso
sia la vite giunta all’albero, non essendovi compenso per qualunque danno si potesse far pagare alle dette
bestie dannificanti». Infine si richiedeva che fosse «chiunque proibito di pascolare in detti viti, dove sono
questi albereti, sotto pena della perdita della bestia, da applicarsi in favore della Comunità».
15
Ibid. The auditor Giacomo Antonio Riccardi writes to the Sacra Congregazione, on August 14, 1790, to
have an opinion about the case and the petition submitted by Antonio Lauretti, of whom he will send a copy
of the memorial. «Il memoriale dato a nome di Antonio Lauretti, quale ritorno a Vostra Santità Illustrissima e
Reverendissima ha dato causa al Consiglio di Ceccano di risolvere, che si imponesse la pena di baiocchi 20
per ciascuna bestia, che si volesse introdurre e si facesse introdurre negli oliveti ed albereti ristretti da durare
per due anni. L’allontanamento delle bestie da tali luoghi ha per fine la conservazione dalla rinascenza delle
radici delle piante seccate nell’inverno dell’anno 1789».
16
Ibid. «Sia ben pensato un tale allontanamento: ma il modo di applicare la pena è offensiva del diritto del
Barone, il quale per l’applicazione delle pene del danno dato al suo Tribunale vi compare la Reverenda
Camera Apostolica sotto di Clemente VIII onde con titolo oneroso restano addotte alle casse de’ rispettivi
frutti. Imperocché il Consiglio […] la metà della pena che impone per ciascuna bestia introdotta nei predetti
ristretti applica alla Comunità, e l’altra metà al padrone del ristretto fondo. Il signor Contestabile terrà per
nullo in questa parte il detto Consiglio senza tralasciare di applaudir alla proibizione della introduzione delle
bestie negli oliveti, ed albereti per li due anni. Io […] non tralascio di portare nel capo al doppio la pena
statutaria da applicarsi alla Curia».
17
Ibid. «L’uditore del Barone ammette per giusta tale risoluzione, supponendo che debba durare per due
anni, quando la risoluzione conciliare porta per cinque anni. Ma si oppone all’applicazione della pena
accresciuta al padrone del fondo, ed alla Comunità, perché le pene dei danni dati spettano al Barone e al suo
Tribunale per la cessione avutane da Clemente VIII».
18
Ibid. The document refers the titling: «Sulla supplica di Antonio Lauretti». This is an opinion written by
the appointee of the Buon Governo, concerning the petition previously sent by Antonio Lauretti di Ceccano.
«Supplicò Antonio Lauretti la Sacra Congregazione, che proibisse l’introduzione degli animali negli albereti,
per un danno, acciò le viti già molto pregiudicate dalla gelata dell’anno passato possano rigermogliare, e
giungere li nuovi germogli ad una altezza tale da non poter essere pregiudicati da medesimi animali. Rimessa
la supplica pro informatione audito concilio cum interventu de deputati ecclesiastici, il consiglio è convenuto
64

Lauretti's request with the opinion of the auditor, suggesting to establish the prohibition for three
years. About the partition of the “accresciuta” penalty, ascribed for the half to the owner of the fund
and for the other half to the Community, his opinion agrees with what the Council decreed, because
in this way it does not «reca pregiudizio alcuno al Barone per le pene del danno dato, che
dev’esigere il suo Tribunale a tenore delle tasse vigenti per essere queste pene accertate, e
preservate nella Risoluzione Conciliare» 19 . On the other hand, the imposed worsening concerned the
insertion of the animals and not the damage caused 20 . The appointee of the Sacra Congregazione
therefore concluded:
« Poiché la suddetta pena aggiunta s’intenda e sia per la sola introduzione di qualunque
bestia. Crederei perciò, che la Sacra Congregazione potesse riscrivere:
Pro approbatione Resolutionis Concilii ad Triennium tantum Etiam quod applicationem
peonarum auctarum ex causa Introductionis animalium in Arboreta et oliveta, salvis juribus
Tribunalis pro exactione Poenarum Danni dati justa taxas» 21 .
In the first years of the XIX century they bring up the matter about the black animals 22 , which,
being too harmful, are banned, or, as established, they allow their killing, when they are found to
cause damage. In fact, as it is written in a petition signed by the mayor and the secretary of
Ceccano:
«Per ovviare alli grandissimi danni che si commettono dalli animali neri in quel territorio e
nelli granturchi, e ristretti d’arboreti in una, olive, o d’altri generi, vi fu sotto il 4 del corrente
luglio risoluzione consiliare, nella quale fu stabilito e risoluto, che trovandosi a danneggiare
dette sopra tanto di morra, che mandarini di ammazzarli […] come in tempo del governo
provvisorio fu ulteriormente risoluto di tal pena per esser li danni» 23 .
The above mentioned council resolution confirmed the changes made to the legislation – which
were clearly indispensable because of the enormous and huge ruins in the fields of corn, vineyards,
olive groves or other lands, even narrow – allowing to suppress the animals; this measure was well
che la proibizione di introdurre gli animali negli albereti, ed oliveti duri per cinque anni. Con accrescere la
pena già dovuta al Tribunale per li danni in baiocchi 20 per ogni bestia minuta, e grossa di qualunque sorte
che verrà introdotta negli albereti, ed oliveti. Ed applicandola per metà al padrone del fondo e per l’altra
metà alla comunità».
19
Ibid. «Il tempo, che dovrà durare tale proibizione, io crederei, che si potesse determinare per soli tre anni,
perché tanto le viti, quanto gli olivi, quale che non riacquistano in tre anni non lo riacquistano più. La pena
accresciuta poi credo, che sia bene applicata al padrone del fondo per la metà, e per l’altra metà alla
Comunità».
20
Ibid. «[…] l’accrescimento stabilito dal Consiglio non è propriamente pena del danno, ma piuttosto una
pena imposta alla sola introduzione degli animali e pena di contravvenzione non di danno; come spiega la
Risoluzione Conciliare».
21
Ibid.
22
About this cf. S. NOTARI, Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli statuti comunali della
provincia storica di Campagna, in Rivista Storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 22, Le comunità rurali e i
loro statuti (secolo XII-XV), Atti dell’VIII Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli studi e le edizione delle
fonti normative, Viterbo 30 maggio – 1 giugno 2002, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F. VIOLA, p. 47. «È assai
ricorrente in tutta la provincia la previsione di dure sanzioni risarcitorie per limitare i danneggiamenti
arrecati ai coltivi dai ‘porci mandarini’ (o ‘mandarili’), o addirittura la facoltà di ucciderli”, così come
accadeva anche nel Comune di Pofi». Moreover, as Giammaria explains in his article about the danno dato
in the province of Campagna e Marittima, it was certainly lawful to kill the pigs, a notoriously devasting
animal, and in some cases other animals for which there were behavioural requirement and especially a
condition of being. In order to avoid any controversy, the killer was obliged to bring a part of the animal to
the Curia, almost to mean the joint participation of the latter with an action permitted by the law. Cf. G.
GIAMMARIA, Il ‘danno dato’ negli statuti di Campagna e Marittima. Una nota illustrativa, in ivi, p. 139.
23
BG, b. 942. The petition is signed by the mayor Giovan Francesco Leo and by the secretary Magno
Colantonj. The date put by the Sacra Congregazione concerning the whole procedure – that is all documents
attached – is August 14, 1802.
65

accepted by the auditor 24 . It is also noted that these orders did not often meet the consensus of the
priests 25 . The proposal in Council has been voted unanimously 26 , now it was required the final
approval of it by the Sacra Congregazione.
Judicial disputes about the danno dato argued at the beginning of the XIX century
The jurisdictional disputes about the danno dato, debated at the beginning of the XIX century
between the curia of Ceccano and the subordinate curia of Ripi, are interesting. The controversy
was born between Giovanni Martelli, judge and governor of Ripi, and the auditor of Ceccano, its
high-ranking judge, about the chapters IV, V, VII e VIII 27 of the papal motu proprio of November 4,
1801. The articles were all related to way of judging the danni dati and they concerned the
procedures and the ways with which the cases were disciplined. In the motu proprio it is requested
to the Congregazione Economica to express a new law to regulate better the danno dato in all the
territories of the Papal State; the new rules should be useful to prevent the damages, especially in
those areas where the existing provisions were ineffective. A document sent to the Buon Governo
24
Ibid. «[…] è giustissima la risoluzione presa del pubblico consiglio di poter uccidere gli animali neri che si
rinvengon esser danno nei granturchi, e ristretti di questo territorio, conforme giusta la riconoscono anche li
stessi pubblici rappresentanti […]».
25
Ibid. A copy of the Council resolution is sent to the Buon Governo, the date of transcription is July 27,
1802. The signature on bottom is of Magno Colantonj, who is referred here as the public notary and
secretary. «Si propone finalmente, che si commettono dalli molti danni dell’animali neri nelli campi di
granturco, e nelli ristretti, e in specie nell’uva, olive ed altri generi, nonostante pene statutarie che vi sono,
che per evitare questi gran danni, si stima bene metter la pena di potergli ammazzare trovandoli a
danneggiare come sopra, e com’anche altre volte è stato risoluto, e siccome in questo provvedimento s’è
trovato l’ostacolo sempre degl’ecclesiastici però si stima bene far approvare tal pena dalla Sacra
Congregazione del Buon Governo ad oggetto, che restino soggetti alla medesima pena tanto li secolari, che
gl’ecclesiastici, e anche da Sua Eccellenza».
26
Ibidem. «[…] onde chi vuole, ponga il voto bianco inclusivo, e chi no il nero esclusivo; quali distribuiti, e
raccolti, sono stati rinvenuti tutti bianchi con il voto decisivo delli stessi deputati ecclesiastici e rimane
accettata».
27
The articles are as follows:
«IV: Rapporto poi ai danni dati casuali, cioè quelli che provengono dal naturale ferino degl’animali,
e dalla incuria de loro contadi, e che sono certamente i più frequenti, e quelli per conseguenza che più degli
altri vanno prevenuti, incarichiamo la Congregazione Economica, affinché […] voglia immaginare […] una
nuova legge esecutiva più adattata all’importante oggetto di prevenire tali danni, e la quale togliendo la
prattica stata sempre in signe di attendere in tali giudicati le disposizioni dai rispettivi Statuti Municipali, fra
i quali ve ne sono parecchi che impongono pene troppo miti e per conseguenza inefficaci, ostenda anche in
questa parte detta legislazione economica dello stato ecclesiastico quella perfetta informità de’ principi, e che
vogliamo che alligni in tutte le diramazioni della legislazione stessa».
«V: Desiderando noi però porre sin da ora, e per quanto è possibile un argine alla troppa frequenza
dei predetti danni dati casuali vogliamo che siano dalla pubblicazione della presente nostra cedola di motu
proprio in tutta la estensione dello Stato Ecclesiastico, niun luogo eccettato, si osservino rapporto agli stessi
danni dati casuali li seguenti regolamenti, nonostante che potesse trovarsi disposto diversamente dai
rispettivi Statuti Municipali».
«VI: E primieramente siccome a prevenire i delitti influisce non tanto la gravità della pena quanto al
prontezza di essa, e a questo giova moltissimo la speditezza della processura, così vogliamo che in tutta la
causa deu dì suddetti danni dati casuali non si osservino le solennità solite a praticarsi nei Giudici ordinari, e
formarli, ma che debbano esse trattarsi sommariamente, e senza recapito; a figura di giudizio».
«VII: E parimenti precisiamo, che il giuramento del dannificato unito ad un sol testimone degno di
fede, o avvalorato da qualche ammennicolo sia sufficiente per concludere la prova del dato».
«VIII: E prescriviamo inoltre, che dette cause di danni dati casuali […] restino ultimati nello spazio
di venti giorni, passati i quali la causa resterà devoluta al Giudice superiore, e senza che da questi si possa
appellare sennonché in devolutivo, come pure che tutte le spese di giudiziali, che stragiudiziali debbano
sempre rifarsi dalla parte soccombente».
66

ings to our attention the opinion of the auditor of Ceccano, who asserts that the provisions of
chapters should be observed only when the appointed Congregazione Economica has essentially
issued the new provisions and that the way of the «antico diritto di rivedere le cause subalterne dei
danni dati» should continue to be effective until then. This methodology, however, was «reputata
abusiva ed irregolare» by himself, «diversamente opposta alla riforma ora stabilita» 28 . The Sacra
Congregazione's response 29 (sent with a copy of the above mentioned motu proprio) will still refer
to the Benedictine Bull about the danno dato, confirming the first request of jurisdiction of the local
judge. For this reason the Sacra Congregazione could not intervene in the controversy, which had to
be decided by the Segnatura or by the Consulta (both for criminal damaging and for the studiosi).
28
BG, b. 942. The petition is written to intercede between Ceccano and Ripi. It reports the Buon Governo's
date of June 26, 1802. «Crede in primo luogo Ceccano, che il disposto in que(sti) capitoli non s’intenda
osservabile adesso, ma dopo soltanto che sarà fatta la legge incaricata […] alla Sacra Congregazione
Economica. E crede poi, in vista di tale supporto, che quel che lui […] persister possa nell’antico diritto di
rivedere le cause subalterne de danni dati nella maniera costante finora. Questo metodo (che l’Oratore ha
sempre però riputato abusivo) è stato […] di non solo chiamareyy a sé, a semplice supplica dei ricorrenti,
atti, copie, ed altro gratis, ma ben anche di ordinare la soppressione delle molestie, e voler esser informato, e
quindi giudicare economicamente come ha ceduto senza attender prima i giudicati de partibus. L’Oratore
dice che all’incontro rapporto al primo punto, che quei capitoli fanno, e far doveano di osservare per tutti i
tribunali fine della data di detto motu proprio, e non mai dopo la legge, che dovrà stabilirsi. E rispetto al
secondo, che Ceccano non può, non deve più volere quell’antico suo metodo, sì perché è diversamente
opposto alla riforma ora stabilita segnatamente dalli § quinto, ed ottavo, ed altresì perché quello stile non si
uniforma nemmeno alla equità, e ragione, e buone regole. È direttamente opposto al § quinto, ed ottavo,
perché il primo, abolisce ogni diritto anche municipale per non doversi creder più fermo uno stile abusivo, ed
il secondo, ossia l’ottavo, non dà agl’accusati nemmeno l’appellazione in sospensivo, e così non può non
segnarli, che lasci aperta una via economica cagione di non pochi disordini, ed abusi».
29
Ibid. The document entitled «Ceccano e Ripi. Controversie giurisdizionali sul danno dato» reports the
Buon Governo's date of July 3, 1802.
67

Marco di Cosmo
Ceprano: the danno dato in the ancient Statute of Ceprano
Introduction
It is known that in Ceprano the ancient municipal statute is missing. The Historical Archive of
the city of Ceprano mainly contains post-unitary material 1 ; however, the research made by
consulting the fond of the Congregazione del Buon Governo in the State Archives of Rome
discovered some interesting references to ancient Statute of the Ceprano's community.
At first an explicit reference to the ancient Statute concerning the danno dato for the irregular
passage of the «bestiame nelli cerqueti», and, in a following historical moment, a statutory gap
concerning the danno dato relatively to the cut of the wood in the brush of Ceprano.
This double mention, then discussed in detail, shows therefore the existence of the Statute of
Ceprano, though today there is no documentary track.
The cases of danno dato
The danno dato is a central argument in the statutory documentations, being one of the most
relevant subject within the local legal experiences.
The term danno dato identified all crimes related to damages of the lands caused by persons,
or more often by animals.
Such damages, as we will see, are revealed particularly critical for the local economy, in
Ceprano as in other town, closely connected to agriculture.
The matter which governed this kind of disputes is therefore the predominant part, both of the
statutes, that the evidences here analyzed.
One of the examined cases relating to the danno dato concerns the irregular transit of the
livestock, in the matter of question the cause between Giovanni Rotondo and the town of
Ceprano, for the passage of the animals in oak tree woods.
Rotondo writes to the Sacra Congregazione del Buongoverno as, against the form of the
Ancient Statute, «l’affittuario del danno dato, fatta la commemorazione di tutti i Santi, ne deve
pretendere le pene del danno nelle ghiande fatto con bestiame nellicerqueti di questi parti etiam
nelle riserve» 2 .
The most recent case, dated 1776, an relating to the danno dato, reports however the instance,
presented by the people of Ceprano against «Prospero de Camilly, Crescenzo Guglielmi e
Francesco Trani, per ottenere riparo al danno considerabile che li loro domestici cagionavano
alla macchia communitativa col continuo taglio della legna, senza riguardo agli alberi fruttiferi» 3 .
The indiscriminate cut of fire-wood in the territory of Ceprano, in fact, greatly damaged the
local agriculture, harming the trees, potential source of supply of the community.
In the memorial of the Buongoverno it reads how the local podestà, verifying the subsistence
of such damage, suggested the emanation of an edict forbidding the indiscriminate cutting of the
fire-wood 4 .
1 A. M. FERRAIOLI, Le Fonti Conservate nell’Archivio Storico del Comune di Ceprano, Ceprano 2004.
2 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buongoverno Fond, Series II (then only BG), b. 961.
Deposition of Giovanni Rotondo, deposition contained in fascicule sub data February 21, 1629.
3 Ibid, b. 963. Petition presented by Community of Ceprano to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon
Governo, May 31, 1776.
68

To support this charge it reads that many witnesses repeatedly saw cutting the fire-wood 5 .
Lack of applicability of the Statute and request of the drafting
In reference to the first case, relating the danno dato in the oak tree woods, it emerges on the
hand the evidence of existence of the ancient Statute governing the local community; on the
other hand the manifestation of a normative gap.
In fact, in the letter of Buongoverno, dated February 1649, we can read that: «dopo haver
sentito le parti sopra lo che si espone da Giovanni Rotondo nel congiunto memoriale, devo
riferire all’E.V. conforme all’ordine […] che nello Statuto di Ceprano non si contiene in conto
alcuno la materia esposta, come si suppone, praticandosi in quel luogo» 6 .
The second case is, instead, more complex.
Relating to danno dato «negl’Alberi della Comunità», it is specified that it is possible to apply
two actions: one of a civil type and the other of penal type, i.e. «un’emenda e un’altra criminale
per la pena». Relating the civil action, as we can read in the memorial, there is no doubt that it is
applied to the «dannificanti», but for this purpose it must to prove that both these citizens had no
right to cut the wood and they cut fire-wood fruits, but this is not proved by any expertise 7 .
The penal action, instead, «non può esercitarsi, se non vi è Statuto, o diritto proibitivo di
legnare, e questi non essendovi, come motiva il Potestà di Ceprano» 8 , to repair the dammage it is
proposed to issue a penal edict ad hoc.
In this case it shows the necessity to fill a normative gap, concerning a measure to apply to the
offenders.
For this, the local Podestà, verifying the existence of the damage, suggests the pubblication of
an edict forbidding to cut the fire-wood in specified places «Convien dunque riparare al danno
con un Editto penale, di ciò fare convien di nuovo premere presso il Governatore di Campagna,
per averla risposta categorica sull’obietti fatti dalla Sagra Congregazione nella lettera dei 4
Maggio 1776» 9 .
4 Ibid: «in tal ricorso rimesso al Governatore di Campagna, ed in seguito con lettera del 5 successivo
maggio, tramite l’informazione di quel Podestà locale, in cui verificando questi la sussistenza del danno,
suggerì il provvedimento della pubblicazione di un Editto proibitivo di tagliare la legna in detta Selva
sotto pene vigorose Intanto però la Sagra Congregazione prima di prendere alcuna provvidenza […]
determinò di scrivere sotto li 4 maggio di dett’anno allo stesso Governatore di Campagna per sapere se li
Particolari di Ceprano abbino il diritto di legnare in tutta l’estensione della Macchia, se la facoltà sia
ristretta al taglio della legna morta, o di quella in piedi infruttifera e se sia luogo, ad assegnare una
porzione di Macchia per uso di legna da foco, per preservar l’altre fruttifere, che sogliono vendersi dalla
Communità».
5 Ibid: «testimoni depongono di avere veduto più volte tagliare nell’anni passati legna di quercia verde, e
fruttifera, e trasportarla per farne foco, da Giustiniano Merolli, Bernardo Guglielmi, Arduino Carboni,
Garzoni di Giuseppe Maria Vitiliani e Prospero de Camilly, di Crescenzo Gemma, Garzone del Medico
Trani, da Somenico Cipriani Garzone diGio.PietroAstolfi e dalli Garzoni non individuati d D. Pasquale
Cipolla e di Francesco Cipolla».
6 Ibid, b. 961. From a letter sent to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, dated February 21, 1629.
7 Ibid, b. 963. Petition presented by the Community of Ceprano to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon
Governo, May 31, 1776: «non vi è dubbio che dalla Comunità possa sperimentarsi contro i dannificanti,
ma convien che costi, che questi non avessero diritto di legnare nella macchia, e che li nominati garzoni
abbiano tagliato la legna fruttifera, il che non li prova dalla Perizia».
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid.
69

Moreover, the reference to the ancient Statute in the case here examined, it is a confirmation
of the existence of the latter, as well as the evidence of its use for the resolution of disputes
relating to danno dato in the Comunity of Ceprano in Campagna.
70

Marco Di Cosmo
Disputes about the legitimacy of the grazing in the lands of Ferentino
Introduction
The Municipal Statute of Ferentino, survived in double copy, is uncertain dating, even if it
can now be placed around the middle of the XV century 1 .
Here we will deal with the use of this normative tool in the town procedures, especially as
source and proof of uses, customs and traditions for the society and economy of Ferentino.
The Statute of Ferentino
The examination of the correspondence between the community of Ferentino and the
Congregazione del Buon governo, kept at the State Archives of Rome, has discovered many
statutory occurrences. In the case of the just performed research, there are often reference to
the medieval Statutes of the Town of Ferentino: they are mentioned for the exchange of
personal, professional or wealthy information.
In particular, in the Fond of the Buon Governo – both in the letters received in Rome, and
in the drafts of the letters sent from the territory of the Town of Ferentino – the statutory
testimonies have led the research to a specific subject: the legitimacy of the grazing in the
borderlands and the case of citizenship request for the grazing, always according to the
Ferentino's Statute. This demonstrates the centrality of the Statutes as source of the exercise
of the rights or the daily duties of the Popolo di Ferentino di Campagna.
Disputes about the legitimacy of the grazing in the lands of Ferentino
Starting from the legitimacy of the grazing, we will talk about some cases relating to the
normative which governed this activity in the territory of Ferentino. These cases, in addition
to recall the existence of trials related to the legitimacy of the grazing in this municipality,
provide a direct proof of the use of the Statute as legal reference, even if not alone, in this
kind of disputes. The case under consideration lies within a secular conflict between the
Community of Ferentino and the Carthusian monks of Trisulti, who freely lead their beasts to
grazing, in lands often prohibited by the local statutory regulations. On August 23, 1636 the
Community of Ferentino writes to Cardinal Barberino presenting a request «perché li Padri
Certosini in Trisulti non possino far pascere li loro bestiami in luoghi e in tempi proibiti,
ammesso che il loro privilegio concesso da Martino V non contenga tal facoltà» 2 . This
episode has to face with the statutory provisions which, according to the Community, instead
prevented the Carthusian monks «di mandare li loro bestiami a pascere in quel territorio e in
luoghi proibiti […] secondo il Statuto di detta città, confirmato dal Sommo Pontefice, et in
particolare da Martino V» 3 . In this case the rules were in conflict, because, on the one hand,
the Pope had given more freedom to the Carthusians monks, on the other hand, the
Magistrates of Ferentino clarify, the rules in the Statute, approved by Martino V himself,
contain elements that limit such freedom. The reference, even if indirect, is to the Forth Book
1 Statuta Civitatis Ferentini. Edizione critica del ms 89 della Biblioteca del Senato della Repubblica,
a cura di M. VENDITTELLI, Roma 1988 (Miscellanea della Società Romana di storia patria, 28), pp.
XII-XXIII; M. VENDITTELLI, Gli Statuti di Ferentino, in Statuti e ricerca storica, Atti del convegno,
Ferentino, 11-13 marzo 1988, Ferentino 1991, pp.77-85; C. BIANCHI, Statutum Civitatis Ferentini,
Roma 1984.
2 State Archives of Rome, Fond of Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, Series II (then only BG),
b. 1562. Letter of the Community of Ferentino to Cardinal Barberino, on August 23, 1636.
3 Ibid.
71

of the Statute concerning the danno dato, in particular the Rubrics VII and IX 4 . We can still
read in the documentation sent by the community of Ferentino to the Sacra Congregazione
del Buongoverno that «Li Padri Certosini di S. Bartolomeo in Trisulti, ottennero Breve da
Martino V, nel quale si li concede facoltà di poter fare pascolare in tutti li territori di città, e
luoghi di campagna, con li loro Bestiami, et in particolare nelli luoghi selvatici, [...] senza
pagamento alcuno» 5 . The Carthusian monks, strong of the Brief emanated from the pontiff,
therefore have «fatto pascere nel territorio di Ferentino, tanto nel selvatico, come
nell’erbatico senza pagare cosa nessuna» 6 .
Ferentino's community, on the one hand, denies the fact that the Brief may allow to the
Carthusian Fathers to behave in this regard, on the others hand, it argues that Martin V, in
another Brief, approving the Statute, also imposed to monks the respect of the rules, thus
denying the possibility also for them to graze their animals on the lands prohibited by the
Statute. We read, in fact, that, according to the community of Ferentino, the Brief does not
contain the possibility that
4 Statutum Civitatis Ferentini:
«Liber Quartus, Rubrica VII. Quod bestiae grossae non intrent vineas neque hortos
temporibus infr.is
Item statuimus, et ordinamus, quod si Bos, Bacca, Bubalus, Equus […] vel alia Animalia
Grossa fuerint inventa in Vineis a Kalendis Martii, usque ad Festum omnium Sanctorum, D.nus
ipsarum bestiarum solvat vice qualibet pro qualibet bestia Sol.V. Si vero a Festo omnium Sanctorum,
usque ad Kalendas Martii dicta Animalia inventa fuerint in dictis Vineis, vel damnum dederint in eis,
solvat pro qualibet Bestia sol.II […] Et idem intelligatur in quolibet alio damno dato per quascumque
bestias; Vid.t quod solvat Pastor pro persona sua sol.V ultra poenam bestiarum, si inventus fuerit esse
praesens cum dictis bestiis tempore damni dati, et semper teneatur ad emendam damni in quolibet
casuum praedictorum».
«Liber Quartus – Rubrica IX – De bestiis grossis et minutis intrantibus in olivetis alienis.
Item quod Bestiae grossae, et minutae non intrent aliquo tempore in olivetis alienis ad
poenam II sol.pro qualibet bestia grossa; Et pro qualibet minuta Sol.unum.Adijcimus, quod praedictae
bestiae tempore Olivarum in dictis Olivetis intrare, vel morari non possint, nec debeant ad poenam
praedictam: Si vero Pastor dictas Bestias studiose immiserit tempore quosint ibi fructus olivarum
maturarum, seu plantae olivarum, solvat poenam XX sol.ultra poenam bestiarum, et in omnibus
praedictis casibus damnum emendet».
Statute of Ferentino, Book IV, Heading VII, cf. Gli Statuti medievali del Comune di
Ferentino. Traduzione del testo del Codice 89 della Biblioteca del Senato della Repubblica, a cura
della Sintesi Informazione, Roma 1988, pp. 172-173. «Rubrica VII – Che le bestie di grosso taglio
non entrino nelle vigne e negli orti nei periodi sotto indicati.
Stabiliamo inoltre ed ordiniamo che, se un bue, una vacca, un bufalo, un cavallo […] o un
altro animale di grosso taglio saranno trovati all’interno di vigne dall’inizio del mese di marzo fino
alla festa di Ognissanti, il padrone delle stesse bestie paghi due soldi per ciascuna di esse, etc. […] E
lo stesso si intenda in qualsiasi altro danno provocato da qualsiasi bestia, ossia che qualora il pastore
fosse trovato con le dette bestie al momento del danno, oltre alla pena per gli animali paghi cinque
soldi per la propria persona, e sia sempre tenuto a risarcire il danno».
«Rubrica IX – Delle bestie di grosso e piccolo taglio che entrano negli oliveti altrui.
Stabiliamo inoltre che le bestie di grosso e piccolo taglio non entrino mai negli oliveti altrui, pena il
pagamento di due soldi per ciascun bestia di grosso taglio e di un soldo per ognuna di piccolo taglio.
Ed aggiungiamo che le suddette bestie non possano né debbano mai entrare o sostare nei detti oliveti,
sotto la predetta pena. Qualora poi colui che conduce al pascolo le dette bestie ve le introdurrà
volutamente nel periodo in cui vi sono le olive mature, paghi una pena di dieci soldi oltre a quanto
dovuto per le bestie, ed in tutti i casi risarcisca il danno provocato».
5 BG, b. 1562. Letter of the Community of Ferentino to Cardinal Barberino, on August 23, 1636.
6 Ibid.
72

«detti Padri possino far pascere in luoghi proibiti, et in tempi proibiti, così si desidera,
si fa istanza e supplica di non permettere che detti Padri faccino pascere nel detto
territorio per l’avvenire come hanno fatto per il passato; ma nel modo e forma che è
lecito alli cittadini, et ecclesiastici [...] come per la disposizione di quel statuto, per le
seguenti ragioni» 7 .
The Community of Ferentino is therefore mobilized so that the statute is observed also by
the ecclesiastics, listing exactly the motivations. The text, in addition to require the
observance of the statutory rules also by the ecclesiastics, asks some questions of “civile
convivenza” within the community, whose economy would be extremely oppressed by free
grazing concessions to the Carthusian Fathers. Further details are added: some farmlands
were protected not only as private peasant property, but also as state-owned lands, where the
most needy person were able to supply the fruits of agriculture, destroyed in this case by the
grazing of the animals. Finally, Ferentino's magistrates conclude, the concession made to the
Carthusian monks was born from the poverty of this order, who, instead in time, always
support the communisti, has obtained wealth and properties that exceed one hundred thousand
scudi 8 .
Request for the annulment of citizenship by virtue to the Statute
It is of particular interest a trial debated in the community of Ferentino, concerning the
case of Benedetto Ciarapica, whose request of citizenship is annulled in accordance with the
statutory provisions. In August 1635, the community of Ferentino writes to the Sacra
Congregazione del Buon Governo, exposing the facts and submitting this request for
annulment. In fact, the city council had previously admitted to the citizenship
«Benedetto Ciarapica d’Alatri pecoraro, il quale non possiede cosa alcuna stabile nel
territorio della Città di Ferentino: e tutto quello che ha lo possiede in Alatri, dove anco
stabilisce li suoi affitti in non pagare la Colletta, che pagano li forestieri, che ritengono
gli animali in detto territorio. Pretende la cittadinanza in vigore di un Consiglio
nullamente fatto» 9 .
7 Ibid.
8 Ibid. «Prima per essere stato di Statuto confirmato dalla Santa Sede Apostolica, e conceduto anco
un Breve dallo istesso Martino V alla medesima Comunità (del quale se ne dà copia) per l’osservanza
di detto statuto quale è stato sempre osservato come s’osserva tanto dalli detti cittadini quanto dalli
ecclesiastici oltre che dalla S. Congregazione de bono regimini è stato dichiarato, che detti
ecclesiastici faccino pascere, come fanno li Cittadini, il che devono ancor essi padri, come
ecclesiastici osservare.
2° che quando eglino non saranno sottoposti alle dette leggi municipali, così confirmati, ne
segniranno grandi absurdi [...] si li detti luoghi prohibiti detti padri faranno pascere con porci, et altri
bestiami, la comunità non potrà fare ritratti dell’entrate suddette, nemmeno li cittadini, far rugni,
piantar oliviti, et altro, mentre li garzoni delli stessi padri senza pena, e senza emenda scorrono tutto il
territorio, cosa che non è conceduta all’istessi cittadini, ne ecclesiastici suddetti.
3° è solito antico della detta comunità di riserbar un quarto del territorio sotto nome di
Staffolo, affinchè nel tempo della spica le povere vedove, et altre persone mendichi possino andar ivi
a ricoglierla nel quale quarto è prohibito di non poterci pascere, sotto pena di baiocchi 3 per morra di
animali, e come si è sempre osservato, et osserva, ma non dai detti padri, ciò non ostante, mandarono i
loro garzoni con truppa di animali porcini, et altri, e devastano ivi […] quella spica riserbata per
povere, e miserabili persone, in evidentissimo danno di esse.
4° e ultimo che sebene quella […]. li condusse a fare detta Concessione alli detti Padri sotto
titolo e espressioni di povertà, cessata nondimeno d’oggi detta pretensa povertà, et facendo due castilli
divenuti confinanti con il Territorio di essa Città oltre altri beni stabili, in diversi luoghi, si stima il
loro havere ascenderi sopra centomila scudi».
9 Ibid. The Community of Ferentino writes to the Buon Governo, on August 8, 1635.
73

The request of Ciarapica, apparently, was completely pretentious, to avoid the taxation of
the grazing to which the strangers are subjected, and not the citizens of Ferentino.
«Ma lo statuto di detta Città», it is read in the fascicule, provides that
«se alcuno vorrà giurare la cittadinanza, debbano il Podestà, et officiali vedere prima
se ciò si fatti in fraude per non pagare le Collette, e in caso non sia da loro approvata
non sia ammesso, ne liberato da pagamento alcuno. Onde non si puole negare, che il
caso del Ciarapica è questo dello statuto, come apparisce dalle cose narrate, non
havendo lui affetto alcuno, ma solo in fraudare il pagamento dei pascoli, e però vien
giustamente reproverato dal podestà, et Officiali» 10 .
The Statute, in fact, clarifies, in the Rubric XXII, that the Podestà and the officers should
consider the possibility of this kind of frauds and therefore recognize the citizenship only
after regular council resolution. The community of Ferentino also expresses doubts about the
regular development of this council 11 . This irregularity is also confirmed by the Governor of
Campagna, who states that the resolution and the application for the citizenship are invalid 12 .
The problem, as anticipated, explicitly recalls the Rubric XXII of the first book of the
Statuto of Ferentino, which we have recalled in the previous passages 13 .
10 Ibi.
11Ibi: «Ne osta il preteso consiglio si perché non al consiglio ma al podestà, et officiali spetta tale
accettazione, si anco perché è stato nullamente fatto per non essere preceduti li bandimenti e il sonar
la campana al solito, e fu radunato casualmente.
2° il Capo priore che lo convocò era il Cavalier Bagallai soccio maggiore di detto Ciarapica e
però interessato, e suspetto […]
3° Il Cons […] annullo questo Cons.o malamente fatto, et escluse Giurapica dalla
Cittadinanza […] e ciò il Cons.o lo poteva fare particolarmente che ancora res erat integra, poiché l’
Ad.o non ha mai giurato, ne è stato approvato d.o Potestà, et off.li […]».
12 Ibid.: «Et tale resolutione fu poi confirmata anco da Mons. Gov. di Campagna che dichiarò nullo
d. pretrso cons. et ordinò che il Ciarapica pagasse come forastieri, […] alli quali decreti il d. Ciarapica
si è aquietato, havendo di poi come forastiero affidato li suoi animali».
13 M. VENDITTELLI, Statuta Civitatis Ferentini, cit., pp. 26-27: «DE EO QUI VOLUERIT IURARE
CITADINANTIAM IN CIVITATE FERENTINI. RUBRICA XXII. Item statuimus ed ordinamus
quod quicunque voluerit esse civis Ferentinas et in eadem civitate iruare citadantiam in pleno consilio
iuramentum prestet sub hiss verbis expressum: . Qui, si
stare et habitare voluerit in Ferentino, iurata citadantia ut dictum est, sit liber, immunis et exemptus
.V. annis immediate sequentibus a die prestiti iuramenti ab omnibus datis et collectis communis dicte
civitatis impositis et imponendis, et, si a dicta civitate Ferentini recesserit, animo non redeundi,
incidat in penam .XXV. librarum ipso facto communi applicandam. Et quia multi sunt qui causa non
solvendi collectas iurant hanc citandtiam ad tempus, volumus quod potestas et officiales in capite
respiciant et videant atque considerent talem personam et causam que movet istum iurare citadantiam
collectarum, sit exemptus, aliter non. Et de tali exemptione et iure semper constet ex actis curie manu
notarii causarum civilium dicti communis».
Statuta civitatis Ferentini, cit., pp. 18-19. Statute of Ferentino, Book I, Rubric XXII. «Di chi
vorrà giurare la cittadinanza nella città di Ferentino.
Stabiliamo inoltre ed ordiniamo che, chiunque vorrà diventare cittadino di Ferentino e giurare
la cittadinanza, presti in pieno consiglio il seguente giuramento:

altri Ferentinati, mi sottometterò ed ubbidirò ai loro ordini, svolgerò e tratterò fedelmente ed
onestamente tutti gli incarichi e le mansioni che mi saranno affidati ed avrò sempre a cuore l’onore e
la stabilità del podestà e del comune tutto. Mi sottometto alle leggi, alle deliberazioni, alle ordinanze
ed alle consuetudini del comune e dei detti ufficiali ed esse osserverò e manterrò così come fanno gli
altri cittadini della città>.
E se costui avrà voluto risiedere in Ferentino, una volta prestato tale giuramento, sia libero ed
esente per i cinque anni successivi da tutte le tasse e le gabelle imposte ed imponibili dal comune; e,
se si allontanerà dalla città con l’intenzione di non farvi più ritorno, incorra nella pena di venticinque
libbre da corrispondere immediatamente al comune. E poiché sono molti quelli che prestano il
giuramento della cittadinanza al fine di non pagare le imposte per un certo periodo di tempo,
vogliamo che il podestà e gli ufficiali maggiori esamino con attenzione colui che chiede la
cittadinanza ed i motivi che lo spingono a tale giuramento, e solo se essi lo avranno esentato dal
pagamento delle imposte, questi possa considerarsi effettivamente esente. E tale diritto di esenzione
venga registrato agli atti della curia dal notaio addetto alle cause civili del comune».
75

Matteo Maccioni
Local Lex and familiar disputes in Anticoli di Campagna in the XVIII century
The documents selected for the town of Anticoli di Campagna belong to a file preserved in the
State Archives of Rome, fond of the Congregazione del Buon Governo 1 . In the letter of Giovan
Battista Filipponi Tenderini, bishop of Anagni, enclosed in the envelope of August 9, 1770 –
containing also a memorial and other letters dating March 17, 1770 – there is a discussion about the
excessive number of livestock in the territory of Anticoli. This territory has suffered many and
continuous damages. A part of this discussion relates to the remedy created by the Gran Conestabile
Colonna, to who the proceeds of the danno dato belong: the tightening of the punishments, so to
oblige the vassals to reduce the number of the animals and keep them out of the territory. The other
part concerns a dispute between the community of Anticoli and the Filetici family 2 .
According to the bishop of Anagni in the above mentioned letter, the increase of the number of
the animals has led an increase of the land area used by agriculture, which, within the territorial
limits, is now practiced anywhere there is the possibility 3 . That the predominant activity in the town
of Anticoli di Campagna was farming is an information that can be presumed also from the local
Statute where the rules concerning the craftsmanship are missing, while those concerning the
damages caused by livestock are subjected to sanctions, as protection of the agricultural activity 4 .
As we can see in the handwritten copy of the Senate Library 5 , within the Statute there are
numerous rubrics concerning the prohibitions to put to pasture the animals in established places and
periods of the years. The Liber primus opens, after the tabula mercedis, with a series of
unnumbered articles placed before the rubrics which normally compose it. In the index of the first
book, placed in the sheet 1r of the codex, there is a description of the rubrics titles, where all nonnumbered
ones are listed – which are not distinct from each other within the text. Among these
there are three which are particularly interesting for us: a) Quod nullo tempore bestiae minutae
possint pascere in Monte Com(munita)tis; b) Quod Bestiae Armenti non possint pascere in d(ict)o
Monte à Kal(endis) Aprilis, usq(ue) ad Kal(endas) Novembris; c) Quod Bestiae Porcinae non
possint demorari in Tenimento Anticoli per menses quinq(ue). In the sheets 10v-11r of the codex it
reads:
«Statuimus, et ordinamus, quod in Monte Communis nullo tempore bestiae minutae
possint in d(ict)o Monte pascere ad poenam decim solidorum per truncum.
1 State Archive of Rome, Fond of Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, Series II (then only BG), b. 206.
2 The family and personal disputes represent the politic reality of this period. The frequent and numerous
controversies arising within the country, which has little more than a thousand inhabitants, characterize the
politic life of the country. Regarding the Filetici family, we know that it holds important positions at the
Colonna family and in Anticoli di Campagna, performing non-political and not “elettive” offices (lieutenant,
mayor, syndicate, sub-tenant, officers of the grascia) and influencing the decisions of the limited council.
About the political life of Anticoli di Campagna in XVIII century cf. G. GIAMMARIA, Società e Comune in
Anticoli tra 1740 e 1780, in Anticoli di Campagna (Fiuggi) alla metà del Settecento. La fondazione delle
Maestre Pie, Atti del Convegno – Fiuggi, 7-8 maggio 1988 (Biblioteca di Latium, 9), Anagni 1989, pp. 109-
129.
3 BG, b. 206, memorial of Vescovo Filipponi Tenderini to the Buon Governo, August 9, 1770: «e tanto più
facile sono ad avvenire i danni, quanto che all’aumento degli Animali è succeduto l’accrescimento della
Lavorazione in quel Territorio, di cui però rimane incolta quella sola parte, che veramente è per natura sua
sterile ed infruttifera».
4 Cf. G. FLORIDI, Storia di Fiuggi (Anticoli di Campagna): con documenti inediti e notizie sugli statuti
anticolani, Guarcino 1979, pp. 387-388 e 422.
5 Rome, Senate Library “Giovanni Spadolini”, Collection Statute, segn. STATUTI MSS 742, Liber
Statutorum Terrae Anticoli.
76

Item statuimus, et ordinamus, quod in dicto monte à Kalendis Aprilis, usque ad Kalendas
Novembris bestiae armentitiae non possint pascere ad poenam duorum soldorum pro qualibet
bestia. Placet Petrus Pevezze.
Item statuimus, quod tenimento Castri Anticoli per menses quinque videlicet per mensem
Maij, Iunij, Julij, Augusti, et Settembris bestiae porcinae non possint demorari, nec ab alijs
detineri per suppradictos menses ad poenam decèm librarum denariorum per truncum
vicequalibet fuerit accusat, et similiter bestiae pecudinae non possint detineri, nec demorari,
per menses sex, videlicet à Kalendis novembris, usque ad Kalendas Maij ad poenam
praedictam. Placet Petrus Pevezze Gubernator Generalis Abbazia e Sublaci, et Anticoli in
Campanea» 6 .
The Statute forbided the grazing of the tiny beasts on the Community mountain, fine of 10 soldi
for stump, and likewise it forbided the grazing of the herds beasts on the mentioned mountain from
April to November, fine of two soldi for beast. What is most impressing is, however, the prohibition
of “dimora” and/or “detenzione”, within the territory of the Anticoli castle, of pigs and sheep for a
period of 5 months (from May to September) for health reasons, because of the heat, for the first
and of 6 months (from November to May) for the last, punishing 10 pounds of denari for stump for
health reasons.
The argument of the danno dato is debated in the second book of the Statute. There are about
fifty rubrics – and about thirty leaves – concerning the damages caused by animals 7 to the crops and
the limitations of the areas dedicated to grazing. In accordance with the langobardic legal system
provides, hinged, like the Germanic ones, on the pecuniary composition of the offences committed,
in order to avoid feuds and bloody facts, about the danno dato the statutory law never provides for
the arrest of the culprit, but exclusively for the compensation of the damage and the cash payment
of a fine. It changes depending on the situation in which the damage was caused: if with “grosse” or
“minute” beasts, whether in a vineyard or “pieno” field. For each of this punishment, it applies the
principle of the doubling of the fine if the crime is committed during the night.
The punishment is not exclusively assigned on the basis of the amount of stolen fruit, or of the
deterioration of the good caused by the harmful action, but also for the act itself, committed by the
dishonest who tried to appropriate or damaged, more o less voluntarily, what he had not struggled to
produce. It has to keep in mind what is a principle of all communities, and particularly of
predominant peasant economy: the property is inviolable, and any product belongs to the owner
who works or makes work the land that is his own. The severity of these actions is therefore
considered as much in relation to the damage caused as rather to the fact to have introduced the
livestock to graze in a territory or private, fenced land, where there was a vegetable garden or a
vineyard.
The case in the Liber Secundus concerning the damages caused by pigs is extremely careful and
vast. Focusing only on 2 rubrics we get this information about the amount of the penalties for the
damages: 20 soldi for stump (40 if they are foreign pigs) – so 2 soldi for beast – if the pigs come in
and/or cause damages to the chestnuts; 5 soldi if they come “in vineam plenam”, in other words in
vineyards whose branches are filled with grapes; 1 soldo if it is vegetable gardens or other places
cultivated or sown; 4 soldi if they graze on “Monte Anticoli” and beyond this mountain, in
cultivated places; 5 soldi in they come “in Zaffrana tempore florum”, which are reduced in 2 in
other periods. The punishment for a stump of pigs causing damage in seedlings (nurseries) or in
wheat fields, until the calendae of March is 10 soldi – while in the immediately preceding periods it
is 24 soldi; 40 if the damage is consciously caused; 20 for stum if a wheat field is damaged and 10
if a meadow is damaged 8 .
6 Liber Statutorum Terrae Anticoli, cc. 10v-11r.
7 The damages caused by oxen, pigs, donkeys, horses and sheep are debated separately in rubrics dedicated
to each of these beasts. This, however, did not exclude, within the second book, the presence of the other
rules concerning the tiny beasts in general.
77

Returning to the problem of the increase of the number of the animals in the Anticoli territory,
the Gran Conestabile Colonna, Baron of the place and beneficiary of the proceeds of the danno
dato, in order to remedy the situation decides to publish an edict that tightens up the penalties
provided by the Statute, in the attempt to push the vassals to the decision to resize their herds or to
keep them out of the territory. This resolution raises the citizens' protests, who quarrel with the
Colonna and accuse him to operate in favour of his own 9 .
The measures to reduce the number of animals, in paticular of the “animali immondi” - which
caused «notabili danni alle Vigne, Seminati, Orti, et altri Beni di quel Terr(ito)rio» 10 , in the territory
of Anticoli di Campagna date back to the beginning of XVIII century. The Sacra Congregazione del
Buon Governo, for example, ordered to the Bishop of Anagni Giovanni Battista Bassi «di
pubblicare un’Editto per l’espulsione degl’Animali immondi del Territorio della Com(uni)tà
d’Anticoli, colla sola permissione di tenerne tre per casa, per uso proprio, sotto la pena stabilita dal
Conseglio». The edict had to take care of «provvede(re) alle pene, secondo la qualità dei danni» 11 ,
«d’imporre le pene per rimediare à tanti danni».
The letters attached to the memorial in which it is presented the dispute with the Filetici family
are two, one undated and the other one dating back to June 2, 1770. In these we find a series of
accusations addressed to the Filetici family, in particular against Francesco, lieutenant of the feud,
who would abuse the powers deriving from the office that he performs, behaving as if he was above
the law.
In the letters of June 2, one of the heaviest accusations that the community addresses to Filetici
and his family – among others, and many, which are addressed to him, there is one concerning his
apprentices, accused of cutting trees in the borders of the territory causing expensive controversies 12
8 Liber Statutorum Terrae Anticoli, cc. 54v-55rv: «De Porcisintrantibus per Castagneta, et Cerreta R(ubri)ca
XXXV. Itèm Statuimus quod bestiae porcinae non intrent, nec damnum inferant in Castagnetis, seù Cevvetis
per Titis ubiq(ue) sinè licentia Domini ad poenam viginti sollidor(um) denarior(um) per trunchum, à truncho,
verò infrà, in duobus sollidis prò qualibet bestia puniatur. Si verò bestiae forenses intraverint in praedictis
locis puniant(ur) per Trunchu(m) in sollis quatraginta. Si studiosè factum fuerint prò qualibet bestia in
sollidis duo bus puniat(ur); tàm terrigena, quam forensis re. De eisdem R(ubri)ca XXXVI. Itèm statuimus
quod Porci domestici, vel Camparetis non intrent vineam plenam alienam, nec in eis inferant damnu(m) ad
poenam quinq(ue) solidor(um) prò qualibet bestia, de aliis temporibus solidum unu(m)prò qualibet puniat(ur)
Si verò fraginale; hortum, vel Cannepinam intraverint in sollu(m) unum prò qualibet puniat(ur). Si verò in
aliis locis cultis, et seminatis intreverint in sollu(m) unum puniatur. Si in Monte Anticoli, et extrà ipsu(m)
monte(m) in locis cultis in denarios quatuòr. Si verò in Zaffrana tempore flor(um) in solidos quinque
puniat(ur). In aliis verò temporibus in sollidis duobus. Si verò Truncus in terris seminatis, èt segetibus
damnu(m) dederint usq(ue) ad Xal(endas) Marzii in decèm sollidis puniat(ur) a dictis temporibus antea in
viginti quatuor sollorum puniatur. Sed si studiosè factum fuerit in quatraginta sollidis puniat(ur), et
damnu(m) emendet in quolibet casu, à Trunco verò infrà in sollidum mediu(m) pu(n)iat(ur) prò qualibet
bestia. Si verò damnum dederit in Arcellis, et pignoribus, aut gregnis grani in viginti sollidis puniat(ur) per
trunchum, à truncho infrà in sollid(um) unum puniat(ur) prò quolibet porco, et in quolibet casu damnu(m)
emendet. Si verò in Prato damnu(m) dederint per trunchu(m) in decèm sollidis puniat(ur), à truncho infrà in
soll(um) unu(m) prò qualibet bestia».
9 BG, b. 206, memorial of Bishop Filipponi Tenderini to the Buon Governo, August 9, 1770: «Di che
opportuno rimedio estimò poter essere il Barone del luogo Sig(no)r Contestabil Colonna, al quale
privativamente spetta il Provento del danno dato, l’accrescerne, come fece, le pene, per così obbligare i
vassalli o a diminuire il numero degli animali, o a tenerne porzione fuori di Territorio: Ma gravandosi di
questo medesimo gli Anticolani, ne promossero lite al d(ett)o Barone, quasi avesse ciò fatto a intendimento
di avantaggiare il suo interesse, onde le pene si tornarono all’usate già per l’innanzi».
10 BG, b. 204, copy of the «Editto sopra gl’Animali immondi» of the bishop of Anagni Giovanni Battista
Bassi, February 24, 1729.
11 Ibid., letter of the bishop Giovanni Battista Bassi to the Buon Governo, March 22, 1729.
12 BG, b. 206, Petition of the People of the land of Anticoli di Campagna to the Buon Governo, June 2,
1770: «Non minori danni riceve quel Pubb(li)co ne corpi di Selve, e macchie, che vende per i pesi camerali,
78

- is to keep in force the increase of the punishment provided by the edict emanated by Colonna;
although there is an order, coming directly from the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, which
invites to observe the statutory penalties, the lieutenant Filetici is accused of continuing arbitrarily
apply what is determined by the edict, which, instead, has a temporary value. This, in fact, was
promulgated to contain the excessive damages which occurred in the municipal territory 13 .
The accusation of acting above the law, of being able to domineer and of remaining unpunished
because of his links and his ploy, is not new for the Filetici, as we can deduce from this “lagnanza”:
«Li Zelanti della Terra d’Anticoli O(rato)ri u(milissi)mi, e vassalli fedelissimi
dell’E(ccellenza).V(ostra). con il dovuto ossequio le rappresentano, come fin da dieci anni in
circa anno sempre rappresentato all’E(ccellenza).V(ostra).; che Fran(ces)co Filetici si
divorava q(ue)sta povera Com(uni)tà, e si succhiava il sangue de poveri, e de Benestanti, ma
l’E(ccellenza).V(ostra). non ha potuto toccarlo mai con mani, perche gl’Uditori passati, e
Gov(ernato)ri, à quali mandava per Informazione tali ricorsi venivano laudam(ent)e trattati, e
regalati dal d(ett)o Filetici affatto decotto, le rappresentavano tutto il contrario, e l’istesso
accade ora col presente Gov(ernato)re, ed Uditore, li quali quantunque abbiano auto ord(in)e
dall’E(ccellenza).V(ostra). che si eseguisse il m(anda)to contro il Filetici della somma di
scudi mille, e più, non anno mai data esecuz(ion)e alcuna à tal’ordine, anzi per favorire il
d(ett)o Filetici anno fatto comparire negl’atti di q(ue)sta Curia esser stato eseguito il
m(anda)to contro del med(esim)o Filetici sopra trecento quaranta animali pecurini, e caprini,
ed essere stati presi in deposito poi da un suo parente da Felettino anche persona quasi
decotta, e fin’ora non è stato mai fatto alcun’altro atto; si dice dagl’o(rato)ri per favorire il
Filetici in far tal’esecuzione sopra trecento quaranta animali percurini, e caprini, accio non
possono gl’altri creditori farci l’esecuzione, che sono molti, sapendo di certo, che la
Com(uni)tà burla, e non fa da vero, anzi se il nuovo Sindaco si moverà il Filetici come
Luogotenente, e Consigliere gli ne farrà pentire per essere … ignorante, e persona timida; si
che, se l’E(ccelenza).V(ostra). non rimoverà il Filetici da Luogotenente, e Consigliere si finirà
divorare la povera Com(uni)tà ed allora non vi sarrà più rimedio, mentre tutti li suoi beni sono
… da Censi, e da altri debiti anteriori. Tutto ciò si rappresenta all’E(ccellenza).V(ostra). accio
si voglia degnare di porger rimedio à tanti danni, che si apportano dal Filetici à q(ue)sta
Com(uni)tà ritrovandosi ora tutto il Popolo per Causa del med(esim)o soggetto à rappresaglie,
con ordinare di nuovo à Gov(ernato)ri, ed Uditori, che faccino prestam(ent)e reintegrare la
povera Com(uni)tà» 14 .
The complaint does not include the date, but we know that it was received by Governor Bastari
on November 18, 1772. As it states, it is for ten years, that is since the appointment to lieutenant,
quali perche ritiene il Filetici in Affitto, i Garzoni di esso si fanno lecito incidere in quantità arbori fruttiferi
impunemente, e quello sormonta ogni credere, tagliano arbori posti ne confini dell Territorio, dal che ne
possono accadere stipendiose liti tra le Comunità. Non prezza avvisi, ne fa conto de Ricorsi, per i quali,
perche sa commettersene informazione a ministri del Principe, benche non gli riesca ingannar questo, pur
troppo inganna quelli con regali, impegni, e trattamenti, essendogli riuscito far mutare l’Informazione e
celare sue reità». The accusation of compromising the delimitation of the territorial boundaries with
neighboring municipalities is particularly serious. The town of Anticoli di Campagna has been engaged
causes related to borders for long years in the first half of XVIII century, especially with the community of
Trevi nel Lazio and Guarcino. The documentation relating to these litigations is preserved in BG, b. 205
13 Ibi: «Guai per i Poveri se incorrono nel minimo danno, e particolarmente nei beni della Casa Filetici,
benchèsiavi ordine della Sagra Congregazione osservasi il solito delle pene statutarie, non si stima tal ordine,
mà si osservano le pene comminate in un editto del Governatore, che ebbe incombenza raffrenare gli
eccessivi danni, che si facevano dall’altri prima indotti dal mal esempio de Garzoni suddetti, ed ora
sfacciatamente si fanno solamente da questi».
14 Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of S. Scolastica, Archive Colonna (then it will cite only
Colonna and the position), Affari di Anticoli di Campagna III A, Corrispondenza (1751-1780). Complaint
delli Zelanti of the dland of Anticoli di Campagna to the Gran Contestabile Lorenzo Colonna, November
1772.
79

that the Community of Anticoli complains of the abuses committed by Filetici in the context and
with political support, and those in civil context 15 .
It is necessary to specify that the Filetici, with other members of powerful families who occupy
political positions in the second half of XVIII century, is presented more positively by the citizens
who occupied medium-high profile politic role:
«Richiedendomi V(ostra). E(ccellenza). un esatta Informazione, sull’abilità, è costumi delli
Sogetti estratti per Officiali dell’Anno venturo, Fran[ces]co Filetici, Remigio Agnoli, e
Dom(eni)co Attilli: m’accade riferirle, che tutti trè questi Sogetti sono lontani dà ogni
eccezzione, giacché Francesco Filetici non solo è Notaro, mà anche Luocotenente di V(ostra).
E(ccellenza)., uno delle prime Fameglie, Civile, e benestante» 16 .
The undated letter 17 , followed by the report of the Andretti on March 17, 1770, shows the
population of Anticoli asking the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo to cancel the sale, made
in favour of Francesco Filetici, of many chestnut trees, fallen because of the strong wind. According
to the appellants, following the statutory regulation, these trees would belong to the community, but
the councillors provided for the direct sale to Filetici without having posted the edicts of sale and
without calling the usual auction 18 . All this allows to the community to demand the cancellation of
the sale and the implementation of the regular statutory practice for the sale process.
The reply of Andretti to the complaint promoted by the population of Anticoli was immediate
and contradicts point to point the accusations. The appeal is defined inconsistent because Francesco
15 I refer in particular to the “criminal lawsuit” presented by Antonio Falconi on October 11, 1757, in
Colonna, Anticoli di Campagna III A, Corrispondenza (1731-1779), in which Filetici is accused of having
attacked the life of the plaitiff and his wife: «Ieri doppo il pranzo uscij da Casa mia per andare à parlare ad
un certo Capo Porcaro del Sig(no)r Paggi d’Anagni, quale trovai in Piazza nella bottegha d’un certo …
Martino Calzolaro, fui, appena entrato, assaltato da Fran(ces)co Filetici con dirmi prima, se quando volevo
ricoprire una mia stanza, à quali parole risposi, che quando ricopriva egli la sua, averei anche io ricoperta la
mia, immediatam(ent)e mi s’avventò alla Vita con dirmi prima faccia di Cazzo, e poi senza alcuna dimore mi
tirò due schiaffi alla faccia, e poi diede di mano ad un ferro di Calzolaro per levarmi la Vita, ma per grazia di
Dio parò il d(ett)o … Martino, e poi corse altra gente che non li riuscì d’ammazzarmi, e corse anche mia
moglie al fràcasso, il q(ua)le si fece lecito maltrattarla da puttana in publica Piazza, finito ciò assieme con
mia moglie ritornandomi in Casa nell’atto, che volevo aprire la Casa mia mi sopraggiunse, e mi lanciò due
colpi di Sassi ma per grazia di Dio uno solo mi ferì la testa senza essermi pericolo alcuno di vita, e fece
cascare mia Moglie gravida grossa con una mia ragazzina, che si è fatto un po di male ad una guancia. Il
fatto è appensato, mentre un mese fa in circa si milantò con Gio(vanni)Bat(tist)a Frate d’Anticoli volermi …,
e v’era p(rese)nteDom(eni)co Raparelli, ed altre persone; Mesi prima con altre persone si è milantato levarmi
la vita. Il Filetici è ripieno di delitti, pubblico bestemmiatore, e scandaloso. Il fatto è publico. La Casa Filetici
da me altro non ha ricevuto, che servitù conforme farrò provare, altro dispiacere non puole avere auto, che
nella fine di Giugno del corrente anno facendosi il conseglio li vantaggi della Casa Filetici, su q(ue)sto solo
suppongo aver li med(esim)i con me qualche livore senza fondam(ent)o, c(om)e si spiegò due, o tre giorni
doppo, con mia moglie, che trovò alla Cantina mia alla p(rese)nza di ErmigioAgnoli, Ant(oni)o Pitocco, ed
altre persone, cioe due, o tre giorni doppo fatto il Conseglio, e mi minacciò. Dunque sopra un tal fatto
appensato espongo avanti V(ostra) S(ignoria)Ill(ustrissi)ma querela criminale tanto à nome mio, che di mia
moglie contro Fran(ces)co Filetici, che cerca levarmi la vita, ed onore, conf(orm)e ha tentato, ma per haiuto
di Dio, e delle bone persone non gl’è riuscito, e che il med(esim)o non vengha assoluto senza mio consenso,
e di mia moglie. Ora mi conviene starmene ritirato in casa mia per paura, e tralasciare i mei interessi, perchè
essendo il med(esim)o Fra(ces)co Filetici persona discola, e senza timor di Dio che non m’abbia à levar la
vita, però ricorro all’aiuto della giustizia, c(om)e spero V(ostra). S(ignoria). Ill(ustrissi)ma sia per
amministrarmi, come sorta di raggione, e con farle u(milissi)ma riverenza mi dico U(milissi)mo, ed
Obblig(atissi)mo Ser(vito)re Vero».
16 Colonna, Anticoli di Campagna III A, Corrispondenza (1751-1780), letter of the Governor Arduino
Antonio Fabrizii, November 17, 1762.
17 BG, b. 206. Petition of the people of the land of Anticoli di Campagna to the Buon Governo, without date.
18 Ibi: «e quei Consiglieri senza far affiggere l’Editti di vendita, e in Anticoli, e ne luoghi convicini, e senza
accendere la Candela per venderli al maggior Oblatore, gl’hanno venduti al Sig(no)r Francesco Filetici».
80

Filetici and Baldassarre Alfonsi have a rental contract «ad Novennium, fatto da quella Comm(unit)à
con il placet di d(ett)a S. Cong(regazio)ne». Andretti writes:
«[…] frà gli altri patti apposti nei Capitoli, si legge, ed ha letto d(ett)o Gov(ernato)re nel
Cap(itol)o 9, che volendo la d(ett)a Comm(uni)tà vendere, e far tagliare Alberi in quella Selva
Communitativa, per accomodamento della med(esim)a, perché ogn’anno costuma, di far lo
Spurgo, e si deputano dalla Comm(uni)tà sud(dett)a due Periti, ad effetto di stimarli, dandogli
quel marco Communitativo, e prima d’effettuare la vendità ad Altri, è in obbligo di ricercare
l’Aff(ittua)rio, se vole essere proferito à seconda del d(ett)o Capitolo convenuto, al prezzo
stimato da d(ett)i Periti» 19 .
The contract therefore provides that, if the community decides to cut or sell the trees, this has the
duty to appoint two experts to determine their economic value. In the event that the citizens need
the wood, the renter, who has right of pre-emption on the fallen timber, must sell it to him at the
price set by the experts, «senza farci alcun mercimonio». Andretti also states that, unlike what was
claimed in the appeal presented by the people of Anticoli, the sale of these trees has never been
subjected «ad accensione di Candela». According to Andretti, the procedure followed in the sale of
chestnut to the Filetici family is exactly what is planned in the rental contract ad Novennium of
which Filetici benefits 20 .
19 Ibi, report of Bartolomeo Andretti to the Buon Governo, March 17, 1770.
20 Ibi, report of Bartolomeo Andretti to the Buon Governo, March 17, 1770: «[…] convocato quel Consiglio,
fù ricercato il sud(dett)o aff(ittua)rio Filetici, prima di venderli ad altri, se voleva esser proferito, et il
med(esim)o acconsentì, e li pagò il denaro, e s’obbligò, come si vede registrato in d(ett)o Consiglio, che in
caso bisognassero Alberi à Paesani per loro usi, dovesse dargli li al prezzo stimato da d(ett)i Periti, senza
farci alcun mercimonio, e non s’è mai pratticato, come s’è raccolto da quei libri Com(unitati)vi, che la
vendita di detti Alberi siasi posta ad accensione di Candela, sicchè stante le cose sudd(ett)e si conosca, che il
sud(dett)o Ricorso è insossistente».
81

Sandro Notari
Introductive notes to the study of the municipal statute of Anticoli in
Campanea, today Fiuggi, of 1410
The statutes of the Anticoli castle, today Fiuggi, did not have a great historiographical fate. In the
1880 Giovanni Battista de Rossi pointed out its existence. When he came to Anticoli «per giovarsi
delle notissime acque salutari del fonte di Fiugi», the famous archaeologist of the Christian Rome
found in the municipal archive two handwritten specimens of the statutes, of which until then had
been «divulgata alcuna notizia». From the study, the scholar took a short essay, which appeared the
following year in the official magazine of the Accademia di conferenze storico-giuridiche 1 .
De Rossi is not a specialist of the legal history and he does not intend to do an analyzed study
about the statutes of Anticoli. His intent is to draw to their content the attention of the «studiosi di
siffatta classe di documenti giuridici» 2 . His interest is especially raised by the discover of a
«documento notabilissimo», that is, the act with which Stefano Porcari approved in 1448 some
reforms to the statute, as the general rector of the province of Campagna e Marittima 3 .
The concise description that he gives of the two codices is still today essential to reconstruct the
handwritten tradition of the statutes of Anticoli. We will understand the reason soon.
The Roman scholar describes the first and the oldest of the two codices as a membranaceous
manuscript, in form of little quarto-size, acephalous of the first nine leaves and mutilate to the end,
with loss of text. There a copy of the statutes is transcribed in Latin language of the Anticoli castle
in the drafting of 1410, with subsequent approvals and reforms. He dated the manuscript «di mano
degli inizii in circa del secolo XVI» 4 .
The second specimen is described as a paper manuscript, in form of little octavo-size, «di mano
del secolo XVII o della fine del XVI», that de Rossi recognizes as a copy «scorretta» of the other
specimen, made when this was intact. The codex did not suffer the loss of leaves and the text
proceeds «di pari passo» with antigraph, up to the point where this is interrupted 5 .
1 G.B. DE ROSSI, Gli statuti del Comune di Anticoli in Campagna con un atto inedito di Stefano Porcari, in
Studi e documenti di storia e diritto, 2 (1881), pp. 71-103, p. 71. To emphasize the relevance of the find, the author
points out the absence of references to the Anticoli's statute in the recent Bibliografia degli statuti dei municipii italiani
of Manzoni, published in 1876. For the biographical and intellectual profile of de Rossi I simply refer to the voice P.
VIAN, Giovanni Battista De Rossi, in Enciclopedia italiana di scienze, lettere e arti. Il contributo italiano alla storia del
pensiero. Ottava appendice. Storia e politica, dir. scient. G. GALASSO, Roma 2013, pp. 437-442, and to the
bibliography here cited.
2 De Rossi refers explicity to the contribution given to the study of municipal statutes in «volumi della nostra
società» by Camillo Re, editor of the forthteenth-century statutes of Rome (p. 75). Re and de Rossi were prominent
figures of the Accademia di conferenze storico-giuridiche, the Pontifical college of Jurisprudence, founded in 1878,
based in Rome at Palazzo Spada. For cultural, anti-pandenctistic addresses of this institute C. FANTAPPIÈ, Chiesa
romana e modernità giuridica, I, L’edificazione del sistema canonistico (1563-1903), Milano 2008, pp. 233-245, 863-
867. About the interest of the Accademy for the roman medieval statutory, let me refer to S. NOTARI, Manoscritti
statutari sulle due sponde del Tevere. Il Comune di popolo e gli statuta Urbis del Trecento tra storia e storiografia, in
corso di stampa nella rivista Le carte e la Storia. Rivista di storia delle istituzioni.
3 Of the rectoral mandate held in 1448 by Porcari, there was no information until then, except a mention in the
De Porcaria coniuratione, where Leon Battista Alberti reports that Pope Niccolò V sent Stefano «in Hernicos…
propraetorem habitusque in magistratu». About this affair, whose institutional profiles are still not entirely clear, and for
all literary and bibliographiical references, A. MODIGLIANI, I Porcari: storie di una famiglia romana tra Medioevo e
Rinascimento, Roma 1994, p. 61.
4 G. B. DE ROSSI, Gli statuti del Comune di Anticoli, cit., p. 71.
5 Ibid, p. 73.
82

The codices examined by de Rossi therefore contain two copies of the XVI and XVII century of
the Anticoli's statute reformed in 1410 6 . They are the only known witnesses of the validity age, one
dependent from the other, bearers of the normative text of the hernic castrum, whose original had
already disappeared 7 .
The two specimens are analyzed some years later by the engineer Augusto Statuti, member of
the Società geologica italiana, academic of the Nuovi Lincei pontifici. Statuti in a large essay of
1897, dedicated to the properties of the Anticoli's water, publishes the chapter De fonte frugi, which
contains the provisions concerning the protection and tutelage of the famous source. The scholar
also reports the existence, in the Accademia romana di conferenze storico-giuridiche, of another
copy of the Anticoli's statutes, performed by de Rossi for erudite purpose 8 .
The two Anticoli's codices were consulted in the second decade of the new century also by the
well-known Oreste Tommasini, Roman historian, senator of the Kingdom, who «riuscì di averli a
studio» 9 .
During the Twentieth-century, both copies of the municipal archive of Fiuggi were lost. Giuliano
Floridi, author in 1979 of the volume Storia di Fiuggi, complains the disappearance. This author
also reports that he had seen the sixteenth-century copy of the statutes, donated in 1967 by some
private owners to the historical municipal Archive of Guarcino, a town not far from Fiuggi, and also
this copy has been dispersed in a short span of years. It is very likely that this was the second,
paper, codex reported by de Rossi 10 .
6 For the fundamental distinction not only for publishing purposes, between witnesses of statutes of the age of
validity and simple apographs, the latter referred as «copie d’età o finalità erudita, mai quelle coeve al vigore dello
statuto», S. CAPRIOLI, Per una convenzione sugli statuti, in Gli statuti cittadini. Criteri di edizione - Elaborazione
informatica, Atti delle giornate di studio Ferentino, 20-21 maggio 1989, Centro di Studi internazionale “Giuseppe
Ermini”, Ferentino 1991, pp. 117-124, p. 124 (appeared, accompanied by notes, also in Bullettino dell’Istituto storico
italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio muratoriano, 95 (1989), pp. 311-322).
7 De Rossi supposes that the oldest of the two codices was drawn on the original of 1410 («l’antico esemplare
degli statuti era malconcio, quando ne fu ordinata la copia in pergamena circa un secolo dopo la loro promulgazione»,
Gli statuti del Comune di Anticoli, cit., p. 72). Some scholars who dealt with the theme linked the disappearance of this
original with the generali combustione of the castle, to which in 1421 Martin V referred in confirming to the homines of
Anticoli the tax immunities accorded by his predecessor (A. THEINER, Codex diplomaticus dominii temporalis S. Sedis,
Roma 1862, 3, pp. 271b-272b, n. 203 [1421, giugno 6]). This reconstruction, however, conflicts with de Rossi's
hypothesis just illustrated, an hypothesis quite plausible, though not verifiable.
8 Cf. A. STATUTI, Sull’acqua antilitiaca denominata di Fiuggi. Ulteriori notizie, rilievi e documenti storici, in
Memorie della Pontificia Accademia dei Nuovi Lincei, 13 (1897), pp. 1-145. The description of the two Anticoli's
codices is in part debtor of de Rossi's, but the accurate transcription of the chapter XIV, De fonte frugi, of Book III,
leaves no doubts about their direct view (ibid., pp. 25-31). The engineer, who prophetically advises «il Comune di
Anticoli di tenersi ben caro l’originale», consulted the aforementioned copy of the nineteenth century of the Anticoli's
statutes, at that time preserved in the «Società di Studi e documenti di Storia e Diritto» (that is, the cited Pontifical
Academy), made in 1880 «per cura e sotto la direzione del … fu Comm. Gio. Batt. De Rossi che anche in paleografia
era maestro» (ibid, p. 31, e nr. 2). The discovery of this late apograph would benefit to a critical edition of the statuta, if
– as it is lawful to suppose – it was conducted on the oldest statutory codex, now lost (about this, see extenesively
infra). In the 1909 essay Sopra un codice Vaticano Latino contenente una illustrazione inedita del secolo sull’acqua di
Anticoli-Campagna denominata di Fiuggi, which appeared in the same accademic book collection (nr. 27, pp. 375-441),
Statuti was again concerned the Anticoli's statutes, confirming the exsistence of the two codices (the statute, he states,
«si conserva ancora in doppio esemplare l’uno in pergamena e l’altro cartaceo, nell’Archivio Comunale di Anticoli»)
and transcribing another chapter (p. 422).
9 O. TOMMASINI, Stefano Porcari rettore di Campagna e Marittima, in Rendiconti della Reale Accademia dei
Lincei. Classe di scienze sociali, storiche e filologiche, serie V, 27 (1918), pp. 390-391. The scholar obtained the
codices thanks to the intercession of his colleague senator Giacomo Balestra, formerly Anagni's deputy. His Memoria
appears unjustifiably demolishing of the de Rossi's essay.
10 Floridi reports that after the discovery, of which the merit is attributed by him, and the donation to the
Archives, «allo stato attuale, sembra che anche il codice cartaceo debba ritenersi smarrito»: G. FLORIDI, Storia di Fiuggi
(Anticoli di Campagna). Con documenti inediti e notizie sugli statuti anticolani, Guarcino 1979, pp. 374-375 e 413.
About the disappearance the Author had already reported at a conference in 1973, emphazing the importance of the
dispersed manuscript, «accresciuta dal fatto che di esso non si conoscono altre copie, nonostante ampie ricerche presso
l’Archivio di Stato di Roma e la Biblioteca del Senato» (Gli statuti di Anticoli di Campagna, in Luoghi e personaggi di
83

The Floridi dedicates a large section of his book to the analysis of the statutes, trusting in notes
taken on the codex that he had been available for some time and in a nineteeth-century rubricarium,
kept in the Guarcino's Archive 11 . It was not easy to reconstruct, in absence of the text, the contents
of the statutory chapters. The Author tried to obviate through comparisons with neighbouring
community's statutes, but the study presents, as it is inevitable, several variants, some of which alter
the institutional profile of the Anticoli's town set out by the statutes 12 .
Meanwhile, without the knowledge of Floridi, a paper manuscript of the statutes entered in the
collection of the Senate of the Republic 13 . The direct view of this manuscript confirms the
hypothesis of the perfect conformity with the one which is described by de Rossi, hypothesis
formulated in 1993 by the authors of the repertoire of the Lazio's statutes, published by the Gruppo
di ricerca “Guido Cervati”, of the University LUISS of Rome 14 .
From this manuscript, which has the date of entry into collection of January 28, 1972,
inexplicably ignored until today by the statutory historiography, it is appropriate to start again – in
many aspects starting ex novo – the study of the Anticoli's statutes, which have aspects of safe
historical-legal interest and characters of originality, remained so far obscure 15 .
Cioceria, t. II, Atti del IV Convegno del Centro di Studi Storici Ciociari, Guarcino 13 novembre 1973, Frosinone 1974,
p. 56).
11 The manuscript, with the rubricarium of the XIX century, is preserved in Guarcino, in the State Archive
Section, statute collection, nr. 6. It has the title Statutorum terrae Anticoli in Campanea apud Hernicos rubricarum
compendium et poenarum reformationes de damno dato. Floridi also uses the notes taken on the two Anticoli's
manuscripts by Henry (Enrico) Stevenson junior, student of de Rossi, and by the well-know scholar of Anagni Raffaele
Ambrosi de Magistris.
12 For example, Floridi does not recognize the magnitude of the prerogatives of self-government and of
jurisprudence conserved by the universits of the castle, which, when it was approved by the statute in 1410, was subject
to the direct domination of the Camera Apostolica and has not yet become the ownership of the Colonna. The Author
believes that «le più importanti peculiarità dello Statuto Anticolano scaturiscono dalla circostanza che è proprio di una
terra concessa spesso dalla Camera Apostolica a titolo vicariale, enfiteutico e feudale al pari di Vico, comunità
anch’essa soggetta ai Colonna ed a differenza di Alatri, Anagni Guarcino, Ferentino, Veroli e Trevi che, invece, furono
liberi comuni, cioè godettero di maggiori autonomie» (Storia di Fiuggi, cit., p. 384; in the same year, with slight
variations, already in Gli statuti di Anticoli di Campagna, cit., p. 58). Other recent local publications, dedicated to the
history of Anticoli, recall this vulgata.
13 Senate Library, Liber statutorum terrae Anticoli, statuti mss, 742 (sed, following the denomination of the
incipit of the first book, BS, Statuta terrae Anticuli in Campanea). The form Anticulum/i, widely attested in medieval
documents, is preferable to Anticoli, of the copy of XVII century. The vocalism of ŭ in o is maybe to be attributed to the
uncertain hand of the sixteenth century copyist, author of the only witness presently available.
14 Cf. the file dedicated to the ms. 742 of the Senate Library in Statuti cittadini, rurali e castrensi del Lazio.
Repertorio (secoli XII-XIX), research directed by Paolo Ungari, Roma 1993, ed. provv., pp. 24-25 (Pubblicazioni del
Gruppo di ricerca sugli usi civici e gli statuti del Lazio ‘Guido Cervati’- LUISS, Roma, 2). The writer reported the
presence of the ms. in the collection of the Senate Library also in S. NOTARI, Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il
rubricario degli statuti comunali della provincia di Campagna, in Le comunità rurali e i loro statuti (secoli XII-XV),
Atti dell’VIII convegno del Comitato Italiano per gli studi e le edizioni delle fonti normative, Viterbo, 30 maggio-1
giugno 2002, in Rivista storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 21-22, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F. VIOLA: II, pp. 25-92:
p. 53, nt. 57; in the chronological census of the Statuti ed altri testi normativi della provincia storica di Campagna the
Anticoli's Statute is fourth for antiquity of those that we can date (ibid, Attachment 2, p. 82).
15 The initiative that the Fiuggi's municipal administration intends to promote of an edition of the statute of
1410 to be entrusted to the scientific supervision of the Istituto di storia e di arte del Lazio meridionale, seems to be
opportune. This would allow to a wider public the opportunity of studying the statutory law of castrum Anticuli, which
is remained too long hidden to the scientific community and to all interested.
84

Marco Di Cosmo
Trial about the price of the flesh in which the Giuliano's community recalls the Old
Municipal Statute
Introduction
The case of Giuliano di Roma is of great interest for the field of research. The reconstruction of
the story is particularly interesting because it is a social proof of the ferment of the town of Giuliano
in matters which involved the community in direct way, but also because it give back us
unequivocal testimonies of the old municipal Statute, now disappeared, which is invoked with
insistence as normative reference.
In fact, the dispute involves the local community and the tenant of the slaughterhouse, calling to
settle the dispute the excellent Prince Colonna, and pointing out, in absence of intervention, the
determination of the Giuliano community to turn to other tribunals.
Lacking a preserved copy of the ancient Giuliano's Statute, the most interesting material
considered for this research belongs to the Colonna's fond of the same name archive, at the Library
of the National Monument of St. Scolastica in Subiaco.
The trial about the meat price in Giuliano
The story, as anticipated, relates in details the trial between the town of Giuliano and the
slaughterhouse tenant, Virgilio Bompiani. The role of the renter, within the municipal system,
provided for the concession of the slaughter by the town to a private person who could sell the
slaughtered animals at the price agreed with the individual administrations.
The most frequent problems, if not in the case of missing supplies, were relative then to the
selling price themselves, which could not be altered without a separate administrative procedure
within the single towns.
In 1793 the Giuliano's community is therefore agitated by the increase in the price of meat made
by the tenant Bompiani. For this reason, in the first instance he addresses to the Prince Colonna,
because, as it is stated in the memorial attached to the case, the Colonna's family never had «motivo
in tanti secoli di dolersi di cosa alcuna sulle operazioni del popolo di Giuliano» 1 .
Instead, in those days, the population is particularly troubled by the price increase made by
Bompiani, in that time tenant of the municipal slaughterhouse. The flesh, as the memorial still
remembers, was always regulated in the town of Giuliano with the same price, and it is specified
that, according to the ancient statute, «il castrato, l’agnello, la vitella e il porco venivano venduti a
11 quatrini la libbra. Le carni meno pregiate invece, a 8 quatrini, comprese anche la carne di
vaccina» 2 . What matters most is that, for the Giuliano's community, this price has never been
changed by the renters.
The historical and normative reference to this certainty derives precisely from the Statute, which
is explicitly called into question in the memorial, to clarify that the price «sempre tale sia stato […]
dallo statuto formato nel 1537 e pienamente approvato dall’Eccellentissima Principessa Aragona
Colonna, sulla data di Civita Lavinia» 3 .
The Statute, therefore, provided that in the slaughterhouse «si debbano vendere carni buone e
recipienti al prezzo convenuto dalla comunità e per essa dai superstiti siano rappresentati come dalla
copia autentica che si umilia in lettera A» 4 .
1 Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica, Colonna Archive, Affari di Giuliano III B,
Protocolli Legali. Memorial of the Servo and vassal Rotilio Canonico Felici, year 1793.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
85

The recipienti meats, literally “acceptable”, could be put up for sale at the price established by
the municipal Statute, and so agreed with the community trough the superstiti, namely the
appraisers, who litterally set the price on the flesh, also evaluating the danni dati, caused by people
or animals.
The passage is of great importance ad it explicitly testifies the existence of a Statute for the town
fo Giuliano, its more or less regular use in everyday practices, and the existence of specific organs
that established the prices of goods, as it happened in all municipalities.
Unfortunaly, as we said, we do not keep a copy of this Statute, but the attachment of the trial to
the letter “A” gives us an extract of the chapter relating to the price of the meat, transcribed on the
occasion from the authentic copy of 1537.
The case is in any case interesting for the historical and social reconstruction of this town, and of
the local relationship with the Colonna's principaty 5 . The Community of Giuliano is firmly
determined to defend its interests and, declaring that the price of the meat in Giuliano has not been
changed for three centuries, reconstructs precisely the latest provisions in this matter, keeping in
mind the statutory provisions.
The precedents about an increase of the meat are, in fact, limited and circumscribed in particular
circumstances. If, already in 1745 the lamb price was increased for the Easter season, the most
important thing is to remember that only the public council, following a public decision, could take
this actions, and in compliance with the local Statute 6 . In following years, other increases occurred,
with particular reservations, and always through the decision of the public council. Lastly, we
remember that, if in 1766 another tenant made the same attempt to increase the price of the flesh, he
did not recourse to the Colonna, but presented the proposal to the public council which decided that
increase was unjustified 7 .
Neither the Prince nor the tenant have ever altered the price of the meat in Giuliano, so the
increase, in exceptional cases, only occurred through the public council «che ne dimostra il libero, e
pieno possesso dell’inveterata consuetudine, e libertà» 8 .
Lastly, Giuliano's Statute is quoted in the memorial in opposition to other towns, as Ripi, Pofi
and Ceccano, where the codex provides for different regulations, and therefore an increase would be
applicable.
Regarding the flesh in Giuliano it is prayed the Excellent Colonna that is should not be sold at
the original price of 11 quattrini, but of 12, seeking a compromise which can satisfy the demands of
citizens and at the same time «reprimere l’orgoglio e avidità somma degli affittuari, che mai si
contentano dell’onesto» 9 .
In the copy contained within the fascicule, it reports only the Chapter VIII of the Statute in Latin,
that we transcribe here.
Chap. VIII dello Statuto.
5 Ibid. In this sense, the letter of the Community of Giuliano, dating to 1793, to Prince Colonna explains that
the agreement which has always been to family and the Giuliano's people, over and over «è stato frastornato
dall’insaziabile avidità dei temporanei affittuari. Le innovazioni dei medesimi hanno sempre partorito
profitto a se stessi [...] e danno al popolo vassallo».
6 Ibid, Attached B. Copy of memorial of the Public Council of Giuliano, dated May 2, 1745.
7 Ibid, Attached F. Copy of the memorial of the Public Council of April 30, 1766, «non alla Casa
Eccellentissima Colonna, che dà l’affitto modum unius, ma bensì alla sua comunità, o sia pubblico consiglio
il quale credette ben di non accordargli l’accrescimento richiesto, ed in sequela fu egli costretto di venderla
al solito antico prezzo».
8 Ibid.
9 Ibid, Attached K. Copy of the memorial of the Public Council, date presumable 1793 where it is specified
that the tenant Bompiani had fixed the price of meat at 15 quattrini for pound, and not at 12 as it is tradition
and after the changes to the statutory references of 1537. And even, it is specified that the meat should be
sold «da oggi in appresso non all’antico prezzo di quatrini 11 la libbra, ma bensì a 12 e un tale ordine servirà
a ricomporre gli animi degli afflitti vassalli, per la pace e concordia verso il loro principe e per reprimere
l’orgoglio e avidità somma degli affittuari, che mai si contentano dell’onesto».
86

«Fidem facio per praesentes ego infrascriptus notaius et secretarius comunitatis terrae
iuliani ferentinae in campania qualiter inter alias constitutiones statutarias que vim legis
municipales habemt in predicta terra iuliani confectas et approbatas per illustrissimam et
excellentissimam johanna aragoniam columna sub datum castri civitas laviniae die 17 mensis
martii 1537 adest ut seguitur videlicet».
«De macello et carnibus vendentis».
CHAP VIII
«Statuimus et ordinamus, quod macellarius qui acceperit macellum in terra iuliani, debeat
macellare carnes recipientes et non infectas, nec lupatitias, et illas vendere illo pretio, quod
conventum fuerit cum communitate vel quod fuerit impositum per superstites, nec debeat
vendere unam carnem pro alia, et debeat dare justum pondus, et qui contrafecerit puniatur in
soldis quadraginta».
«Seguitur approbatio»
«Capitula statutorium huius quarti libri placent, ideo ea concedimus, approbamus, ac
confirmamus, in usu esse et observari volumus, et mandamos = datum in castra nostra
civitatae laviniae 17 mar 1537 johanna aragonia columna manu propria» 10 .
In merito alla controversia di cui si è trattato, così dunque recita lo statuto a proposito dei
regolamenti sulle carni:
CHAP. VIII
«Stabiliamo e ordiniamo, che l’affittuario del macello in Giuliano debba macellare carni
recipienti e non infette, né lupatizie, e venderle a quel prezzo che fu convenuto con la
comunità o che fu lasciato ai posteri, né si debba vendere una carne per l’altra, e si debba dare
il giusto peso e chi contravviene sia punito con soldi quaranta».
The extract from the Statute give us some historica indications, as the dating of this to 1537 by
the hand of Giovanna d'Aragona, provides further details about the cause of the meat price. The
Statute prohibits in fact the sell, as we read in the extract, of the infected meats and lupatizie,
litterally meats bitten by the wolves and therefore not marketable. More importantly, in determining
the sales and slaughter arrangements, the statute provided the the price of the meat had to be
“convenuto” with the community, so each tenant, as it is remembered by the Giuliano community,
had to actually match the priced through the public councils.
10 Ibid., Attached A.
87

Matteo Maccioni
“Minorare il numero troppo eccedente de Consiglierj”
The reform of the council meeting of Morolo
The documents examined for the town of Morolo come from the fond of the Colonna's Archive –
kept in Subiaco in the Library of the monastery of Saint Scolastica – and belong to the leaves
concerning the feudal affairs of the Colonna's family, specifically in the Corrispondence sector 1 .
The corrispondence between the mayor and the officers of the Morolo's community, on the one
hand, and the lieutenant of the feud and the Gran Conestabile Filippo Colonna, on the other hand,
concerns the request for the prohibition and the abolition of the People's Council of the Morolo's
Community and the convocation, training and composition that the new Council must take,
restricted to thirty person. The time span covered by these documents is of four months, that is from
January to April 1783.
With the letters signed by Filippo Colonna, and dated February 21, 1783, it was decided the
prohibition and the abolition of the ancient composition of the People's Council, in which the
council resolutions were taken «più per forza di partito che per zelo della Communità» 2 , and it was
outline the guidelines for the development of a new Council composed by thirty people «di qualche
abilità» 3 , capable and useful to the community, divided into two classes: one of the “Sindeci”,
composed by 10 people, and the other one of the “Ufficiali”, by 20 people. A third is added to these
two classes, called “Spicciolati”, composed exclusively by peasants. The task of the new council is
to regulate and to reform the interests and business of the Community. On November 1 of each
year, three people, one belonging to the class of the “sindeci” and two to the class of the “ufficiali”
are extracted: the extracts, if the Governor and the Gran Conestabile approve, will hold the
magistrate in the following year. This will not happen automatically, but the people are subject to
the prince's approval 4 .
Within the copy of the Morolo's Statute that I have examined, dated 1610, there are no rules
concerning the composition of the Council. Only in two articles of the first book of the Statute there
is a reference to the Council: in VII, in which it is ordered to the members of the committee to go to
the Council within one hour, and in the LXXXVII, where it is established that in the Council
meeting it must respect the silence, which can only be broken in the moment of the voting 5 .
Regarding the observance of the silence it is possible to note that it requires the respect of it in the
document, probably a minutes of the Council of Thirty of March 6, 1783, where it is written: «In
p(ri)mo Luogo si propone la dovuta osservanza sopra il silenzio da tenersi ne Consegli». It is not
1 Subiaco, Library of the National Monument od St. Scolastica, Colonna Archive (then it can be cited only
Colonna and its position), Affari di Morolo III LB, Corrispondenza (1778-1795).
2 Colonna, Morolo III LB, Corrispondence (1778-1795), resolution of Filippo Colonna to Governor, Febbraio
21, 1783.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid: «E per che devesi ogn’anno stabilire li pubblici Rappresentanti, che presiedino ne Consigli ordiniamo,
che nel giorno primo di Novembre di ciascun anno si estragga a sorte nel Consiglio dalla Classe de Sindeci un sogetto, e
dalla Classe d’Ufficiali due sogetti, de quali, il primo come Sindaco, e li due come Ufficiali formaranno il Magistrato
dell’anno consecutivo, qualora verranno da Noi approvati». In the past ordinance, the magistrate term is used to designe
a public officer holder, mostly of limited duration and of extractive and/or elective office.
5 E. CANALI, Cenni storici della Terra di Morolo (con l'edizione dello Statuto del 1610), a cura di G.
GIAMMARIA, Anagni 1990 (Biblioteca di Latium, 12), p. 40: «Capo 7. Della Gionta e Consigno. Statuimo, ed
ordiniamo, che gli uomini della Gionta debbano venire al Consiglio in termine di un’ora, quando veranno ricercati dagli
officiali, e citati personalmente dal mandatario alla pena di soldi cinque»; ibid, p. 59: «Capo 87. Del silenzio del
Consiglio. Statuimo, et ordiniamo, che negli Consigli, et Congregazioni, che si faranno per le occorrenze della
Comunità, nessuno debba far tumulto, nemmeno per parlare finché non sia domandato del Voto, et parer suo sotto pena
di cinque soldi per volta».
88

particularly surprising, however, the absence, within the Statute, of these norms or interventions
which were to change them. Although not in the same period, in the late Middle Age these
decisions had a distinctive feature and therefore an separate existence from the Statute:
«Cambiamenti anche radicali negli uffici, nella composizione dei consigli, nel ruolo e nelle
modalità di nomina dei magistrati vennero stabiliti da commissari pontifici, rettori provinciali,
governatori, luogotenenti e, ancora più spesso, dagli stessi comuni, in modo autonomo o su
pressione del papato. Né si esitava, in queste riforme, a sancire e regolare i nuovi rapporti di
soggezione alla Chiesa.
La casistica è amplissima, e diversa da città in città. Di particolare interesse sono le
deliberazioni prese dalle commissioni incaricate di procedere all’imborsazione 6 . Oltre ad
indicare i nominativi dei futuri consiglieri e degli ufficiali del comune, spesso questi gruppi di
cittadini preminenti emanavano una dettagliata normativa sul numero, le competenze e gli
obblighi delle cariche imborsate, e sui margini di intervento attribuiti ai rettori e agli altri
rappresentanti pontifici. “Capitoli del bussolo”, “reformationes” dei “cives bruxularii”,
“capitoli del reggimento”, “imbuxulatu” e analoghe deliberazioni si distaccavano talora con
ampiezza dal dettato degli statuti. […] E tuttavia questi interventi, di norma, non venivano
recepiti dagli statuti. Restavano confinati nei registri delle riformagioni, oppure, anche quando
ne uscivano, avevano spesso una fisionomia a sé, di singolo quaderno o pergamena destinati a
una conservazione separata. Solo in una minoranza di casi si provvedeva alla trascrizione in
appendice al volume degli statuti, e solo in via del tutto eccezionale si sentiva la necessità di
una loro integrazione organica» 7 .
The choice to abolish the people's Council to give priority to the formation of a limited council
of thirty people, whose participants are selected on the basis of the abilities and census, is intended
to guarantee a greater degree of the compentence, reliability, concreteness and clarity to this
authority. Formerly in the copy of the complaint made by “zelanti” of Morolo, dated on January 7,
1783, it is expressly required the prohibition of People's Councils in favour of training of a
restricted Council of thirty persons. The author of the letter, referring to the Governor, writes that,
since it is increasingly difficult to be able to convene the People's Council and to make perform in
regular and useful way for the Community, it has become essential to made a Council of thirty
persons composed by qualified persons an approved by him 8 .
In fact, already in previous documents dating back to 1780-1782, there are requests of «minorare
il numero troppo eccedente de Consiglierj» 9 motivated by the difficulty of convening the meeting
6 The imborsation is the function of ‘putting in’, or ‘in the urn’, the cards containing the names of the
candidates for the various offices, written one by one on the same number of note, by which then they proceed to
extraction by equal number of the offices to be covered.
7 S. CAROCCI, Regimi signorili, statuti cittadini e governo papale nello Stato della Chiesa (XIV e XV secolo),
in Signori, regimi signorili e statuti nel tardo medioevo. VII Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli studi e le edizioni
delle fonti normative, Ferrara 5-7 ottobre 2000, Bologna 2003, pp. 245-269, distributed in digital format by “Reti
Medievali”, pp. 17-18. As already pointed out, this example concerns a medieval period, while our case is related to the
modern age. Often the habits have been repeated over time; moreover our case of Morolo prove that it is the Prince and
not the inhabitants of Morolo to decide about the local “government”.
8 Colonna, Morolo III LB, Corrispondence (1778-1795), complaint of the zealots of the Community of Morolo
to the Governor, January 7, 1783: «Di più la supplicano, che voglia anche proibire li Consegli popolari perché per
convocarli bisogna procedere con gravatorj, e violenza de Birri; dovendo per tal difficoltà più volte trasferire negozj più
rimarchevoli, donde poi ne sono provenuti grandi pregiudizij. Quando poi è adunata tal fatta di Consiglieri tutti rozzi, e
dall’infima Plebe non ne nasce che confusione per motivo primario, che si deve adunare il Consiglio in giorno di festa
nell’ora tarda doppo pranzo per commodo de Medesimi, quando che tutti sono fori di senno per il vino. Sperando
dunque dall’innata bontà di V(ostra). E(ccellenza). che voglia ordinare, che si venga a stabilire il Conseglio almeno di
Trenta persone le più qualificate, e Probbe, quali non mancano in Tal Paese, se bene La magior parte di questi siano
Chierici pure attenderebbero di bona voglia al pubblico vantaggio qualora non fossero riprovati dall’E(ccellenza).
V(ostra).».
9 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG), b. 2896.
Petition of the Morolo's Community to the Sagra Congregazione del Buon Governo, July 13, 1782.
89

and the inability to adopt effective resolutions because these «dipendono dai voti de villani, che
costituiscono poco meno che l’intiero Consiglio» 10 . From the letter of the auditor Torelli we learn
that the composition of the Morolo's Council in 1780 is popular, but already in that year it was
proposed the reform, at the first for the formation of an Council of forty persons, as evidenced in the
minutes of February 6, 1780 enclosed with auditor Torelli's letter, and then of thirty persons. The
petition of the Morolo's community of 1782 informs us that at the time the Council has become of
sixty perasons, but in any case it is necessary a further restriction of the Council, proposing the
number of thirty councelors, since it is impossible to reach the number required to make the
measures adopted by the assembly 11 .
The decision to turn the people's Council in a Council of thirty persons has, first of all, practical
reasons: the convening of a small number or people entails less organizational and plannig
difficulties, because it can happen more frequently and with a minimum of notice. This new
configuration aims to gain a greater efficiency and incisiveness in the life of the community,
through the selection of citizens who will compose the new political authority. These, as mentioned
above, form three different “classi”: one citizen will be extracted from that of the “sindeci” and two
from the class of the “ufficiali”, while the class of the “spicciolati” represents a kind of reserve to
draw in case of necessity 12 . The compilation of a list of person belonging to the various classes is
entrusted to the Gran Conestabile Filippo Colonna, who sends it to the Governor with the order to
apply it and make it operational as soon as possible 13 .
What emerges form this correspondence is the possibility which is given to the mayor and the
communtiy officers “contestare” the choice of the Gran Conestabile and to suggest the changes that
they would like to make. They turn to the lieutenant to ask for the replacement of the persons who
are considered to be rude, ignorant and in advanced years with persons “civili”, “pulite”, “da bene”
and “possidenti”. They complain, in fact, about the damages caused to the common good by the
incompetence, the cowardice and the brutality of the “idioti” officers, that is illiterate, viel and poor
by «persone sempre avide d’ingrandirsi con i publici proventi» 14 . Several times in the complaints it
is emphatized the necessity to propose “colte” persons and “possidenti”, coming from “civili”
families, that is wealthy families, landowners, whose activities do not include humble jobs, as the
agriculture or pastoralism. These characteristics should provide competence, seriousness and higher
degree of resistance to corruption, theft and property accumulation in order to raise the community
and the credibility, now lost, of this political authority.
An interesting new from the analysis of these documents is the temporary ban on the active
development of the policy under which the citizens are subject who have legal proceedings in
10 Ibid. Letter of the Auditor Gaspare Torelli to the Buon Governo, March 7, 1780.
11 Ibid. Petition of the Community of Morolo to the Sagra Congregazione del Buon Governo, July 13, 1782:
«sempre manca il numero necessario à render valida la Risoluzione. In tale stato adunque di cosa per ovviare alli tanti
dissordinj, che tutto il giorno per tale motivo succedono, supplica l’Or(atri)ce La somma clemenza dell’E(ccellenze).
V(ostre). à volersi degnare di minorare il numero troppo eccedente de Consiglierj, e ridurlo al num(er)o dì trenta, che
potrà più facilm(ent)e radunarsi per risolvere li publici affarj».
12 Colonna, Morolo III LB, Corrispondence (1778-1795), report of the Governor about the compilation of the
classes, February 10, 1783: «Colle sudette Classi Sarebbe bene formare il Consiglio di trenta persone, e togliere il
Popolare, solito a tenersi in questo Luogo, da cui ne nascono confusioni, e sconcerti, costituendo esso Consiglio di dieci
Soggetti della Classe de Sindici, e venti della Classe degl’Ufficiali, quali per turno venissero in ogn’Anno estratti, uno
dalla prima Classe, e due dalla Seconda, per l’amministrazione di questa Communità. Dalla Classe de Sindici, ne
sopravanzarebbero sei, quali non sembrando conveniente fargli degradare con ponergli in quella degl’ufficiali,
potrebboro collocarsi per Spicciolati di detta classe, acciò di Sorrogargli alli dieci in caso di bisogno, benché per altro
devo raguagliare l’Ecce(lle)nza V(ost)ra, che gli Spicciolati nella Classe medesima, mai in questo bussolo si sono
costumati, bensì in quella dell’Ufficiali, per la quale detratti gli venti, che si degnerà prescegliere, gl’altri, che non
rigetterà, possono collocarsi in quella de Spicciolati».
13 Ibid., resolution of Filippo Colonna to the Governor, February 21, 1783: «Ordiniamo in seguito di ciò al
Governatore che dia piena esecuzione alla nostra presente volontà, e faccia che li sogetti di sopra descritti prendino il
possesso nelle solite forme».
14 Ibid., complaints of the zealots of the Community of Morolo to the Governor January 7, 1783.
90

progress, as it can be seen in the case of Gaudioso Lolli, about which it said: «potrebbe anche egli
ottenere il posto sud(dett)o, concorrendo in lui le med(esim)e qualità degli sopraccennati, ma è
debitore di q(ue)sta Com(uni)tà di somma considerabile, ed al p(rese)]nte se ne agita costì la
causa» 15 . About this it can be concluded that, once a case is over, one can enter the class for which
he was proposed, with the result that he could be extracted and then elected.
These documents also provide an information about one prerogative of the Gran Conestabile: the
power to suspend citizen from public affairs, as it can be found in the case of Filippo Franchi 16 .
It is not possible to determine the reason of these suspension and forbiddance, because it is not
mentioned.
15 Ibid, list of the class components of Lieutenant Michelangiolo Renzoni to the Governor, March 24, 1783.
16 Ibidem: «anche egli è possidente, ma nei libri de consegli sotto li sedici Giugno del 1730 vi è una proibizione
al di Lui Padre Francesco quale è Per ordine dell’E(ccellenza). V(ostra). D(ominum). Fabrizio Colonna. Il Governatore
che faccia levare il Franchi dal n(umero). de Priori, con suspenderlo dagl’esercizj dell’ufficio, e faccia estrarre uno
degl’altri Imbussolati in suo Luogo. Fabrizio Colonna.
Oltre a questa ve n’è un altra contro il sud(dett)o Felippo Franchi fig(li)o di Fran(ces)co med(ico), (secondo mi
vien detto da Persone Savie) ma non è stata potuta ritrovare quale anche proibisce al sud(dett)o Filippo il servire in tali
ufficj».
91

Matteo Maccioni
Division of the territory, penalties and statutory prohibitions in the territory of
Paliano
The document considered for the municipality of Paliano is part of a dossier preserved in the
State Archives of Rome, the Congregazione del Buon Governo fond 1 . In the letter to the Colonna,
Duke Prince of Paliano 2 , dated September 20, 1674, two farms and landowners require the
application of the prohibitions and of the statutory penalties, as well as of the one provided by the
laws issued by the Colonna, about the grazing of the pigs in certain areas of the territory of the
Paliano community.
The dossier, to which the studied letter belongs, addressed by the Paliano's Community to the
Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, and dated September 3, 1712, recalls how the prohibition
of the grazing of the pigs, «dannosis(sim)i à tutto il territorio» 3 had already been sanctioned in
ancient times by the popular councils of 1619, 1620 e 1698, and by edicts and announcement
promulgated by Lorenzo Colonna in the 1674, 1676 e 1690 4 . Council decisions, edicts and
announcements are based on what it was stated in the popular council of the October 1, 1619 5 , that
is «che si cavino li porci dal p(rim)o di Maggio per ciaschedun anno è non possano entrare per tutto
il mese di Settembre è che duri in perpetuo è che li porci forastieri di d(ett)o tempo non ci possano
entrare in nesun modo eccetto che in tempo di ghianda» 6 .
In the early XVIII century the executions of the rules provided by these councils and edicts are
lacking, in effect sanctioning the impoverishment and the deforestation of the surronding brush and
of the land owned by the Paliano's community, which in the past had been divided into in “quarti”,
which, in rotation, were cultivated with wheat, maize, legumes or various crops, one left for winter
meadow and another for the grazing of livestock 7 .
1 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fund, Series II (then only BG),
b. 3306.
2 The dukedom of Paliano, founded in 1556 by Pope Paul IV after the confiscation of the fiefs of the
Colonna's family in the administrative division of Campagna e Marittima, and re-established by them in
1559 by the Cave treaty, which ended the “War of Campagna” between the Pontifical State and the Spain,
was elevated to princely dignity in 1569 and was militarly and administratively organized by the successors
of Marcantonio II Colonna, who confirmed and applied the Statute approved by his father Ascanio in 1533.
The Principality was divided in two administrative states, whose capitals were Genazzano – from which
Paliano, Genazzano, Cave, Serrone, Rocca di Cave, Marino, Piglio, Anticoli di Campagna, Trivigliano, Vico
nel Lazio, Collepardo and Rocca di Papa were dependent - and Pofi (later replaced by Ceccano) – from
which Ceccano, Ripi, Arnara, Falvaterra, Castro, Vallecorsa, San Lorenzo, Santo Stefano, Giuliano, Patrica,
Supino, Morolo, Sgurgola and Sonnino were dependent. The Governor or vicecount resided in the capitals,
while the prince and the viceduke had their residence in Paliano. For more information about the history of
Paliano and the formation of the Paliano Duchy cf. L. PACITTI, Storia della terra di Paliano, Cave 1983.
3 BG, b. 3306, letter of the Community of Paliano to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo,
August 6, 1712.
4 Ibid.
5 An example is what it is written in council resolution of May 20, 1712: «Si replica di novo la
resolutione fatta dall’anno 1619 come fu proposto se si dovevano cacciare li porci dal Territ(ori)o passato il
Mese di Ap(ri)le è à che sempre potessero rientrare è questo s’intenda per ciaschedun anno per l’avvenire
intendendosi da porci armentitij con l’esclusiva de porci forastieri che in nesun modo ne in qualsivoglia
tempo possano venire in Territ(ori)o».
6 BG, b. 3306, copy of the extract from the Libro dei Consigli, f. 69, Lettera A.
7 «I contadini di Paliano già dal 1705 reclamavano dal Principe e dagli altri proprietari la divisione
di tutti i terreni in “quarti” da distribuire agli aratori, vangatori e zappatori con una certa giustizia; più tardi
reclamavano contro l’operato del Viceduca che non applicava quanto era stato concordato. Tutte le terre di
Paliano furono divise in quattro parti e cioè: il Quarto di Collerampo, il Quarto di Cervinara, il Quarto di
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In the deposition included in the letter of August 6, 1712 there is the information that the last
quarto, used for the sale of the grass to the benefit of the local community, produces a considerable
economic revenue: the takeover, in fact, allows to repay the debts of the community 8 .
In the same letter, five men over 50 years testify the state of decay and contraction of the area of
the Selva and of the territory of Paliano, due to excessive number and grazing of pigs, as well as to
the ever-increasing presence of the cultivation, comparing it with the situation of 40 years before 9 .
The damage that these animals can cause to the lands is immense: because the territory of the
community of Paliano is «pieno di Vigne, oliveti, Castagneti, prati, e Terreni da seminare» 10 , these
are endangered by the habit of the pig to dig with the griffin under the ground causing damages to
the sown, eradicating the bushes and ruining the meadows and the soils; because they are “animali
immondi”, they may male turbid the water, which is scarce in the territory, causing incalculable
damage to both the people and other animals. According to Pacitti's statement, an alternative
solution to the expulsion of these animals was found and adopted in 1724, through an agreement
which provides for the assignment for the processing of the lands to the farmers, allowing to the
pigs, and other beasts, to graze in the forests and private areas 11 .
In the letter of St. Carenza addressed to the Colonna, and dated September 20, 1674, two vassals
show the situation of the territory, devastated by the damages caused by pigs «nel tempo della
spica» 12 , a time span in which, according to an edict issued by the Colonna, is forbidden to kept
these animals in the territory, punishing a fine of fifty baiocchi and the loss of the animals. At least
this document does not refer the modalities of the deprivation: it could consist of the killing or the
sequestering and maybe the subsequent sale of the pigs by the local government authorities.
Massa e il Quarto di San Luca, i quali, a rotazione, venivano così usati: uno era coltivato a grano, l’altro a
granturco, a legumi o altre coltivazioni varie; il terzo lasciato a prato invernale; l’ultimo riservato a prato per
il pascolo del bestiame di tutti i cittadini; restavano ancora i terreni collinari, raccolti tutti col nome di terreni
del Monte, che erano coltivati liberamente dai loro proprietari senza vincoli di coltura. Ogni anno i cittadini
ricevevano il loro pezzo di terra da coltivare a grano, versavano una certa somma per “l’entratura” e infine,
al raccolto, consegnavano al padrone del terreno il quarto del prodotto ricavato», cf. L. PACITTI, Storia della
terra di Paliano, cit., p. 128.
8 BG, b. 3306, letter of the Community of Paliano to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo,
August 6, 1712. In a deposition included in the letter and dated August 5, 1712 it is said expressly that
«l’altro (quarto) la Com(muni)tà lo vende à tutta erba per pagare li debiti della Com(muni)tà».
9 Ibid, letter of the Community of Paliano to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, August 6,
1712: «Noi In… Prep.o è Can(onic)i della Chiesa Collegiata di S. Andrea di Palliano facciamo la p(rese)nte
chiara et indubitata fede à chiunque la p(rese)nte vedrà et attestiamo come nel tempo che da questa
Communita furono stabiliti li quarti essendo questo nostro Capitolo stato ricercato per dare il nostro
consenso à d(ett)a resolutione in riguardo di molti è gran quantità di terreni spettanti alla medesima Chiesa di
rubbia seicento in c(irc)a fù risoluto capitolarm(ent)e che si dasse il nostro consenso ogni qual volta
andassero via dal d(ett)o territ(ori)o l’animali porcini per sfuggire li gran danni che apportano li med(esim)i
universalm(en)te a tutto il territ(ori)o è l’istesso fù da noi confermato nell’ultimo conseglio g(enera)le, come
anche attestiamo che d(ett)o Territ(ori)o era 40 anni fa in parte macchioso è presentemente è stato tutto
smacchiato è ridotto tutto à coltura è questo lo sappiamo per esser noi la magior parte di età di sop(r)a 60 è
più anni. Che per esser la verità habbiamo scritta è sottoscritta la p(rese)nte di n(ost)re proprie mani è
sigillata con il nostro solito sigillo, Palliano dalla nostra Sagristiahoggi 6 Agosto 1712».
10 Ibid, letter of the Community of Paliano to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, August 6,
1712.
11 «Finalmente la questione fu risolta nel 1724 e si arrivò al definitivo accordo, così le terre, divise
per quarti, vennero affidate per la lavorazione ai contadini, pur restando molte divergenze per le semine e per
i pascoli. Ai maiali fu riservato di pascolare dentro i boschi, in particolar modo quelli ricchi di ghiande e così
pure gli ovini, i caprini e i vaccini avevano pascoli particolari e riservati»: L. PACITTI, Storia della terra di
Paliano, cit., p. 129.
12 BG, b. 3306, letter of S. Carenza addressed to Colonna, September 20, 1674. In the copy of the
extract from Libro dei Consigli, f. 79, Lettera B, it should be noted that «d(ett)a spica si paschi conforme il
solito da S. Angelo di Maggio sino à S. Angelo di Settembre».
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The vassals turn to the Baron that he prohibits the grazing and return of the “animali neri” in the
territory and applies the penalties agreeded in previous announcement, or adopts a regulation to
protect the cultivated territory, the Monte and the farmland by the damages given by pigs, as indeed
it is ratified in local statutory:
«Liber Tertius, De poena Porcorum. Cap. 23. Statuimus, et ordinamus quod si Porci
damnum dederint in frumento, et in leguminibus, seù in Pratis, et in aliis locis in quibus
damnum committerent, solvat dominii Porcoru(m) Solidumunu(m) prò quolibet Porco usquè
ad decem, a decem verò supra solvat prò qualibet turba solidos viginti; in Pratis verò nullo
tempora possint pascere, né devastantur, in fontibus, hortis, vineis plenis, in Pignoni busac
Aris plenis possint unus Porcus interfici de tota turba, et in casu quo interficiatur, dividatur
hoc modo vida…, una partssit curiae, alia mittatur domino Porcorum, et dua(e) alia(e)
partessint inter fectoris: Porci autem domoestici qui tenentur domi non possint interficis et
quotiascumque damnum dederint solvat dominus Porci prò qualibet vive solidos quinque» 13 ;
«Liber Tertius, Quod Bestiae Armentitiae, Porcinae, Caprinae, et pecudinae non possint
pascere in monte, nequé in defensis. Cap. 30. Statuimus, et ordinamus quod Bestiae
Armentitiae, ne que Porci, nec Capraem nec Pecudos possint nullo tempore in Monte Paliani,
nequè in defensis pascere sub poena quadraginta solidorum; Boves verò … Bubali aratorii
possint in dictis locis pascere dum arantur, sed tamen non pernoctare» 14 ;
«Liber Tertius, De Poena Porcellorum. Cap. 46. Statuimus, et ordinamusquod Porcelli
pròallevisfaciendopossint pascere in monte Paliani, ed in defensis, dum(m)odo damnum non
dederint, si veròdamnu(m) dederint dominus ipsorumpròqualibet vive a decemsupràsolvat pro
poena ultra damnu(m) solidosdecem, a decemverò infra solvatpròpròqualibetsolidum
unum» 15 .
According to what it is stated in this letter, one of the reasons for which it is not allowed the
grazing of these animals in the areas of cultivation has a social background, and concerns the
livelihood of poor, to which they gave the opportunity to pick up the chestnut and the olive fell to
the ground without having to pay for it: «ò almeno che d(ett)i Animali non possano pascolare ne
ritenersi nel Monte, è difese dove sono le campagne è olive ne i quali luoghi è anco prohibito dal
Statuto il pascolare acciò i poveri possano ricoglersi le castagne ed olive, e non habbiano à trovare
13 Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica, Colonna's Archive (then it will quote
only Colonna and the position), Affari di Paliano III MC 2, n. 18, c.46rv. The translation of the articles was
taken from the text Statuto comunale di Paliano, edited by the Amministrazione Comunale, Subiaco 1992, p.
112: «Libro III, CAPITOLO XXIII. Della pena per i porci. Stabiliamo e ordiniamo che se i maiali fanno
danni al frumento, ai legumi, nei prati o in altri luoghi commettono danni, il padrone dei maiali paghi un
soldo per ogni porco fino a dieci; da sopra a dieci invece paghi per ogni branco venti soldi. Nei prati in
nessun periodo può pascere né devastare: nelle fonti, orti, vigne può essere ucciso un maiale, di tutto il
branco e nel caso che venga ucciso sia diviso in questo modo: una parte sia della Curia, una parte del
padrone del maiale, le due altre parti dell’uccisore del maiale: I maiali domestici che vengono tenuti in casa
non possono essere uccisi, ma tutte le volte che procurino danni paghi il padrone del maiale per ogni volta
cinque soldi».
14 Colonna, Paliano III MC 2, n. 18, c. 47v. Translation from Statuto comunale di Paliano, cit., p.
113:«Libro III, CAPITOLO XXX. Che le bestie armentine, porcine, e caprine ed i greggi di pecore non
possano pascere nel Monte né sulla Rocca. Stabiliamo e ordiniamo che le bestie armentine, né porcine, né
caprine, né pecorine possono in alcun modo pascere nel monte di Paliano né in prossimità della Rocca sotto
pena di quaranta soldi; i buoi ed i bufali aratori possono pascere in detti luoghi mentre arano, ma tuttavia non
pernottare».
15 Colonna, Paliano III MC 2, n. 18, c. 50rv. Translation from Statuto comunale di Paliano, cit., p.
116: «Libro III, CAPITOLO XLVI. Della pena per i maiali. Stabiliamo e ordiniamo che i maiali da
allevamento possono pascere nel monte di Paliano e attorno alla rocca, finché non arrecano danno: se,
invece, arrecano danno il loro padrone sia tenuto a pagare da sopra a dieci oltre il danno dieci soldi, da sotto
dieci paghi per pena un soldo per ogni volta».
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mangiate e pasciute. Che il tutto lo riceveranno à gratia singolaris(sim)a di V(ostra).
E(ccellenza).» 16 .
The indications provided by the dossier as a whole, and by the letter of Carenza in particular are
numerous. The territory of the town of Paliano is divided in four quarti used for specific uses; there
are places and periods of the year in which it is not allowed to graze some species of animals, which
are dangerous for economic-productive equilibrium of the community. The existence of a rule
prohibiting the pasture in certain place and period of the year makes the supremacy of the
agricultural activity manifest in the Paliano's economy. This community, in order to protect the
interests of the farmers from the carelessness and negligence of the shepherds, must run for cover
by addressing to the local officers and the Baron, who, as usual, establish financial penalties that,
over times, they are forced to tighten because of the non-observance of the laws. In addition, as
above noted, the Statute provides for ethical and social rules aimed to ensure the sustenance of all
citizens of the community, making sure that the need of the population are met. This attention to the
poor shows the good health of the economy of Paliano Community's, which has not a strict
necessity of trade of its production but it can afford to donate free of charge to the less well-stocked
small portions of its crop.
16 BG, b. 3306, letter of St. Carenza addressed to Colonna, September 20, 1674.
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Marco Di Cosmo
Disputes about the applicability of the Patrica's Statute in the trials deriving from the
damages of the shepherds.
Introduction
The Statute of Patrica was subject of edition and studies 1 which attest the first dating to 1696 2
and the existence of numerous following copies, written up to the XIX century.
Giammaria and Notari's studies, recalling the history of the Statute of Patrica's community, faced
the question concerning the editions and the copy of the various statutes. Here, starting from the
previous work, we will illustrate the use of the statute in the local activities and the recourse of the
Patrica's community to this normative tool.
The Statute of Patrica, as I said, was preserved through at least five manuscripts, as proof of the
need of different copies for daily uses. Here we will try to reconstruct its use in town practices.
The danni dati relating to goats and black pigs
The use and presence of the statute in the archive documents can be found until the second half
of nineteenth-century. The most common argument regarding the disputes which were regulated by
the statute is also here the danno dato, that is, the crimes related to the damages of the lands,
cultivations, caused by persons, or often by animals.
The danno dato is a rather recurring argument of dispute in the community, especially in relation
to the damages of the goats and pigs called “neri”. About this problem in 1841 Pietro d'Ambrosi,
Priore of Patrica writes to the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone, complaining of the enormous
discomforts caused by these animals to the local agriculture. The Priore writes: «Accludo
all’Eccellenza Vostra Reverendissima una particola dello Statuto, che esiste in questo Comune,
relativa alle Capre e Neri, che si proibiscono di ritenerli, e farli vagare per le Vigne, e Alboreti, o sia
pei terreni ristretti, colla penale, facendo danno di baiocchi cinquanta per ciascheduna Bestia e di
scudi cinque, essendo tronco, dichiarandole non esservi per le Capre altra Disposizione». The Prior,
comparing the penalties attributed to other animals, declares to the Apostolic Delegate that the
penalty for goats is twice that of other beasts. He also writes: «[…] mi credo in dovere di far
conoscere […] che tanto le Capre quanto i Neri da Razza fanno qui in Patrica veramente piangere
l’Agricoltura per cui la supplico, anche a nome di tutti gli agricoltori di emanare forti disposizioni
per reprimere tanti danni e reprimere insieme l’audacia e l’orgoglio dei Respettivi Pastori» 3 .
The argument is quite wide and there are numerous causes and frequent complaints regarding the
damages caused by these animals to the cultivated lands. For this case, as in the others, the articles
of the Statute are explicitly mentioned in the fascicule, concerning the “Bestie minute in Vigneti e
Alboreti” and the “Porci in Vettovaglie”, that we show in the leaves of Archive.
«Porci in Vettovaglie. Item se alcuna Bestia Porcina, purché non sia mandarina dasse
danno ai Seminati non nati di qualsivoglia sorta di Vettovaglie sia lecito al Padrone del
Seminato di ammazzarne uno, con dare il solito quarto alla Corte, e che si possa seguitare tre
passi distante dal terreno, dove farà danno, e restando morta fuori dei tre passi la bestia uccisa
1 G. GIAMMARIA Le liberanze o Statuto di Patrica del 1696. Edizione e studio storico, in Latium, 15
(1998), pp. 5-66.
2 About the statutory codices of Patrica, in addition to the quoted study of G. GIAMMARIA, cf. S.
NOTARI Rubricario degli statuti comunali di Alatri e Patrica (XVI-XVIII). Per un rubricario degli statuti
della provincia storica di Campagna, in Latium, 14 (1997), pp. 141-122. Only in 1703 Patrica recognizes the
authority of the Buon Governo, as Giammaria highlights in G. GIAMMARIA, Patrica, in S. Antonio Abate:
culto, riti e tradizioni popolari in Ciociaria, Anagni 1995 (Etnostoria, 3), pp. 67-76.
3 State Archives of Frosinone, Apostolic Delegation Fond (then only DA), b. 819, fsc. 2038. Letter
of Pietro D’Ambrosi, Prior of Patrica, to the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone. Patrica, July 26, 1841.
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sia quella del Padrone; come pure nelle Guadagne piene di qualsivoglia sorta, come sarebbe
Vigne, e albereti, trovandolo però a dar danni come sopra, eccettuato sempre il Verre, e non
sia lecito al Padrone di stare appostatamente aspettando dette Bestie per ammazzarla, giacché
in tale caso gli sia solamente permesso ricondurle all’Osteria, o di accusarle, e facendo
diversamente sia tenuto di pagarla a stima de Periti, ed essendo trovate a dar danno come
sopra dal Balivo, incorra il Padrone di detti Animali nella pena di bajocchi due e mezzo per
Bestia, ed essendo Tronco di bajocchi trenta e con esser tenuto al pagamento del danno a
stima come sopra» 4 .
The copy in the archive leaves explicitly recalls the Art. LXIIII of Patrica's Statute of 1696, here
fully reported, which in fact is much more synthetically because it lacks some details that we will
discusse later:
«Porci in Vettovaglie. Item se alcuna Bestia Porcina, purché non sia mandarile, darà danno
nelli Sementati non nati di qualsivoglia sorta di Vettovaglie sia lecito al Padrone del Seminato
di ammazzare un Porco, con dare il solito quarto alla Corte, come nelle Guadagne piene di
qualsivoglia Sorta, trovandolo à dar’ danno, come sopra, e si possono seguitare tre
Possessioni distante dà dove farà danno, et essendo trovati dal Balio, incorri il Padrone nella
pena di mezzo grosso per porco, et altrettanto d’emenda, et essendo Tronco, nella pena di
giulij trè, e d’emenda un’ tombolo, e non arrivando il danno à trè bocali, caschi nella pena di
bajocchi quindici, se non sarà tronco, nella pena di mezzo bajocco per bestia» 5 .
The article contains many slang expression and is generally an important social proof, both in
order to know the local economy and to understand the danger of these animals, in this case pigs
and goats, and the frequency of the «danni che vengono fatti in questo territorio dai fattori
specialmente dai caprai, i quali impunemente mettono a pascolare le capre negli attigui albereti,
castagneti di fresco tagliati, negli oliveti senza riguardo alle olive che vanno cadendo per
maturità» 6 .
The statute protected the local agriculture, limiting the entry of animals into cultivated lands, to
prevent that the animals damage the plants or eat the novel plants. For this reason the landowner
was legitimate to kill the pig which was inside his property. In the text Le Guadagne are mentioned,
fenced lands, «piene di qualsivoglia sorta», or of different crops; in the documents there is mention
of vineyards and fruit trees.
The portion of the statute contained in the archive records does not contain any substantial
differences compared to the 1696 Statute, but there are some particularly interesting items to
consider.
First of all the restrictions about the possibility of killing the pig: the portion of the Statute
emerging from the archives prevented from chasing the pig and then killing the beast beyond three
steps out of its own land, where the copy of Statute published in edition limits the possibility of
three ownerships.
The particular case of the danno dato and, therefore, the application of the fines, were excluded
for the Boar, the male animal destined for reproduction, and hence more “tutelato”. Finally, the
landowner could not take up hidden position in a premeditated manner to seize the time of the
beasts' entry and kill them. In this case the landowner could only bring the animals back to the inn,
place where the animals were stored. The penalty for the owner of the animals, on the other hand,
was in this case two baiocchi and half per beast, and in the case of snub of thirty baiocchi.
Need to reform the Statute
4 Ivi.
5 G. GIAMMARIA, Le liberanze, cit. p. 56.
6 DA, b. 819, fasc. 2038. Letter of the Prior Monti Colombani to Signor Manardi, General Secretary
of the Apostolic Delegation on January 10, 1856.
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The importance and specially the frequency of these cases require for a small community that the
Statute be reformed, taking into account the changing times.
In this regard, the Tribunal of Frosinone writes to the Apostolic Delegation outlining its positions
regarding the reform proposals made by Municipal Council of Patrica, on November 6, 1841. The
court expresses its positive position having read the documents with which you ask, by the
community of Patrica, to establish a penalty on the animals found to damage the municipal lands.
For this reason you need necessary to adapt the laws to the times and places, and thus to reform the
local statutory laws. Again, you read in the leaves, the discretion of these reforms can only be due
to the «communisti», because no one knows better than them what the prosperity of the soil is good
for the agriculture, and how damaging is the free wander of the animals 7 .
We will see, through a practical case, how the changes to the Statute and the reforms invoked
will directly impress on the economy and the daily activity of the Community.
The case of Ercola Spezza
In the following dates, the cases connected to the danno dato and free grazing of the animals will
not be less frequent. One of the most interesting is the one involving Ercola Spezza and the
municipality of Patrica, still for the damages caused by the beasts in a land which, according to the
Municipality, was forbidden to the pasture and crossing the animals.
The Town of Patrica had therefore opened a dispute about the transfer of goat's cattle against
Spezza, who in his defence wrote to the Apostolic Delegationon on February 7, 1855, professing
innocence on the base of the Statute articles and the following council resolutions.
The Municipality of Patrica, in the person of the Prior, replied to the Delegation on May 6, 1855,
affirming that Spezza persisted in grazing her animals in forbidden lands 8 . For this reason, the
Municipality wrote, the statutory provisions included in the dossier should punish the behaviour of
Spezza and «fiaccare una volta il suo insensato orgoglio» 9 .
7 DA, b. 819, fsc. 2038. Letter of the Court of Frosinone to the Apostolic Delegation on December
23, 1841: «con cui si domanda il parere per stabilire una penale sugli animali che si trovassero a danneggiare
i terreni ristretti seminativi nel terzo di Patrica. Letta la copia dell’atto consigliare del 18 ottobre anno
corrente fatto dal Pubblico Consiglio circa il modo di stabilire dette penali. Uniformandogli a quanto gli
prescrive il regolamento legale e giudiziario ha emesso il seguente parere. È principio costante e saggio che
le leggi penali debbano adattarsi ai tempi ed a luoghi e che perciò vadano soggette a cambiamento. Su questa
massima generale è appunto fondata la previdentissima disposizione del sovrano regnante pontefice che
riservò ai comuni nel citato regolamento la facoltà di proporre la riforma delle leggi statutarie locali, poiché
niuno meglio dei communisti è al capo di conoscere quanto può giovare alla agricola prosperità del proprio
suolo. e poiché è tutti noto quanto dannoso sia il libero e sfrenato vagare degli animali, ed in specie dei neri
da razza nei terreni colti da quali l’uomo suda giornalmente per ritrarre il proprio sostentamento perciò utile
sembra la determinazione presa dai communisti di Patrica che ne confermano il divieto già statuito nelle loro
antiche leggi municipali coll’aumento di una pena ai contravventori più conveniente ai tempi in cui viviamo
di molto allontanati dall’antica semplicità, ed obbedienza alle leggi».
8 Ibid. Letter of Prior of Patrica to the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone, on May 6, 1855 in which
you read that Spezza «si ostina a far dimorare le sue capre lungi dall’essere prossimo alla Macchia Piana, ne
è anzi discosto un ben rimarchevole tratto destinato alla coltura di tanti alberi con viti, spettanti a ben diciotto
proprietari di questo luogo avrò rettificato i fatti in guida da dover convincere l’Eccellenza Vostra e codesta
Eccelsa Congregazione Governativa che lo Spezza abbia fatto suo di un ben meschino ripiego per indur
l’uno l’altra in errore di fatto».
9 Ibid. So the circumstances make it «applicabilissimo al caso le disposizioni statutarie e provinciali
Allegato 3 e 4, voglia fiaccare una volta l’insensato orgoglio dello Spezza, che per reintegro dei danni delle
riconduzioni è giunto financo alla temerità di dar corso, quantunque anziano, ad una istanza giudiziaria
contro il comune».
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The attached which is discussed is the chapter XVI of the Statute, concerning «Bestie minute in
vigne ed alboreti», which is reproduced in full below 10 :
«Art. 16 – “Bestie minute in vigne ed alboreti”. Item se alcuna bestia minuta, cioè pecore,
cani daranno danno come sopra, caschi nella pena di baj due e mezzo per bestia di giorno e
del doppio di notte ed essendo tronco incorra nella pena di baj 25 quanti volte pero il danno
non oltrepassi baj dieci, diversamente dovranno dette pene raddoppiarsi a norma come sopra,
e sia permesso far incorrere la stima nella maniera a forma del capitolo precedente. in ordine
poi alle capre, e neri vogliamo che questi siano affatto proibiti in detti luoghi, e trovandosi a
dar danno incorra nella pena di baj 50 per ciascuna bestia, di giorno e il doppio di notte, ed
essendo tronco caschi nella pena di scudi 5 e non dovrà aver luogo la presente legge quante
volte dette bestie andranno per la strada che da un pascolo conduce all’altra, che puol dirsi
transito, ed in tal caso facendo danno sarà tenuto il padrone al pagamento di esso, senza pena
alcuna».
The article here mentioned, although not having a precise correspondence in the statutory
edition, finds some corriepondences in the Article 75: “Bestie Minute come sopra”:
«Item essendo trovata alcuna sorta di Bestie minute nelle Difese delle Vigne in tempi
proibiti, caschi nella pena Il Padrone di giulij trè per Tronco, et altrettanto d’emenda, e non
essendo Tronco d’un’ bajocco per bestia, quale emenda vada alla Comunità come sopra, con
l’obbligo alli Signori Ufficiali conforme al Capitolo di tutte le Difese» 11 .
The resolutions of the attached contained in the archive leaves contain much more precise
provisions. On the one hand they identify the tiny beasts as dogs, sheep and goats for which
different penalties are expected than pigs. Especially, concerning the goats, the severe punishment
of 50 baiocchi for beast, which was doing damage, was cancelled if the animals were to go through
the transit, allowed to return to their landings.
This particular is of fundamental importance because in the examined case the dispute does not
concern so much the damages caused by these beasts, but the latter part of the council resolutions,
that the animals could circulate in places near Mandra, place for their landings, and therefore free in
the “naturale” transit of homecoming.
The Governor of Ceccano, referring to the council provisions contained in the article “Bestie
Minute in vigne ed alberi”, replied to the Prior Magni on February 12, 1855, taking the parts of
Spezza, by virtue of these provisions, misunderstood by the Prior 12 .
In fact the Governor wrote that the Patrica's statute forbids the indiscriminate grazing of the
livestock, for the damages that this pasture caused to the cultivated lands. However, these
provisions could not be applied in all places, but they are open to the changes considered
appropriate by every town.
In Patrica, the changes to the statute made over the year allowed the shepherds to bring back the
beasts to their “accasamenti”, crossing, in some cases, also part of the cultivated lands 13 .
10 Ibid. Attached n. 3, dated 1855.
11 G. GIAMMARIA, Le liberanze, cit., p. 59.
12 DA, b. 819, fasc. 2038. Letter of February 12, 1855: «[…] parrebbe che il sig. priore fosse in errore
e che ingiustamente esigesse di volvolo rimosso e infatti che possa essere in errore lo dimostra chiaro lo
stesso suo discorso: si dichiara in esso di essere egli venuto stati passi in forza di legge statutaria».
13 Ibid. «Lo Statuto Comunale di Patrica come tutti gli altri delle Comunità di questa Provincia
bandisce il Bestiame Caprino, e suino dai terreni Vignati, ed Arboreti. Ad onta per di siffatto divieto come in
Patrica, così in tutti gli altri Comuni tale specie di Bestiame fu proseguito a ritenersi sempre dovunque.
Derivando da ciò gravissimi danni all’Agricoltura, si elevarono da ogni parte forti lamenti, e si provocarono
delle analoghe provvidenze. Penetrata codesta Apostolica Delegazione della giustizia, e ragionevolezza di
tali lamenti, e d’inchieste con Circolare del 24 Feb 1840 n.1805, proibiva espressamente la ritenzione del
surriferito Bestiame non solo nei sopracitati fondi, ma in qualunque altro e lo confinava in quelli montuosi e
99

The reforms of 1840, in fact, allowed to bring their livestock, crossing not only the lands where
there was the right of grazing, but also some adjacent public street.
This is the case of Spezza, who, in bringing back her beasts to her lands, went through some
lands that the town of Patrica considered, referring to the statute, as interdicted to the grazing, but
that, instead, the reforms of 1840 identified as roads which can be carried out by shepherds, who
were not subject to the payment of any penalties in bringing their animals back 14 .
stepposi. Ma riflettendo, che tale disposizione non sarebbe stata adattabile in tutti i luoghi in generale,
prescrisse, che i Consigli Comunali l’avessero presa a disamina, e rosica suggerite avessero quelle misure, e
modificazioni, che reputate avessero opportune e conciliabili alle rispettive località, e all’industria dei
Particolari».
14 Ibid. «Nell’aprile di detto anno 1840 si convocarono a Consiglio, e nel convenute colla sublocata
disposizione, quanto di confinare il predetto Bestiame nei terreni montuosi, e cespugliosi, permisero di
poterlo: rimettere la notte nelle Mandre, in terreni ristretti prossimi ai suddetti terreni montuosi, e alle
Macchie dell’Eccellentissima casa Colonna, nelle quali quella Popolazione ha il diritto di pascolo, e di
potervelo condurre, assegnando all’uopo alcune strade pubbliche per transitarvi. Con questa modificazione
pertanto fu mandata ad effetto la preavvertita disposizione. Quindi in processo di tempo incomincia ad essere
a quando a quanto trasgredita, e termini col non essere più da nessuno affatto osservata. Prescelto a Priore
nello scorso anno 1854 il chiarissimo Sig. Gioacchino Magni, piacque a questo di richiamarla alla più stretta
osservanza. Tutti, come asserisce nell’accluso suo foglio il suddetto Sig. Priore, obbedirono
comprensivamente al reclamante Sig. Ercole Spezza, rimuovendo dai fondi coltivati siffatto bestiame, e
conducendolo nelle Montagne.
Dopo ciò il suddetto Sig. Spezza nel giungere della presente stagione invernale, valendosi della
summenzionata facoltà accordata dal pubblico Consiglio, ed approvata, siccome vengo fatto certo, dalla
Superiorità, ha fatto costantemente in ogni notte rimettere il suo bestiame Caprino in una Mandra, posta in un
suo terreno ristretto in Contrada Varracani, e prossima alla Macchia piana, alla quale lo fa giornalmente
condurre, per depascervi, percorrendo, conforme rilevasi dal foglio di quel Sig. Segretario Comunale, che qui
completato rassegno, la strada così detta della Fontana, che appunto è una delle assegnate al transito. Giunto
ciò a saputa del lodato Sig. Priore, si è questi stimato in diritto di obbligare lo Spezza a rimuoverlo. E il
perché non ha ciò eseguito, lo ha fatto più volte ricondurre in quella pubblica Depositaria, costringendo in
pari tempo il più volte nominato Spezza a pagare le riconduzioni ai Guardiani. Ma sussistendo, siccome deve
appieno sussistere, poiché con tutta certezza ne lo assicura l’indicato Segretario Comunale, accludendo in
prova la relativa Mappa, che la Mandra in cui viene il bestiame in discorso rimesso la notte, stia dentro il
terreno ristretto di proprietà dello Spezza, che questo sia vicino alla Macchia piana, e che sia il ridetto
bestiame in quella il giorno per la strada denominata Fontana condotto al Pascolo, parrebbe che il Sig. Priore
fosse in errore e che ingiustamente volesse di volerlo rimosso. E in fatti che possa essere in errore, lo
dimostra chiaro lo stesso suo discarico: si dichiara in esso di essere Egli venuto tali passi in forza di Legge
Statutaria, e della ridetta Circostanza far menzione alcuna della surripetuta Consiliare liberazione, che
corregge l’una e l’altra».
100

Rossana Fiorini
Pofi: the legal tutelage and the safeguard of the forest estate in the Statute
Terrae Popharum
Introduction
The historiographical event of the statutory normative of Pofi was subject of studies 1 which
attested the various datings of the Statute, now preserved in the State Archives of Rome 2 . Earlier
studies sets their foundations around the critical analysis of the statute and around historical
information, allowing us thus to have a thorough knowledge of the uses, the customs and the habits
of the ancient community of Pofi.
Here, moving from these studies, we will analyze – thanks to the examination of the documents
found at the State Archives of Rome in the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo fond and at
Colonna's Archive in the Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica – the use of the
Statute in the community practices of Pofi inhabitants.
The location and the structure of the territory, fortified within the large castrum walls, make Pofi
a small military, especially sighting, fortress. The community which lived there however led a rural
life, dedicated to rural activities as the livestock and the farms. A great importance had the woods
and the forest, the so-called “Macchia di Pofi” (but there were others, for example “le Sterpette”
and also the “Macchia del Signore”) - where it was guaranteed the free grazing for the people in
fixed times of the year. According to the consulted documents, the most striking elements are the
protection and the surveillance that the Statute sanctions in its rubrics with respect to the forest,
certainly because the wood covering performs many functions and carries out unique and precious
actions about the economic, social and physical aspects of an territory. First of all it is supplier of
wood, thank to the shrubs and persistent leafy trees which make up, it prevents the hydro-geological
disruption, it can be moderator of the climate factors (when it reaches sufficient extension and
continuity), it gives support to the animals which graze there and to the people who can pick fruits
and edible plants.
Abusive cutting in the forests of the Pofi Community
The presences of the Statute in the Archive documents are already verifiable from the XVII
century 3 , until the second half of the XIX. The most emerging argument is inherent the danno dato,
especially the one caused to the Macchia by people, manualiter orstudioso, and worse still by
unattended animals. Here we include the problem of cuttings performed illegally. For the purpose of
the safeguarding of the Community and privates forests, the Statute provided for important
1
F. M CAMPOLI, Pofi. Dalle origini all’inizio del secolo XX, Roma 1982; V. CELLETTI, Pofi, terra della
campagna di Roma. Mille anni di feudalesimo, Roma 1957. The statute of Pofi, Statuta Terrae Popharum,
was granted by Marco Antonio II Colonna on February 10, 1569, under the pontificate of Pius V. The statute
had the precedents: the first of 1195, reconfirmed under Innocent III, then under Pope Nicola IV; then under
the domination of Caetani, when in 1491 an explicit reference was made to the ancient customs and to
“antiqui Capitoli e Statuti” granted to the Pofi's Community. Even if the information is scarce, Campoli says,
however, they point out that the Pofi's Statute had to be a re-elaboration of the previous one, with the
addition of new and/or changed dispositions.
2
State Archives of Rome, Library, Collezione Statuti, 0831, Statuta Terrae Popharum. Campoli believes that
there are graphs which belong to different periods and that a copy of the statute was sent to the Sacra
Congregazione della Consulta, as requested by the latter; but the attempts to trace it have not yet come up
with positive results.
3
Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica, Colonna's Archive (then it will quote only
Colonna and the position), Pofi III NC, Correspondence 1618. These are testimonies which concern a matter
of exclusive court jurisdiction and the struggle between laity and clergy.
101

sanctions for those who had cut trees without the permission of the bailiff. From the correspondence
of the Colonna's Archive, several documents of 1733 report the event of some boys who, with the
intention of approaching some birds nests, «non trovando modo di salirvi si fecero lecito tagliare
una farnola fruttifera della grossezza di un palmo di farna, a fine di servirsene di scala» 4 . Of course
the experts had been told about the damage and estimated that, despite being «arbore vecchio, era
ancor atto a portar frutto» 5 . The Statute imposed more expensive penalties against those who had
cut or damaged fruit trees, as in this case. The governor reported the fact and took note of the trial,
which was therefore hanging against the boys for thirty-five baiocchi – so it was established by the
experts. This document is supportive of understanding what the application of the punishment could
be according to the statutory rules 6 . The reimbursement of the damage, in fact, was always due,
independently from the payment of the financial penalty.
From the fond of the Buon Governo we found documents relating to the specific cases of the
illegal cut of the firewood in the wood. The Community writes to the Buon Governo, signed by
Bartolomeo Andretti 7 ; a memorial is sent where the Community, through its Public Representatives,
reports a fact happened. Two “forestieri” - so, not resident in Pofi – had been suspiciously
introduced into the woods, stealing two Turkey oak trees, after they had been cut off (to use them
later for the ship building).
Caught in flagrant, the two were condemned to pay a penalty of twenty-five scudi 8 . The report
tells us that the pecuniary sanction had been approved in other times by the Sacra Congregazione
del Buon Governo 9 . The petition then required that, once again, the Buon Governo ordered that the
damage suffered by the Community be fully compensated by what it is contained in the notice
relating to the cuts made by foreigns. We are also informed by another memorial that the damages
were completely payed after the judicial appraisal 10 .
4
Ibid, 1733. The letter is addressed to Prince Colonna, dated on October 24, 1733. The sign below is of the
governor Francesco Antonio Missorj.
5
Ibidem.
6
The statute deals with the abusive damages done in the woods in the chapter XXIII of the book of the
danno dato. In order to cut the wood the license of the constable was necessary. The chapter recited «[…]
chiunque avrà tagliato […] un […] albero […] per ciascun albero tagliato sia punito di carlini 2, come è stato
definito nel cap. precedente». Here we can see that the financial penalty had changed. There was a particular
case: «[…] quando qualcuno al fine di fare trave, tavole […] vorrà tagliare […] detti alberi, che sia tenuto a
chiedere la licenza deli stessi conestabili, i quali, se avranno constatato che chi chiede la licenza ha bisogno
di tale legname per adattare la sua dimora, siano tenuti a far la concessione». The chapter XIV was interested
to the sanctions for fruit trees. Also the chapter LIV of the book IV concerns the abusive cuts. Cf. F. M.
CAMPOLI, Pofi, cit., pp. 115-160.
7
State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG), b. 3592.
The petition addressed to the Buon Governo is dated on May 25, 1773.
8
Ibid, b. 3591. From a council resolution, dated on April 13, 1757, we know that anyone had been found to
collect wood in the Macchia of Pofi, whether it was citizen of Pofi or “forastiero”, would have been
subjected to a financial sanction of 25 scudi. The resolution also set out the arrangement and the division of
the punishment against the officials, of the Court and the Community. Cf. also F. M. CAMPOLI, Pofi, cit., p.
213.
9
BG, b. 3592. From the aforesaid supplication of Andretti, it is well known that on June 18 1757 the Buon
Governo had organized the publication of an edict aimed to repress the abuses reported by the Community.
10
Ibid. The letter is dated on June 19, 1773; it is signed by Bartolomeo Andretti here indicated as
Community official. «In ordine a quanto s’espone nel qui compiegato memoriale avanzato in Sacra
Congregazione dai Pubblici Rappresentanti della Terra di Pofi, mi dice quel Governatore, ed ho l’onore di
riferire alle Eminenze Vostre che il taglio fatto in quella selva communitativa, per ordine del giudice Ciacelli
affittuario della medesima, consiste in due alberi di cerro, quali dalli dannificanti sono stati pagati […] a
forma della perizia giudiziale alla Comunità». Giuseppe Ciacelli of Pofi had rented the Macchia for 160
scudi annually surpassing the offer of Filippo Maria Spani of Veroli. The rent was worth for nine years,
starting since 1769, with the approval of the Council, which decided unanimously on November 24, 1768.
102

Over time, in Pofi, as it was possible to make sure thanks to the examined documentation, there
were numerous cases or trials which pertained to the wild brushes, including other brushes of the
territory. An example is, in fact, the trial concerning the damages to “Macchia delle Sterpette” 11 .
The testimonies examined in this new episode cover a period between May and September 1789 12 ;
it is a correspondence between the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo and the Auditor of
Ceccano 13 . With a letter of May 30, 1789 the Buon Governo authorized to prosecute against the
«dannificanti nel terreno macchioso delle Sterpette spettante alla comunità di Pofi» 14 . It should be
remembered that, the previous year, the Macchia has been sold to emphyteusis 15 to Folco Colantonj
dell’Arnara, the best bidder in the public auction with an annually rent of 15 scudi (later 24), who
was obliged to reduce to the olive grove the woody forest, thanks to the motu proprio of Pope Pio
VI, who offered a “paolo” for every olive tree planted. The Pofi's inhabitants, however, claimed the
right to graze the animals and to go to get firewood within the same 16 .
Having formed the court inquiries, more than a thousand plants were “incise”, the damage
amount was fixed at 102 scudi and 50 baiocchi. Thus, it was proceeding in terms of justice with
respect of the devastators, some of them, however, were acquited by decree with the obligation to
pay an instalment of the damage in favour of the community, requesting the reduction of the
criminal case to civil trial and reinstating the case to Sacra Congregazione. In this regard, they
questioned the Auditor to contest the copy of the process which is hanging against them. With the
permission of the Buon Governo, he delivered this copy 17 . Despite the outcome of the trial,
The governor declared to the Buon Governo that the deliberations adopted had never been profitable. See F.
M. CAMPOLI, Pofi, cit., p. 224.
11
Cf. Ibid, p. 211. In the 1757, it is known from the documents, the land of the “Macchia delle Sterpette”
was granted in emphyteusis, so that the Community could have obtained about 30 scudi. The rent concession
of the wooded forests, both for the grazing of animals eating the acorns and for the cutting of wood,
constituted a tax revenue for the Community's treasure. This made the protection of woody forests an
important activity for the whole Community.
12
BG, b. 3593.
13
In 1734 the Auditor was moved from Pofi to Ceccano. Cf. F. M CAMPOLI, Pofi, cit., pp. 166-170.
14
BG, b. 3593. The Auditor of Ceccano De Nobili writes a letter to the Sacra Congregazione on August 15,
1789. A further confirmation is still read in another letter of Giacomo Antonio Rizzardi, of August 6, 1789:
«L’uditore di Ceccano dà conto alla Sacra Congregazione della esecuzione degli ordini avuti, fatto il dì 30
maggio prossimo passato sulli devastazioni di quella macchia di Pofi data in enfiteusi a Folco Colantonj, e
che si chiama della Sterpette. Presento a Vostra Santità […] la lettera di detto uditore con la causa di dette
devastazioni della ulteriore esecuzione li detti devastazioni».
15
Ibid. There was an edict prepared by the Auditor De Nobili, dated on May 17, 1789, which has the
following title: «Giovanni Maria de Nobili dell’una, e l’altra legge Dottore per Sua Eccellenza il Signor Gran
Contestabile D. Filippo Colonna Uditore Generale dello Stato, e Giudice esecutoriale della Sacra
Congregazione del Buon Governo». The edict established restrictions, limits and normative provisions and
safeguarded the legal relations between Lord Colantonj and the Pofi's Community. The document, in fact, in
regard to the citizens of Pofi, states: «di non ardire di inquietare, turbare e molestare il […] Colantonj
nell’utile dominio di detta Macchia e terreno nella estirpazione di essa […] sotto la pena di scudi 100 d’oro,
d’applicarsi in beneficio della stessa Comunità e di altre pene corporali […] secondo […] circostanze […] ed
arbitrio» del Buon Governo.
16
Ibid. Inside the envelope there are numerous sheets which testify the episode. One among them, also
reported by Campoli, concerns the letter of the governor of Pofi. Informing the Conestable Filippo Colonna,
on August 22, 1789 he asserted: «[…] il popolo di Pofi s è trovato dello jus di legnare che dapprima goduto
avea, di pascolare i loro bestiami nella Selva ridetta, fino di farvi i poverelli i funghi […]». He talks about
“lagnanze” against Colantonj and not about threats as we can read in other documents. Also the inhabitants
of Arnara are quoted, who in the Macchia used to collect «la legna infruttifera».
17
Ibid. From a letter titled: «Pofi. Sulla Consegna della copia del processo a dannificanti nella Macchia delle
Sterpette». The date put by the Sacra Congregazione on the document is September 19, 1789, signed by
Monsignor Bussi. «La consegna della copia del processo non può negarsi, pretendendo li sudetti dannificanti
103

Colantonj, in the summer of 1790, with a letter addressed to the Buon Governo 18 , required to leave
the “Macchia delle Sterpette” to perpetual colony; such operation was obviously indispensable
because of the costs that he had to sustain for the continuation of the case.
Disputes about the grazing in the free forests of the Pofi's Community
A very particular order in the Pofi's Community was contained in the chapter XXVIII of the
Statute. In certain period of the year, with the permission of the constables, it was allowed – both in
the Macchia of the Community and in the private forests – the free grazing of the beasts. It was not
allowed in other times, that is when the trees still had the fruit (chestnuts, acorns, etc.), from the
celebration day of St. Michele Arcangelo (September 29) until the day of the St. Andrea celebration
(November, 30): the penalty was applied on the basis of the times when the beasts were introduced
into the land or on the basis of the damage caused. After the Celebration of St. Andrea, however, it
was lawful to graze in the forests of the Community with the license of the constables.
«È stato sempre solito, che doppo la festività di S. Andrea ciascheduno del popolo ha
potuto pascere per tutte le selve non solo gl’animali neri, ma ciaschedun’altra specie de’
bestiami, e questo immemorabile uso è stato fondato sopra la statutaria, il capitolo della quale
ho creduto bene trasmetterlo alle Eminenze Vostre, nella presente informazione» 19 .
The letter, signed by the Governor of Pofi, provides useful and important notions about the socalled
“diritto di ricadenza” which had a large impact on the local economy, especially for the
poorest part of the population. In addition to the chapter which regulated the case, the petition was
sent to the Sacra Congregazione with the council resolutions adopted to defend the rights of the
population 20 .
In the instance it is stated that this is not a jus pascendi limited to black animals (pigs) but that
the provisions concerned all types of livestock. Without this right, livestock grazing would have to
be provided at their own expenses. It also good to remember, with regard to black animal, that in
the past for them there was a greater tolerance 21 , but now the imposed sanctions were still very
di rimettere la causa alla Sacra Congregazione in civilibus. E trattandosi di delitto, nel quale non ha luogo né
la galera, né altra pena corporis afflittiva, ma la sola pena pecuniaria colla rifezione del danno al Colantonj
enfiteuta. […] Può dunque rescriversi: mandet tradi peritam copiam Processus, et Actorum, soluta mercede
juxta taxam localem». In the following day a letter from the Auditor Rizzardi di Ceccano further informed
the Buon Governo: «Il Signor Gran Contestabile si rimette nel caso della intestazione della selva delle
Sterpette in Pofi, data in enfiteusi a Folco Colantonj al giudizio della Sacra Congregazione rispetto alla
comunicazione del processo».
18
Ibid. The Buon Governo, with a document dating back to July 17, 1790, granted to Colantonj the
possibility to conclude with the population the acts of perpetual colony.
19
Ibid, b. 3591. The Governor of Pofi, Giulio de Nobili, writes to the Buon Governo. The document is dated
September 25, 1746. «[…] contro alcuni principali particolari padroni di molte selve, i quali da un anno in
qua pretendono di privare tutto il popolo di quest’uso immemorabile, e necessario, non portarebbe alla
Comunità suddetta utile alcuno […] non avendo la detta Comunità più questo jus di ricadenza il popolo
soffrirebbe un danno inestimabile, primieramente perché quasi tutto tiene qualche animale nero, qualche
particella di capre, o altro bestiame, col quale industriandosi per lo più tira avanti la famiglia, e non avendo
la ricadenza sudetta non potrebbe per tanti mesi sostentare le dette bestie, e in conseguenza per non poterle
tenere verrebbe in maggior miseria di quello sia presentemente». A copy of the statutory chapter XXVIII was
sent to the Buon Governo with the letter.
20
Ibid.
21
Cf. F. MCAMPOLI, Pofi, cit., p. 136. The book of the danno dato, in the chapters from XXX to XL,
regulated the procedures for determing the damages caused by the beasts in general. In this regard cf.
Colonna, Pofi III NC, Correspondence, 1738. In 1738, however, the sanctions did not seem to contain the
many damages that animals did both by day and by night to the supplies of the “altrui possessioni”. The
references to the Statute which emerge in the Colonna's Correspondence of the same year tell us that the
disposition of the Municipal Statutes are no longer able to contain the damages also because of the growth
and multiplication of the people. The statutory penalties resolved in «pochi quattrinucci per ogni animale
104

estrictive, rigid and severe 22 . In fact, before the Statute emission (this seems to be outlined by the
Chapter) the pig breeding was accepted also within the city of Pofi: however, the problems which
had been derived from it have suggested to adopt some restriction to the free wander of them. In
addition, the demographic growth and the contraction of the cultivated lands had been the causes of
the continuous damages. The territory of Pofi, in addition to being rather small, is rich of scrub and
bushes, so it was difficult to keep animals away from such areas for a long time, and on this the
weight of the statutory normative, as the Governor recalled in the above-mentioned letter: «onde si
vede che saviamente ha provveduto lo statuto con dar facoltà di pascolare tutte le selve doppo detta
festività, et anche nella propria selva communitativa, con la licenza però de contestabili» 23 .
The problem with the animals is not only related to grazing, but also to the simple transit of the
them, and it is connected also to the activity of the sowing. In order to be able to sow, it is necessary
to cross the woods and it is well known that the people can fulfill this activity from the day of St.
Andrea. Without the right of grazing, there is not even the passage, so it is difficult to reach the
fields and it must resort to the discretion of the owners of the woods. Also it might be incurred in
the reporting by the guardians, as it was when they crossed the main streets. If it is considered that
the Macchia is available to the owners until the date of the Carnival, the people also have the
contingent damage of seeing to end the period of sowing. It should not be forgotten that, among the
various economic activities to which the man can be dedicated, the agriculture is the only one that
does not allow the exasperation of productive rhytms, since it is necessarily bound by strict
biological laws. For these reasons the Community continues the argument «intentatagli contro da
detti particolari padroni della selva» 24 by requiring that the pasture in the wood, which had always
represented a jus Commune, come back to being free and alien from the right of the private
property 25 .
danneggiante» and it seems that «invece d’incuter timore agli uomini» caused «in essi poca ultima
derisione». It was then tried to increase «le pene contro gli animali bovini, specialmente quando sotto gli
occhi dei loro padroni danneggiassero, le biave, e grani altrui». Obviously, it was intended «lo statuto alla
qualità, e condizione de’ tempi, e non li tempi alle determinazioni dello statuto; […] molte leggi, che utili
erano alla venerabile antichità, disutili affatto col rivolgimento degli anni, e cangiamento de costumi
divennero, e perciò furono da legislatori o rinnuovate in parte, o del tutto abolite, o sostituite in luogo loro
alcune leggi più confacevoli, e precise. Si aggiunge poi che i danni studiosamente commessi, partecipando
molto del criminale, devono purgarsi con una pena più grave, e per conseguenza raddoppiandosi rispetto a
medesimi». The words of Notari are eloquent about this argument: «L’inasprimento delle pene o, comunque,
la generalizzata ricerca di una maggiore efficacia sanzionatoria, parrebbe in certi casi conseguire anche
all’introduzione di colture erbacee destinate al bestiame e alla correlata sottrazione di varie tipologie di
fondi, ‘banditi’ – anche temporaneamente – al pascolo collettivo». Cf. S. NOTARI, Per una geografia
statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli statuti comunali della provincia storica di Campagna, in Rivista
Storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 22, Le comunità rurali e i loro statuti (secolo XII-XV), Atti dell’VIII
Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli studi e le edizione delle fonti normative, Viterbo 30 maggio – 1
giugno 2002, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F. VIOLA, pp. 46-47, 53-55, 83.
22
The chapter LIII of the Book II Damnorum Datorum, a later and difficult to read supplement, and the
chapter LXII of the Book IV Extraordinarium, which can be read only in some parts, were concerned with
disciplining the actions of pig animals. The readable parts recite: «[…] se vengano trovati dei porci a far
danno in qualunque luogo del territorio di Pofi, tanto i detti porci del Castello di Pofi che dei forestieri […] a
tutti i padroni o padrone sia lecito ammazzare un solo porco alla volta […] soltanto riportando un quarto di
detto porco alla Corte di detto luogo e in giornata, sia lecito al padrone che ha subito il danno […]». Cf. F.
M. CAMPOLI, Pofi, cit., pp. 130-141, 151-152.
23
BG, b. 3591. From the letter of governor De Nobili dated September 25 1746.
24
Ibidem.
25
Ibid. From another document (annexed to mentioned letter of the Governor De Nobili and dated
September 10, 1746, signed “li zelanti della Terra di Pofi”) we learn that the vassals address to the Buon
Governo so that it forbidden to use «il denaro del pubblico nella lite, che si sostiene a nome della Communità
contro la Chiesa, ed altri possessori delle selve in ordine al potersi pascolare in essa da cittadini colli loro
animali fuori di un certo determinato tempo ancorché non sia terminata la raccolta, a pascolo della ghiande,
105

You return to talk about the jus pascendi some time later than the facts just described.
The Marquis Francecsco Maria Campanari of Veroli had purchased, by decree of the Sacred
Economic Congregation, the Macchia of Pofi, for the remarkable price of about 7000 scudi,
burdened by grazing servitude in favour of the Pofi citizens with the clause «riservatis favore Populi
omnibus iuribus, si quae super praevio legitime existunt» 26 , reserved only since the first October
until the last Carnival day of each year, as expressed in the public “istrumento” of February 6, 1805.
It is known from the found fascicules that the Pofi's citizens, “soffrendo” the alienation of the
brush, sent a monitory «avanti l’Auditore di Camera super manutenzione in propensione
jurispascendi» 27 , by which they attempted to sell out the sale. It seems that the Community
introduced many animals to graze the acorn inside the brush, in a moment which was to be reserved
to Campanari. There is some confusion about the event: both about the date when these animals
were introduced and about the time when they stayed in the forest 28 . Several times in the analyzed
dossiers the emphasis is on the consumption of the acorn by the animals; so much so that the
Community – affirming to have entered the livestock after December 9 – claimed to have found a
situation where the acorn was wholly consumed or close to consumption, and hence it had been
entirely used by Lords Campanari.
The same situation, which reveals the total consumption of the fruits of the forest by the animals
– and for this once again it provides us with the essential and indisputable function of the natural
heritage of the forest for the Pofi's citizens – emerges from the sworn statements of two experts
(the one identical to the other), come to testify and detect some damages among the the
neighbouring lands of Pofi, Ripi and Arnara. It also returns to talk about the later aspects of the jus
pascendi when the experts, Luca Rinaldi and Giuseppe Carrante, who claim to be residents
respectively of Arnara and Ripi, state to know very well the territory and with their oath 29 they state
mentre questa lite non ridonda in alcuni utile della detta Communità particolari, che primi di tali selve fanno
negozio d’animali negri, e perciò deve di ragione sostenersi a loro proprie spese, che ne sperano il profitto
particolare, e non della Communità, a cui non può recar la vittoria alcun profitto».
26
Ibid, b. 3596. The Marquis Francesco Maria Campanari of Veroli explains to Pope Pius VII the purchase
of the Macchia of Pofi by decree of the Sacra Congregazione Economica, by the prosecutor Nicola
Benedetti, pointing out the established and binding conditions for the population of Pofi for the grazing
servitude. From the same document we learn that the Marquis previously consulted the Sacra
Congregazione, in fact: «Ricorse il compratore alla Sacra Congregazione Economica, acciò gli mantenesse la
vendita dell’instromento stipulata in forza del suo decreto. Essa rimise l’istanza alla Sacra Congregazione del
Buon Governo che ritiene in amministrazione i beni a comunità: onde questa lungi dal sostenere
l’alienazione a macchia di Pofi, sotto il dì 29 marzo (1806) ha rescritto partes utantur iuribus suis». The
document should date back to November 1806.
27
Ibidem. Campanari, however, terminated his letter saying that he was a victim of a real burial and claiming
to be compensated for the damage suffered.
28
Ibid, b. 3597. From a document titled: «Memoriale con Sommario e scritte annesse per l’udienza dei 3
settembre 1818». It is reported that this episode was not isolated, but it was repeated in the following years:
this can be read in the memorial titled «Memoriale Replicationij cum novo summ. auditi.», here it is said that
the Campanari Family «fraudata venit ab igluvie Pophanorum in fruitione dicta silva per biennium, annis
scilicet 1805 in 1806, et 1806 in 1807». Other documents, however, denied what it had just been said and
clarified that the Marquis could use the brush from October 1 to November 9. 200 scudi were granted to the
Marquis Campanari for damages caused to the brush.
29
Ibid, b. 3597. The testimony dates back to August 25, 1818. «[…] essendo noi molto pratici del territorio
di Pofi […] possiamo con verità riferire, che in tutte le macchie, […] il popolo vi ha il diritto di pascolare nei
suoi debiti tempi, e tal dritto si estendeva anche alla macchia della Comunità quando da quella si possedeva.
[…] all’epoca del giorno di S. Andrea il cibo, o sia la ghianda di dette macchie è totalmente consumata
dagl’animali, che l’hanno pascolata, o è prossima alla consumazione, ed è solito, quando il cibo non è
consunto, di domandare la proroga dai padronali delle macchie alla Comunità nel detto giorno di S. Andrea.
Possiamo infine riferire, che quando i neri escono dalle Macchie dove hanno pascolato vi rimangono in terra
molti frantumi di ghianda da noi chiamati minuzzi, quali si sogliono poscia pascolare dai magroni, e porcelli,
che vi s’introducano dal Popolo, intimamente all’erba di cui a quell’epoca sogliono le Macchie ricadere».
106

that the people had the right to graze at certain periods of the year and that this right was extended
in the past also to the Macchia of Pofi.
The argument which is deduced from the archive researches carried out gives us the measure of a
rural civilization which was autonomously supported by the use of the Statute, which provided the
useful ways to regulate the disputes and the controversies happening, most of which – as we have
seen – concerned the defence of forest estate and the control of the natural resources. All this
thanks to a monitoring and verification system which originated from the statutory source and
scrupulous activity of the land guardian.
107

Rossana Fiorini
Ripi: some cases of danno dato in the Statutes of the Community
Introduction
The research work 1 related to the Statute of the town of Ripi begins from the examination of the
documents kept at the state archives of Rome and Frosinone, then proceeding at the Colonna
Archive of the National Monument of the Monastery of St. Scolastica in Subiaco, focusing on those
documents showing a reference to the statutory rules 2 of the Ripi's town.
The Statute, written on a long parchment, appears as an heterogeneous collection of rules 3 .
It is interesting to note that Ripi's legislative text represents one of the first examples of Statutes
in the broader legislative overview of the Municipalities of the Province of Campagna e Marittima 4 .
The statutory sources
Ripi's statutory source of 1331 appears – according to the facts – the debtor of the normative
text of a dominant civitas 5 . Unfortunately the documentation in our possession does not allow us to
1
The Statute of Ripi has been studied and edited by F. TOMASSETTI, Statuto di Ripi, in Statuti della
Provincia Romana: Vicovaro, Cave, Roccantica, Ripi, Genazzano, Tivoli, Castel Fiorentino, a cura di F.
TOMASSETTI, V. FEDERICI, P. EGIDI, Roma 1910 (Fonti per la storia d’Italia, 48), pp. 115-134; D.
COLLEPARDI, Ripi e il suo statuto. Dalle origini all’avvento dei Colonna, Frosinone 2005. Between the
publications there are many years, both are pleased to give to the historical research a solid base for the indepth
study of the statutory source of the municipality of Ripi, dating back to 1331 (as it is shown by the
dating of the notary who drew up) and currently preserved at Subiaco, National Monument of St. Scolastica,
Colonna Archive (then it will be quoted only Colonna and the position), parch. XVLI, n. 125.
2
From the reading of the statute you can suppose that there was previously a rule document, a socalled
Charta Libertatum (not necessarily written) given by the local feudal lords, which represented the
methodology to regulate the order of the society. Later, probably because of the birth of the Universitas
civium castri Riparum, and after a period of disputes, it is sanctioned – precisely through the statute – the
pact between the population and the dominii.
It should be remembered, however, that the castle of Ripi was subjected since the XIII century to the
dominion of the Bishop of Veroli, cf. Introduzione a F. TOMASSETTI, Statuto, cit., pp. 111-121, particolarly
p. 113.
3
Its text is not articulated in books, as there is in legally more advanced areas where the statute's
experiment has long been consolidated. There is distinctly a first model of institutional order with the
definition of vicar-rector and the boni homines, a sketch of criminal law (especially limitative and nonprescriptive),
indications of social obligations (for example about the guard) and behaviours. Cf G.
GIAMMARIA, Introduzione a D. COLLEPARDI, Ripi, cit., pp. 9-11.
4
Written in full autonomy – before even that in 1362 the cardinal Albornoz promulgated the so-called
Egidian Constitution, which found a solution for the municipal autonomies and strengthened the pontifical
powers. The statute consists of 63 articles, each of which, except the first two, is introduced with the
complex formula item. Within the context in which the written drafting of consuetudines castri is attended,
the phenomenon – in numerical terms of normative writings which came to us within the XV century – and
not always, assimilable to the statutes – is limited. It is true that among the very few decrees it must be
included those real medieval pearls which – also because of their rarity – were the subject of the editorial
attention of the Istituto Storico Italiano, and were published in the collection of sources for the history of
Italy. Of the castrensian statutes, included in the two volumes, only the Ripi's statutes of 1331 belong to the
Provincia di Campagna. About this cf. S. NOTARI, Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli
statuti comunali della provincia storica di Campagna, in Rivista Storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 22,
Le comunità rurali e i loro statuti (secolo XII-XV), Atti dell’VIII Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli
studi e le edizione delle fonti normative, Viterbo 30 maggio – 1 giugno 2002, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F.
VIOLA, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F. VIOLA, pp. 48-49.
5
This civitas did not succeed to record that process of political-juridical status attributed to the
inhabitants of the territory subject to the dominant city, typical of the powerful city-state of central-northern
Italy (even for the arrival of pontifical provisions) nor even to bend the locality subject to the adoption of the
statute. Cf. A. LANCONELLI, Autonomie comunali e potere centrale nel Lazio dei secoli XIII-XIV, in La
libertà di decidere. Realtà e parvenze di autonomia nella normativa locale del medioevo, Atti del Convegno
nazionale di studi Cento 6-7 maggio 1993, a cura di R. DONDARINI, Ferrara 1995, pp. 83-101.
108

determine what the subject exercising the dominium 6 was at the time of writing. In any way, the
institutional arrangements – especially the importance of the community system – of the castrum
Riparum over the long period of time (XII-XIV centuries) which preceded the submission to the
baronial dominium of Colonna's family, seemed always to be able to support an institutional
dialectic with the noble consortium at the summit of the castle 7 .
The process of modification and integration of the rules with a legislation more corrisponding to
the needs of the society found a new printing in the statutes and changes introduced essentially
about the danno dato; even after that, spent the year 1816, the Colonna's family renounced the
feudal rights, leaving the lordship. Between the XVI and XIX there were the variations to the
Municipal Laws concerning the chapters about the danno dato 8 .
Some cases of danno dato in Ripi's Statutes
Our research examined the documentation in particular about the subject of the danno dato, that
is, the damages that people or animals could to cause to the soil and the plantations 9 . In addition to
it, a document was also found from which important notions about the milling are deduced. At the
time of the ancient statute of 1331 some regulations favor the passage of those who come back from
the mills at noon, without however they respect the last sound of the “scarana”. We can, however,
denote a legal vacuum because there are no rules disciplining the matter, nor it is indicated where
the milling is allowed. Our document, drawn up in August 1635 by the governor of Ripi, refers to
the instances that the tenant of the Mola of Ripi and the treasuree Conti had advanced during the
6
Ibidem. The only reflections that we can be made are mere conjectures. New hypotheses are read in
M. T. CACIORGNA, Statuti dei secoli XIV e XV nello Stato della chiesa: città e castelli del Lazio, in Signori,
regimi signorili e statuti nel tardo medioevo, VII convegno del Comitato Italiano per gli Studi e le Edizioni
delle Fonti Normative, Ferrara, 5-7 ottobre 2000, a cura di R. DONDARINI, G. M. VARANINI, M. VENTICELLI,
Ferrara 2000, p. 282.
7
Cf. S. NOTARI, Per una geografia, cit., p. 34; S. CAROCCI, Baroni di Roma. Dominazioni signorili e
lignaggi aristocratici nel Duecento e nel primo Trecento, Roma 1993 (Nuovi studi storici, 23), pp. 290-291.
8
State Archives of Rome, Collection Statutes, 805/09, Statuta Urbium et Oppid., PA-RO, Ripi,
Capitoli del danno dato, dal sec. XVI, manoscritto sec. XIX. Copy written in 1856 from the original. In two
parallel columns, there are on the left the “leggi primitive” and on the right the subsequent “modificazioni”.
In total there are 10 chapters. In the first chapters the fines relates the damages with “bestie caprine” (chap.
1) are specified; with “bestie somarine o muline” (chap. 2); with “bestie vaccine” (chap. 3); with “bestie
cavalline” (chap. 4); with “bestie porcine” (chap. 5). Other chapters deal with other arguments: the
accusations are disciplined (chap. 6); special rules about the grazing are fixed according to the period of the
year (chap. 7); the bans for the “gallinacci” are regulated (chap. 8); the damages caused by the people (chap.
9) and the exceptions of the grazing (chap. 10) are reported only in “leggi primitive”, not in “modificazioni”.
9
The articles of the Statute of 1331, as stated above, are not subdivided into books. They have
already been transcribed in F. TOMASSETTI, Statuto, cit., pp. 111-121. In the statute they discipline the
damage procured by cutting chestnuts, oaks or poplars without the necessary license from the Curia (artt. XX
and XXV); the damage caused by large beasts to properties of others, in stubbles or in piles of products (art.
XXI); the nightly malice of the act to voluntarily cut vineyards or pergolas was sanctioned with
compensation for damage and with a doubled fine (art. XXVIII); the prohibition of tracing paths in cultivated
fields, so as not to ruin them (art. XXII); the order and the hygiene of fountains are also regulated by anyone
who goes to water beasts or pigs (art. XXIII). There were provisions of caution in the use of fire to avoid
which spreads from a property and extends to adjacent ones; a greater punishment was then in intentionality
to give fire at night to bundles or hooves of sheaves (danno studioso; artt. XXVI and XXVIII). The most
penalized cases related the damage linked to pigs (black animals; art. LIV). It was allowed to kill a black
animal if it had been found to cause damage in its crops, with at least five other pigs, delivering half of it to
the pig owner. Here (this also in other rules which disciplined the criminal offences) there were a clear
diversification between the sanction applied to the people and that applied to the nobles: the latter, in fact, in
this case, would not be held to any kind of compensation, neither towards the Curia nor to the injuried.
109

previous month. We learn from the reading 10 that the same governor had sent chancellor and
mandatory to identify the transgressors Gregorio Bucciarelli and Francesco Costantini, caught in the
act as they «erano andati di notte e tornavano di nascosto con doi some di farina, che […] avevano
macinato alla Mola di Frosinone» 11 . The two, after their confession, were sentenced to the loss of
flour and leavening beasts (which were sold); and in addition a fine of fifty scudi for each. This
testimony reveals a clear change in the law 12 .
From the found documents – expressly pertinent the danno dato – we learn that with an
announcement, published since 1747, there was a tightening of the fines of the danno dato 13 . In fact
according the Colonna Correspondence, a document 14 refers that the damage caused to the Macchia
called Colle Marte the law imposed the imprisonment. The captain Giovanni Galloni reports to
Governor Masi of Pofi about the imprisonment of Felice Di Stefano, Raimondo Di Stefano and
Paolino Battaglini, caught to cut three Turkey oak trees in that brush, «luogo in cui non è permesso
da Vostra Eccellenza di potervi recidere neppure un arboscello» 15 . In Galloni's opinion the damage
was enormous. Another case of damage occurred to the brush was then the one of the Colle Lisi
forest, for which again the captain Galloni – after informing the Governor of Pofi – obtained the
payment of «otto bollettini» relating to «dovuto emolumento» 16 . Indeed, it can certainly be denoted
an normative inflexibility for the cases of abusive tree cutting 17 .
New provisions about the so-called «danno dato fida e spica» emerge from a sheet found in the
Colonna's Correspondence, dated «Ripi, 14 settembre 1801» 18 , of the community's major Vincenzo
10
Colonna, Ripi III EA, Corrispondence 1635. The Governor of Ripi writes to Prince Colonna, the
letter dated August 20 1635. «[…] mandai il cancelliere e mandatario, per riconoscere quelli, che andavano a
macinare il grano alle mole fuori del Stato, con fraude et interesse grande de esso affittuario».
11
Ibidem.
12
Ibidem. «[…] ricondotti nella corte et havutane prima la loro confessione furono condannati nella
pena della perdita della farina et bestie che le portavano et scudi 50 ciascuno, contenuta nel banno pubblicato
a istanza dello stesso affittuario in tempo dell’auditore Pietra […] et ora confirmato per banno […]
dall’auditore Zeferini, quale ha dichiarato esser compreso nella confirmatione predetta». The articles VIII
and XXVII of the Statute quoted the mill, but they did not specify, however, what the Mola should be in
which to go for the grinding activity. The first concerned the “curfew” and exempted those who returned
from the mmill during the night. The second imposed to open the doors to those who returned from the
milling even after midnight. There were no other specifications or prescriptions indicating the ban on going
to other mills.
13
Ivi, Corrispondence 1748-1765. From a document addressed to Prince Colonna by a his vassal
(whose name was not available) we learn in fact that the Governor of Ripi had sent a copy of a council
resolution and an announcement «fatto pubblicare sino dall’anno 1747 dove si accrescono le pene contro i
dannificanti, quale augumento […] ma supplico […] di avvertire che in detto bando la distribuzione delle
pene per un terzo si applica al padrone del terreno, dove siegue il danno, et in questo io non convengo». The
same, then, considered that to “dannificato” could «bastare […] di esser risarcito del pregiudizio patito con la
refettione del danno, e non deve essere in lucro di partecipare anche del terzo della pena»; in his statement he
went on saying that the third part of the fine in the announcement of the new publication was due «applicare
alla camera baronale». And so he invited to the discussion of the subject during the next Public Council.
14
Ivi, Corrispondence 1777. The paper is addressed to Prince Colonna, dated December 16 1777
signed by the Lieutenant Giovanni Gallone. In the topo left, there is the following inscription: «Il capitano
Galloni riferisce la carcerazione di certi trovati a danneggiare in quella macchia».
15
Ibidem.
16
Colonna, Ripi III EA, Corrispondence 1778. The Lieutenant Giovanni Gallone to Prince Colonna.
August 1778.
17
In the ancient Statute of 1331 the article XX disciplined the danno dato for abusive cutting of the
chestnuts, oaks and poplars. The sentence was intended to repair the damage and a financial compensation.
From the article it is clear that the cutting had to be granted by the Curia.
La pena prevedeva di riparare il danno e una contravvenzione pecuniaria. Dall’articolo risulta che il
taglio doveva essere concesso dalla Curia.
18
Colonna, Ripi III EA, Corrispondence 1801. The text of the document is the following:
110

Galloni, issued in the presence of the local governor Vincenzo Maria Tagliaferri and of the
Sopratenente Domenico Gizzi. The sheet is inserted in a small fascicule sent to the Prince Colonna
with a letter of the Governor Tagliaferri.
The new regulations mainly concern the bailiff's rights and in general the procedures to be
followed for the surveillance and the safekeeping of the crops, with reference also to the so-called
business districts 19 . Significant is the letter of Tagliaferri to Colonna 20 , where he argues that the new
procedure may be disadvantageous for the Colonna's properties.
The last orders about the danno dato will be contained in the copy of the Capitoli del danno dato
kept in the State Archives of Rome, which date back to the period between 1816 and 1856, and
which follow.
Ripi. Capitoli del danno dato
Leggi Primitive
1. Chi intrometterà dentro il distretto degli affari
bestie caprine in qualsivoglia tempo incorre in pene,
se di giorno di baj 10 per qualsivoglia capra, dalle
dieci in giù, e dalle dieci in su per tronco o sia […]
di scudi due, e di notte raddoppia, e sia non
solamente lecito alla Cancelleria potervi procedere
non tanto all’accusa della parte, ma anche per
inquisizione. Come anche sia lecito all’affittuario
dello sfidato di Sua Eccellenza Pienissima,
guardiano della Comunità, Mandatario e Birro poter
quelle così intromesse ricondurre nell’Osteria, e la
suddetta pena debba applicarsi per un terzo da essa
Cancelleria, per un terzo all’Accusatore, e a chi le
ricondurrà, e per un altro terzo al Padrone
Modificazioni
1. Siccome lì così delli affari non furono
dichiarati tali all’epoca della formazione delle Leggi
Municipali che in grazia delle piantagioni fruttifere
che eransi in essi già verificate; e siccome queste
piantagioni al presente hanno luogo anche al di fuori
di tal distretto in quasi tutti gli altri terreni del
territorio, perciò militando per questi le medesime
ragioni che escludevano le capre dall’enunciato
distretto degli affari affari, devono le medesime
restare escluse da tutti gli altri terreni del territorio.
«Danno dato fida e spica.
Il balio di Sua Eccellenza ha il diritto di fidare i Bestiami forestieri nel terreno di Ripi, eccettuate,
che negli affari.
Per gli Bestiami dei cittadini esige una tassa fissa di quatrini, nove per ogni pecora per la fida e così
anche baiocchi due per ogni porco per spica.
Per le pene poi del danno dato ha il diritto di accusare negli affari suddetti ossia nel circondato del
paese sotto i confini stabiliti nello Statuto e cioè se si tratta di danno di bestiami, quanto dei danni manuali.
Fuori degli affari poi non può accusare negli arboreti ristretti senza l’espressa licenza del
Governatore di essi per i danni del bestiame.
Affinché fuori egli affari puod’accusare per i danni manuali, etiam nelle macchie, e così anche per i
danni de’ forastieri.
Come anche prendere la terza parte della pena, quando fa le riconduzioni dei bestiami secondo le
liberanze.
Come anche ciò maggiormente procede per il territorio del Carpine e per li quarti liberi di Sua
Eccellenza Reverendissima in esso territorio.
Tutto ciò non è stato turbato e pregiudicato a Sua Eccellenza Pienissima, o suo affittuario, o balio.
Ripi 14 settembre 1801
Così è stato amichevolmente deliberato e dichiarato dagl’infrascritti signori: Sindaco della Comunità
e Soprintendente di Sua Eccellenza Piena alla presenza del Signor Governatore Locale pei qui parimenti
sottoscrittore
Io Vincenzo Capitano Galloni Sindaco affermo che questo discorso è espresso così per consuetudine
Domenico Nicola Gizzi Sopratenente.
Vincenzo Maria Tagliaferri Governatore».
19
It is likely that they refer to areas of defense of the territory which elsewhere, for example in Patrica,
were called “staffari”. There were probably areas reserved for a particular type of breeding. Cf. G.
GIAMMARIA, Le liberanze o Statuto di Patrica del 1696, in Latium, 15 (1998), pp. 28-29.
20
Colonna, Ripi III EA, Correspondence 1801. Il governatore sul danno dato. The letter is dated on
September 16, 1801.
111

dell’albereto, dove saranno accusate e ritrovate.
2. Chi intrometterà in esso distretto di affari
bestie somarine o muline in qualsivoglia tempo
incorre nella pena di scudo uno per qualsivoglia
somaro o mulo di giorno, e di notte raddoppia, da
applicarsi come sopra e potersi procedere come
sopra. Ma se della sorta di bestie saranno ritrovate in
qualche albereto degl’affari confinante coll’albereto
in esse bestie, allora la Cancelleria non […] possa
procedere se non ad accusa della Parte.
3. Chi intrometterà in essi affari in qualsivoglia
tempo bestie vaccine sì domite che indomite incorri
nella pena e procedura comminate nel secondo
capitolato. Possa e sia lecito però a qualsivoglia
bifolco tanto in tempo di far maggese, e seminati
intromettere in qualsivoglia albereto dove anderà, i
suoi bovi per l’effetto suddetto e non altrimenti, e se
portasse qualche vacca o giovenco dovrà ritenerli
legati in esso albereto ed in caso di transito per
qualsivoglia terreno vicino a quello dove porta ad
arare, e non avesse strada vicinale, allora colle
dovute cautele gli sia lecito passarvi senza incorso di
pena veruna, e mai inappostatamente vi portasse
danno, sia soltanto tenuto all’emenda, e non alla
pena, così ancora debba considerarsi se qualche
bove saltasse quando va per la strada per l’effetto
suddetto in qualche albereto, e così ancora debba
intendersi in tempo di tresca, mentre in mancanza di
cavalle, questi cittadini si servono delle suddette
bestie vaccine.
4. Che le bestie cavalline dalli quindici agosto
per fino alla totale vendemmia, non possino essere
intromesse nelli medesimi affari e chi contravverrà
incorri nella pena come nel secondo capitolato.
5. Dalli quindici di marzo per fino alla totale
vendemmia li porci mandarini che saranno trovati in
essi terreni albereti degl’affari, incorrano i padroni
di essi alla pena di giulj tre per porco, e sia lecito alli
padroni degl’arboreti dove saranno ritrovati poterli
impunemente ammazzare, in quanto poi alli porci di
morra, intendendosi la morra dai dieci in su questi in
verun tempo possino avere l’ardito in essi, e chi ve li
intrometterà, incorri di giorno alla pena di giulj due
per porco e di notte raddoppia, eccetto però nel
tempo del pascolo delle iande, poiché se qualcuno
avrà qualche partita di iande entro i suddetti affari,
allora sia lecito al padrone farle pascolare o da suoi
o da altri porci senza incorso di pena veruna.
6. In quanto poi agli albereti fuori degl’affari non
vi si possa procedere, se non ad accusa della Parte,
quando però dalla medesima si porti la relazione di
baiocchi invece di danno.
2. Si stima necessario diminuir la pena
inquantoché per essersi di molto abitato l’intiero
territorio […] che non era all’epoca della formazione
delle Leggi Municipali, una tal circostanza facilita
molto la trasgressione contemplata in tal articolo, e
per lo più sempre dolo della Parte, ossia del
proprietario del Bestiame, per ciò si crede portare la
pena a soli baj trenta per bestia, tanto più una tal
modificazione non ferisce Legge, ma dettata dalla
circostanza ne diminuisce solo la pena.
3. Per le stesse ragioni di sopra espresse si crede
diminuir alla stessa pena di bestie domite, ferma
restando la pena in esso articolo stabilita per le
bestie indomite
4. La pena prescritta per le bestie cavalline deve
anche estendersi alle muline, somarine e bovine,
perché li medesimi danni che possono causarsi dalle
prime all’epoca […] possono anche essere causate
dalle seconde.
5. Si crede doversi abolire l’uccisione che vi è
permessa de’ maiali, perché contraria alle
disposizioni di diritto, e sorgente fatale, come
l’esperienza l’ha dimostrato, di gravi delitti, come
anche diminuirsi la pena a baj quindici a capo da
dieci in giù, e dalli dieci in su a baiocchi dieci.
6. In quanto poi alle capre proveduto con l’art. 1,
ed in quanto a tutte le altre specie di bestiame,
necessario credersi di stabilire che possino restare
accusate d’officio, o sia dal guardiano del danno
dato tutte le volte che si stiano accusando danni,
ancorché questi siano della più piccola entità, e ciò
112

7. Le bestie vaccine e cavalline dagli dieci di
marzo per fino che li prati non saranno falciati non
possino essere intromessi nel pascolo di essi, e chi
contraverterà incorri nella pena detta nel secondo
capitolato. Li porci però non possino essere
intromessi in verun tempo, e chi contraverrà incorra
nella pena detta nel capitolato quinto, ed essendosi
trovati grumando ossia cavagliando possino essere
impunemente ammazzati. In quanto alle rimesse che
uno ha fatto per suo comodo, e ristrette di fratte o
cavatone d’ogni intorno anco non sia lecito
intromettervi bestie di sorta alcuna, e chi contraverrà
incorra nella pena del secondo, quinto e settimo
articolo e l’istesso s’intenda di que’ luoghi dove
saranno piantoni d’olivi ed albereti nuovi
8. Li gallinacci dai dodici in sui delli 15 di agosto
fino alla totale vendemmia non possino essere
introdotti in verun albereto, e chi contraverrà incorri
nella pena di baj due e mezzo per gallinaccio.
9. Chi darà danno manualmente ne frutti di
qualsivoglia sorte, incorra nella pena di baj
settantacinque, e quelli che dagli sette anni in su
spareranno di fratte negli albereti, mandano giù
alberi secchi incorrino nella pena di scudo uno e baj
cinquanta, e così ancora i giocatori di ruzzica che
spareranno, taglieranno fratte per raccogliere la
ruzzica, riempiranno corsi di acqua per le strade per
tirar comodo incorrino anco nella pena di scudi uno,
e baj cinquanta.
10. Ma perché ognuno è arbitro della robba sua,
se qualcuno sarà ritrovato a pascolare con
qualsivoglia sorte di bestiame eccetto però le caprine
in qualche albereto, prato o rimessa detti sopra,
possa ricondurle l’affittuario dello sfidato,
Mandataio o Birro, e se ai medesimi sarà mostrato
qualche biglietto facoltativo scritto e fatto scrivere
dal padrone di essi, il custode delle bestie non possa
incorrere in veruna pena, e così ancora trovandosi il
padrone presente o qualcuno di sua famiglia. In
quanto poi alle bestie pecorine dagli quindici di
marzo per fino alla totale vendemmia non possono
essere intromesse in dett’affari e chi contraverrà
incorrerà nella pena di baj due e mezzo, per pecora
da dieci in giù, e da dieci in su baiocchi trenta per
tronco.
Per copia conforme all’originale
Ripi, dalla Segreteria Comunale li 10 Luglio 1856
Il Priore
perché gli albereti sonosi così aumentati fuori dal
distretto degli affari, che non è facile a proprietari il
sorvegliarne la non dannificazione, come lo era nei
tempi in cui fu stabilita la legge, nel quale per essere
per questi […] più ristretti per estensione e per
numero, ne era più facile la sorveglianza.
7. Si crede di estendere l’inibizione di poter
introdurre dai quindici gennaio invece dei dieci di
marzo, e ciò perché per esperienza si conosce che
vengano prodotti e quali danni col pascolo all’epoca
indicata dei quindici gennaio, come ne’ dieci di
marzo. Si crede inibire l’uccisione de’ porci per le
ragioni sviluppate nell’articolo 5 e ridurre le penali
alle minorazioni previste nelle antecedenti
modificazioni.
113
8. Si crede dover estendere per qualunque
numero di gallinacci.
Firmato Rocco Valenti Gonfaloniere
Rocco Cortina Anziano
Nicola Parisi Anziano
Giovan Battista Ferrante Segretario Comunale

Gio. Battista Valenti
114

Matteo Maccioni
A reform project of the article 22 of the Statute of Serrone
The material studied for the municipality of Serrone is kept in the State Archive of Frosinone,
fond of the Delegazione Apostolica of Frosinone 1 . The examined file concerns the reform project of
the article 22, presented on August 1861 and relating the «Penale per quelli che comprano oggetti
da persone illegittime», of the Statute of the Serrone's Community, drafted with sovereign sanction
in 1854 2 . The correspondence is between the Apostolic Delegate of Frosinone and the Minister of
the Interior, which contains a copy of the minutes of the city Council of September 10, 1861 and the
acts of the Civil Tribunal of Frosinone.
The interest for this documents concerning the Statute of Serrone is dictated by the fact that its
dating places it close to the time limit of their stay in force. The Statute is not divided into five
books, as usual, but contains only 26 articles which do not concern civil and criminal law rules, or
rules of the institutional system: all that is prescribed here is about the danno dato, that is the rules
of rural police 3 .
The comparison between the various copies of the Statute that it was possible to analyze shows
the slow, but inexorable, reduction of the number of norms of the old local lex. For example, the
undated copy, kept in the State Archives of Rome, known to be of the XIX century, because it has
the signature of the Prior Alessandro Rocchi, also signatory of the handwritten copy kept in the
State Archive of Frosinone, dated 1854, and showing the statutory text of XVII century has a
normative system of 44 articles. The handwritten copy preserved in the State Archive of Frosinone,
however, contains 34 articles.
The study of this correspondence and of the Statute reveals the importance of the cultivation and
of the trade of grapes and maize in modern age for the Community of Serrone. From the structure
and content of the articles of Statute it is evident that the almost all the inhabitants of Serrone's
territory are composed by farmers and shepherds. Except the article 22, which is the object of the
reform proposal that I am going to illustrate, in other two articles there is an explicit reference to
these two products 4 . The presence of these three statutory articles and the problem of the clandestine
1 State Archive of Frosinone, Delegazione Apostolica Fond (then only DA), Affari generali, Protocollo
riservato, titolo II Agricoltura (1812 – 1870), busta 1175.
2 We have four copies of the Statute of Serrone, 3 handwritten and 1 printed: two copies are kept in the State
Archives of Rome (ASRm, Statutes Collection, stat. 0449/03); the remaining two copies are kept in the State
Archive of Frosinone (ASFr, DA, b. 1175, fascicolo Sulle penali pel Taglio degli Elcini). As regards the
copies kept in the State Archives of Rome we know that the first, Copia dello Statuto Antico della Comunità
del Serrone, is an undated manuscript of XIX century showing the statutory text of XVII century; the second
is a copy drawn from the original of the Statute of Serrone «fatto nell’anno 1855». With regard to the copies
of the State Archive of Frosinone, the first copy, handwritten, is drawn «a forma del N. o 19 dell’Editto di
Segreteria di Stato del 24 9bre 1850» and dated on November 19, 1854; the second copy, printed, was
approved on September 17, 1855. In this text, any reference to the text of the Statute, if not specified, will
refer to the print copy.
3 The abolishment of the ancient municipal statutes is ratified in paragraph 102 of the Motu proprio of Pius
VII, which reads: «Titolo IV. Disposizioni Legislative. Art. 102. Tutte le Leggi municipali, statuti,
ordinanze, riforme, sotto qualunque titolo, o per mezzo di qualunque Autorità emanate in qualsivoglia luogo
dello Stato, comprese ancora quelle pubblicate per una intera Provincia, o per un particolare Distretto,
rispettivamente sono abolite, a riserva di quelle, che contengono provvedimenti relativi alla coltura del
territorio, al corso delle acque, ai pascoli, ai danni dati nei terreni, e ad altri simili oggetti rurali», Motu
proprio della santità di nostro Signore Papa Pio VII in data del 6 luglio 1816 sulla organizzazione
dell’amministrazione pubblica, Milano 1816 presso Ferdinando Baret, p. 44.
4 ASFr, DA, b. 1175, Statuto della Comunità di Serrone compilato con sanzione sovrana nell’anno 1854, p.
11: «Art. 12. Penali per li Padroni di Cani di Pecore e Capre. Che tutti li Cani dei Pastori debbano in tempo
115

sale of grapes, which leads to the request of the reform of the Statute article 22, make it clear the
importance of these products, in particular of the grapes, on which the economic life of the country
was obviously based.
After just seven years after the compiling with sovereign penalty of the Statute of the Serrone's
Community, which took place in 1854, six after the publication of the brochure in September 1855,
it is necessary to make changes to some articles of the same. One of these, the number 22, has to be
reformed to oppose the numerous evasions of the assegna, a tax due to the magistrature, committed
by the foreigners on grapes loads. The article 22 states:
«Art. 22. Penale per quelli che comprano oggetti da persone illegittime. Restano
assoggettati alla multa di scudi cinque per ogni volta, oltre alla perdita degli oggetti, tutti
quelli che compreranno uve, olive, grano, granturco, ed altre cose simili, come anche piantoni
di olive, di morigelsi e di altri alberi fruttiferi da persone sospette, e massimamente se non
possiedono simili generi, o dai servi o dai figli di famiglia, e nel caso comprassero la suddetta
roba da persone legittime saranno obbligati li compratori di darne l’assegna alla Magistratura
nel temine di ore ventiquattro, onde possa verificarlo in caso di bisogno, e mancando saranno
assoggettati alla sud(detta) penale da applicarsi come sopra, cioè a favore del pubblico
erario».
From the various copies of the Serrone's Statute that I consulted, I could see that the text of this
article had already reported several changes, more or less significant, over time. For example, the
article in the undated copy of the State Archives of Rome, or the oldest, states:
«44 o . Restano assoggettati alla multa di scudi cinque tutti quelli che compreranno uve,
olive, ed altro dai figli di famiglia, da Garzoni, ed altre persone sospette, ed in caso di compra
legittima siano obbligati li compratori di darne l’assegna agli officiali nel termine di ore
ventiquattro» 5 .
The handwritten text preserved in the State Archive of Frosinone goes into more details in some
places, as in agricultural products, and it refers to a fine of three scudi, not in the printed text of
1855, for those who do not pay the assegna within the set time of 24 hours:
«Num. 27 Penale per quelli che comprano oggetti da persone illeggittime. Restano
assoggettati alla multa di scudi cinque per ogni volta, oltre la perdita dell’oggetto tutti quelli,
che compreranno uve, olive, grano, granturco, legumi, ed altre cose simili da persone sospette,
e massimamente, se non possiedono simili generi, o dai servi, o dai figli di famiglia, e nel
caso comprassero simili generi da persone legittime saranno obbligati li compratori di darne
l’assegna alla magistratura nel termine di ore ventiquattro, onde possa verificarlo in caso di
bisogno, e mancando siano multati di scudi tre per ogni volta» 6 .
The second copy kept in the State Archives of Rome differs little from the previous statement:
«Art[icol]o 22 o . Penale per quelli che comprano oggetti da persone illeggittime. Restano
assoggettati alla multa di scudi cinque per ogni volta, oltre alla perdita degli oggetti, tutti
quelli, che compreranno uva, olive, grano, granturco, ed altre cose simili da persone sospette,
e massimamente se non possiedono simili generi, o dai Servi, o dai figli di famiglia, e nel caso
comprassero simili generi da persone legittime saranno obbligati li compratori di darne
di uve e di granturco portar l’uncino al Collo, sotto pena di uno scudo d’applicarsi a favore della Comunità, e
li Padroni saranno obbligati pagare tanto il danno che la pena in quelle contrade, dove saranno trovati, e dove
li pastori saranno più vicini col loro procojo»; ibid., p. 13: «Art. 16. Penale per quelli che tagliano nelle altrui
proprietà alberi fruttiferi, ed utili per l’agricoltura. Chiunque taglierà nelle altrui proprietà alberi fruttiferi, o
di qualunque sorta utili per l’agricoltura, e particolarmente quelli che sostengono le Viti delle Uve tanto del
tronco come delli rami, oltre l’emenda dei danni a forma di legge, sarà condannata alla penale di scudi
cinque, e per quelli impotenti alla carcerazione, d’applicarsi detta penale a favore del pubblico Erario».
5 ASRm, Statutes Collection, stat. 0449/03, Copia dello Statuto Antico della Comunità del Serrone.
6 ASFr, DA, b. 1175, Statuto della Comunità del Serrone. Redatto a forma del N. o 19 dell’Editto di
Segreteria di Stato del 24 9bre 1850.
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l’assegna alla magistratura nel termine di ore ventiquattro, onde possa verificarlo in caso di
bisogno, e mancando siano multati di scudi tre». 7
The main disagreement between the various copies of the local legislative text are two.
The first concerns the listing of the plants and the marketed agricultural products. In this case,
we see that initially, in the copy with the oldest text of the Statute, the reference is done to a generic
«uve, olive, ed altro», to pass – in the copy with the text written in 1850 – to «uve, olive, grano,
granturco, legumi, ed altre cose simili» and finally to arrive to «uve, olive, grano, granturco, ed altre
cose simili, come anche piantoni di olive, di morigelsi e di altri alberi fruttiferi». These changes
should inform an increase of the cultivation and trade of the local agricultural products, clearly
diversified over the years, which should have led to an increase of the volume of goods on the
neighbouring market.
The second significant difference concerns the financial penalty for those who transgress the
obligation of “dare l’assegna” within a twenty-four hours term from the commerce of the product.
Initially, in fact, in the undated copy, there is not a reference to a specified penalty: there is only the
obligation for the buyers «di darne l’assegna agli officiali nel termine di ore ventiquattro». In
following editions of the statutory text, this obligation remains, but it is supported by a fine of three
scudi for its transgressors, which, in the printed text of 1855, rises to five scudi. Obviously there
was a need for a tightening up of the penalties due to the escalation of the evasion of this tax and the
clandestine trade of the products – factors which damage the inland revenue and the local economy.
Let us turn to the need of the Community of Serrone to change the article 22 of the local Statute.
The Prior Giuseppe Graziosi, in his notice to the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone, dated on
August 22, 1861, states that in the past year many foreigners have gone to Serrone to buy large
quantities of grapes, «da persone legittime ed Illegittime», decimating the crops of the local
farmers. Later the foreigners, using the twenty-four hours limit considered by the statutory article,
took the cargo away without payment of the assegna tax, thus dedicating themselves to the illegal
sale of the grapes. To remedy this situation, evidently become the normal practice for the stranger,
the Prior appeals to the Apostolic Delegation in order to know if it is in his power to forbid the
carriage of goods outside the territory of the Community, when the foreigner has not yet paid the
assegna. If this is not possible to require the issuance of an “Avviso” imposing to the foreigner
buyer, intending to bring the goods out of the territory, the immediate payment of the tax 8 .
In the City Council meeting 9 held on September 10, 1861, of which we have the minutes, the
draft amendment of the article 22 of the Statute is discussed and put to the vote. Promoter and
spokesperson of the draft amendment is the councillor Giovanni Battista Sambucini, who in his
exhortation proposes to expunge from the article announcement the limit of twenty-four hours to
fulfil the payment of the assegna, and also to insert the obligation of ownership of a written
permission (issued by the magistrate) for the sale within the territory. Increasingly the buyer who go
7 ASRm, Statutes Collection, stat. 0449/03, Statuto della Comunità del Serrone fatto nell’anno 1855.
8 ASFr, DA, b. 1175, letter of the Prior Giuseppe Graziosi to the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone, on
August 22, 1861: «Nello scorso anno molti forastieri venuti qui a comprare quantità forti di uva da persone
legittime ed illegittime fecero si che tutti li Proprietarj di vigne dovettero deplorare, a vedere decimati li loro
raccolti. Questi forastieri con il pretesto, che avevan tempo a dare l’assegna entro le ore ventiquattro, se ne
partivano portando via le uve prese nella maggior parte dalli ladri, e più non comparivano. Ad eliminare
questo inconveniente, dopo avere intesa questa Magistratura, mi rivolgo all’Eccel(len)za V(ostr)a
R(everendissi)ma onde conoscere se possa io inibire al forastiere, che compra le uve, di asportarle fuori di
territorio pria, che non abbia data la debita assegna. Oppure emettere al Pubblico un Avviso, che il forastiere,
il quale compra le Uve per asportarle fuori di territorio debba immediatamente, e pria di caricarle darne la
debita assegna al Magistrato, ed in caso contrario venga assoggettato alla pena stabilita all’Art. 22 dallo
Statuto sudetto».
9 These minutes show us the composition of the City Council of Serrone, composed, at that time, by 18
councellors, of whom we know the identity as they are listed in this document. In this specific meeting 11
councellors are present.
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outside the territorial boundaries of Serrone is required to pay the assegna to the Magistrate before
crossing the above boundaries 10 .
The Sambucini's proposal gets the full support of the councellor Futti and of all other councellors
present at the meeting, so that it is unanimously accepted and approved by the City Council. 11 .
10 ASFr, DA, b. 1175. Minutes of the City Council, on September 10, 1861: «Dico ciò in special modo per
quelli Compratori forastieri che asportando via fuori dal territorio le Uve con il pretesto di aver tempo a
darne l’assegna entro le ore ventiquattro più non compariscono a sodisfare il loro dovere. E perciò che a
raggiungere possibilmente lo scopo sarei io di parere doversi in parte modificare il di sopra indicato
Art(icol)o 22 formulandolo nelli seguenti termini:
‘Restano assoggettati alla multa di Scudi Cinque per ogni volta, oltre alla perdita delli oggetti tutti
quelli che compreranno uve olive, grano, granturco, ed altre cose simili, come anche piantoni di Olivi, di
morigelsi, e di altri alberi fruttiferi da persone sospette, e massimamente se non possiedono simili generi o
dalli servi o dalli figli di famiglia. Li sopradetti oggetti poi a niuna persona abbenchè Leggittima sarà lecito
asportarli fuori di territorio, oppurre effettuarne la vendita entro il territorio stesso senza averne in
antecedenza riportato dalla Magistratura permesso in scritto, che verrà accordato dopo verificata la libera
proprietà del genere. Sarà poi in obbligo anche del Compratore di darne immediatamente l’assegna alla
Magistratura, e prima di asportare via il genere. Contravvenendo a quanto sopra sarà tenuto solidalmente
tanto il Compratore, che il Venditore alla penale sumentovata’».
11 ASFr, DA, b. 1175, Minutes of the City Council, on September 10, 1861: «Il Sig(no)r Priore allora ordinò
che venisse ballottato l’Arringo Sambucini, che formulò la modificazione dell’’Art(icol)o 22 dello Statuto
locale con espressa dichiarazione che chi vuole accettarlo debba porre il voto bianco, chi nò il nero. Passato e
riscosso il bussolo si ebbero Voti bianchi tutti in numero di Undici, Nero Nessuno. Resta perciò ad unanimità
di voti accettato l’Arringo Sambucini in cui modificò l’Art(icol)o 22 dello Statuto locale».
118

Matteo Maccioni
“La Pesca” and the rules of fish trade in Sgurgola
The documents examined for the town of Sgurgola are preserved at the State Archives of Rome,
fond of the Congregazione del Buon Governo 1 . The studied document is composed by some letters
and a memorial concerning the meeting of the Public Council of August 6, 1797, held to try to find
a solution for the problem of “La Pesca” and of the fish sale in Sgurgola territory. These documents,
sent by the Public Representatives of Sgurgola to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo and
by the superintendent of Ceccano State to the Governor, cover the time span from August to
December 1797.
The examined letters concern the question of “La Pesca” in the Sacco river. We have not much
information about this phenomenon: except these documents, here examined, I could not find out
others which refer to it. All we know is that the Community of Sgurgola has routinely rented, for a
«tenuissima somma» 2 , determined portions of the river for the period of the year which lasts from
March until June 23. They are exactly four areas – of which we do not know the location – called
“Vadi” by inhabitants.
In the report of the Public Council of August 6, 1797 some situations are clarified which
obviously were not yet well-defined in that time: they argue that Community of Sgurgola has never
rented “La Pesca” in the river for the period which goes «dalla natività di S. Gio(vann)i Batt(ist)a
24 Giug(n)o, per fino al mese di marzo, giacché da Marzo allo il dì 23 giugno di Giug(n)o di
ciascun’anno affitta al solito certi dati siti, e non più, lasciando a benefizio di commune pescagione
il restante del Fiume, eccettuata quella porzione riservata per pescarsi nel mese di Agosto, cioè
dall’antivigilia dell’Assunta di Maria S(antissi)ma fino al 3.° giorno» 3 .
Because of the lack of the documentation in this regard, we did not know the iter which led to
the rent of these “Vadi”, or whether the rent provided for a fixed rental or if it was proceeded
through an auction. We can not determine if the “Vadi” was rented all in the same time or one after
the other, or even if they were rented all four in a single solution by a single person or if they were
given to different people; or if there were some rules which forbade to a single person to rent them
at the same time and to start a sort of small monopoly. According to the report of the Public Council
of the August 6, we know that it was still right to fish in other parts of the Sacco river: in order to
not materially and economically damage the town community, thus allowing to appropriate foods to
be consumed and to put them on the local and neighbouring market. At this point there is a
spontaneous question: why rent four fishing sites and anyway let it make freely in the rest of the
river? The most immediate answer is that, in all probability, the four rented sites were the most
fishy and/or contained the most precious and delicious fish.
Another problem of the question is the sale price of the fish. In the report it is argued that the rent
of the draught was decided «per esiggere da Pescatori il Pesce al solito prezzo antichissimo di bajtrè
1 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG),
b. 4547.
2 Ibid, letter of Gizzi, superintendent of the State of Ceccano, to the Governor, November 25, 1797.
3 Ibid, copy of the extract from the Libro dei Consigli, August 8, 1797.
119

per libra, come lo statuto al Cap. 81 carta 27 dispone, che il pesce debba stimarsi da Grascieri 4 , e
contro i trasgressori baj 40, e libre cinque di pesce di pena» 5 . The Council, complaining of the
increase of the fish price, arbitrarily decided by some fishermen, establishes some limits to the
freedom of trade and new penalties. While it gives anyone the freedom to go fishing in the river, it
is prohibited the sale of the fish to foreigners, as it is forbidden to take it outside the territory and
sell it for three baiocchi for a pound. The penalty provided for those who contravene these
provisions is a fine of a scudo and fifty baiocchi: the scudo is for the judge, while the fifty baiocchi
go to the community 6 .
The insertion of new penalties into the statutory codex and the increase of existing ones is
provided by the structure itself of the statutory codices and by the internal rules. Particularly, the
article VIII of the first book of the Sgurgola Statute states:
«Cap. VIII. Dell’Accrescim(en)to delle Pene. Statuimo, et ordiniamo, che detti Officiali
siano obbligati ogn’Anno à tempi debbiti, e soliti far’ le Liberanze, et accrescere le pene
insieme con il Camerlengo, e Massari, come à loro piacerà facendole però passare dal
Sig(no)r Uditore, che ci sarà prò tempore, e che s’applicano le pene ad arbitrio di esso
Sig(no)r Uditore secondo il solito» 7 .
The reference of the People Council, so precise and exact, to the chapter and page of the local
Statute leads us to think that there was, in effect, a rule which establishes the fish price and
regulates “La Pesca”. It is surprising – maybe a a real mystification? - the statement of the
Superintendent Gizzi, who, in saying to notice the information about “La Pesca” «dallo Statuto, e
dai Libri Com(unitati)vi», states that «dallo Statuto però niente apparisce» 8 . In effect, it is not
4 The Grasciere is the officer who attends to the grascia, a word which indicates the provisions, the
supply of food. These officers were entrusted with the supervision over the supplies, with also the task of
monitoring markets, retail prices, weights and measures, etc. Concerning the task of grasciere, the article X
of the Sgurgola Municipal Statute states: “Cap. X. Che gl’Officiali debbano ponere li prezzi alle Grascie.
Statuimo, et ordiniamo, che li Sopradetti Officiali debbano a’ tempi debbiti, et ordinarij poner li prezzi alli
grani, et altri Lavori, e mosti”, Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica. Colonna
Archive (then I will quote only Colonna and its position), Affari di Scurgola III RB I, Miscellanea, Statuto di
q(ue)sta Comm(uni)tàMag(nifi)ca della Scurgola, pagg. 6-7.
5 BG, b. 4547, copy of the extract from Libro dei Consigli, August 8 1797.
6 Some of the resolutions adopted by the Council, such as the limitation of the trade and prohibition
of the sale of fish to foreigners, clash with the rules applied in the copies of the Statute of Sgurgola which are
at our disposal (see footnote 9). The chapter XII of the first book of the Statute states: “Cap. XII Dell’Officio
delli Soprastanti. Statuimo, et ordiniamo, che li due Soprastanti deputati dagl’Officiali siano almeno d’età di
venticinque anni di buona qualità, et abbiano il giuram(en)to del Cap(itan)o avanti, che pigliano L’officio,
q(ua)le è di vedere tutti Li pesi, e misure della Terra, e quelle Segnarle con il Segno della Comm(uni)tà, per
Servigio de Cittadini, e Forastieri, e rivederli ogni volta che sarà di bisogno, e debbano accusare al
Cap(itan)o tutti quelli, che venderanno à pesi falzi, e misure ingiuste, quali siano tenuti alla pena Leale, e
delle Sagre Costituzioni, e mancando detti Soprastanti in alcuna cosa di detto Loro Offizio, siano obbligati
alla pena di Scudi dieci per ciascheduno d’applicarsi alla Corte. Inoltre, che detti Soprastanti debbano
apprezzare tutte le cose solite à vendersi à pezzo, così à peso, come à misura tanto à Cittadini, come a
Forastieri et al prezzo, che s’imporranno debbano o vendere sotto la pena di Scudi due per Persona, che
contra facesse d’applicarsi alla Corte, e perdita delle Robbe, senza però preggiud(izi)o alcuno degl’affitti
della Corte”, Colonna, Scurgola III RB I, Miscellanea, Statuto di q(ue)sta Comm(uni)tà Mag(nifi)ca della
Scurgola, pp. 8-9.
7 Colonna, Scurgola III RB I, Miscellanea, Statuto di q(ue)sta Comm(uni)tàMag(nifi)ca della
Scurgola, pp. 5-6.
8 BG, b. 4547, letter of Gizzi, superintendent of the State of Ceccano, to the Governor, November
25, 1797.
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possible to find out these rules within the copies of the Sgurgola's Statute in our possession 9 . The
only reference therein to the fishing and the sale of the fish, there is in the article 80 of the second
Book, concerning the “danno dato”:
«Cap. 80. Delli Pescivendoli. Statuimo, et ordiniamo, che li Portatori di Pesci à vendere
così di fiume, come di mare e di laghi non possino vendere senza apprezzo delli Soprastanti
sotto la pena di quaranta soldi d’applicarsi alla Corte, e così li Cittadini, oltre cinque libre di
Pesci». 10
This article ratify that the sale price of the fishes must be the one fixed by the Grascieri, but
there is no mention to a fixed or already fixed price, as there is no trace of a list with the sele prices
of the foodstuffs.
All of this is not resolutive for us: the copies that came to us belong to the middle of XVII
century (1642), while the documents analyzed date back to 1797. It is therefore not right to exclude
the possibility of a subsequent sanction of such rules during a century and a half. Since the Statute
is the mirror of the socio-economic and political situation of the community to which it refers, no
wonder that this is subject to updates: it is necessary, in fact, that, by breaking up of new
circumstances, they provide to change the Statute with the addition of rules sanctioned by the
competent authority
The Superintendent of the State of Ceccano considers unreasonable the penalty provided by the
council resolution for those who sell fish to more than three baiocchi for pound, «a contemplazione,
che da qualche anno La Com(uni)tà non ha affittato, e forse non ha trovato ad affittare Li quattro
Vadi come sop(r)a» 11 . The Statute, according to Gizzi, gives the discretion to the Grascieri to fix
the prices for the supplies intended for foreigners and does not interfere with the sale between
private citizens, who in any case have the obligation to apply a reasonable price based on the quality
of the product and the circumstances of the times. As a protection form of the local community
interests, the superintendent considers appropriate that in the sale, always on the basis of this
reasonable price, the citizen should be preferred in spite to the foreigner.
Altough the external commerce requires the authorization from the local officers and authorities,
the only fact that there is a possibility of opening up to a wider commerce means that, inside the
Sgurgola community, there were goods present in such quantity as to adequately cover the internal
needs. The creation of a commercial network would have allowed the flow of a new currency into
the territory, generating an increase of the wealth.
9 The copies of the Sgurgola Statute that came to us are kept at Colonna, Scurgola III RB I,
Miscellanea. They are two copies: the first, written on a little codex and dated 1642, appears worn, difficult
to read because of the state of conservation and with missing initial pages; the second one, written on a
codex with rigid covering, is preserved in eccellent condition, is complete and written in very clear way. In
this second copy there is no date, but it is most likely a recompiling of the previous one, back then to 1642.
10 Colonna, Scurgola III RB I, Miscellanea, Statuto di q(ue)sta Comm(uni)tàMag(nifi)ca della
Scurgola, pp. 67-68.
11 BG, b. 4547, letter of Gizzi, superintendent of the State of Ceccano, to the Governor, November
25, 1797.
121

Marco Di Cosmo
The danno dato studioso and the Statute of Supino
Introduction
In Supino the local historiography confirms the existence of a Statute, survived in two copies and
of uncertain dating, although the last of these two copies is attributable to the second half of XVIII
century 1 .
Subject of this research, which for Supino concerned the Archive documents, starting from the
municipal testimonies, the Apostolic Delegation at the State Archives of Frosinone, the fond of the
Buon Governo, at the State Archives of Rome and finally the Colonna Archive at the Library of the
National Monument of St. Scolastica in Subiaco, is the practical, and as far as possible, daily use of
the statutory codex.
This use is relative, as in most of the municipalities affected by the research, especially to the
cases of the danno dato, which for this Town has been analyzed with a view of the importance of
the statutory instrument as a normative reference of the local disputes. First of all, therefore, as
living testimony of use, and, in the cases that we will see, regarding the importance for the Supino's
community to have an authentic and readable copy of practical use in the resolving of different
kinds of disputes.
The danno dato studioso and the Statute of Supino
In the Supino Statute, as in those of other neighbouring municipalities, the legislation which
governs the agriculture was predominant in comparison with other sectors, whereby the danno dato
and the relative protection of the land became evidence of a highly agricultural economy linked to
the peasant world.
Also this Statute, in relation to the danno dato, presents a detailed cases and, above all, allows us
to introduce a particular case, the one of the “danno dato studioso”, definition used to indicate the
law suits of damage intentionally caused by the animal owners.
The case under consideration, in addition to recalling the occurrence of the causes relating to the
danno dato in this town, gives us a direct evidence of the use of the Statute as normative reference,
although not unique, in this kind of disputes. To introduce the law suit is the Auditor Egidio Pozzi
who, «dalla nostra residenza di Supino» reaffirms the validity of the application of the danno dato
studioso within the Supino's community. About this subject, it reads, the Court called upon to report
the Bailiff, the municipal official appointed of the territorial surveillance, in opposition to some
citizens who considered this as an oppression of the statutory rights. The danno dato, and with it the
case of the danno dato studioso, is instead provided by the «stabilimenti statutari» for «amore del
bene pubblico».
If the court has therefore called the bailiff to report about this case, it has done nothing but
following the statutory provisions, not thus in contravention of the custom in force until then 2 .
1 G. GIAMMARIA, Lo Statuto di Supino, Anagni 1986 (Biblioteca di Latium, 1); C. BIANCHI, Statuta
castri et universitatis Supini, Roma 1986.
2 Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica, Colonna Archive (then it will be
quote only Colonna and the position), Supino's Affairs III SA, Miscellanea (1531-1870). Notification by the
Auditor Egidio Pozzi, May 20, 1804. «Se da questo tribunale si è coartato il Balio de danni dati a riferire al
medesimo le accuse di danno dato studioso, e manuale, non si è inteso, ciò facendo, che eseguire quanto la
legge mille volte ha prescritto, e a dir meglio quanto si è dalle Pontificie Costituzioni dichiarato. Non è
questa una novità, conforme alcuni sediziosi, ed inimici dei beni pubblici vanno spacciando: non è
un’opposizione, che s’intende fare all’uso, che vigeva in questa terra dettata da spirito d’interesse: non è
opposizione ai diritti del Balio: non è conculcazione dei stabilimenti statutari, e bensì un espediente
provvedimento dettato dall’amore del Pubblico, e dall’obbligo del nostro officio, e che è conforme le leggi le
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The Auditor, although by taking care not to override the statutory laws, then makes an interesting
distinction between the types of the danno dato, and the various normative references to the
application of the penalties or fines.
The danno dato studioso has a real feature of theft, so it was a subject debated by the “giustizia
criminale”, so no more damage, with modern terminology, that is civil matter, but crime, and
therefore matter of criminal code. It is not negotiable by the Balio therefore, and it can not be solved
in the application of the mere statutory provisions 3 . The Auditor finally cares that the competences
remain unchanged, and therefore to deal with the matter in a different way: what it concerns the
simple danno dato and the transit, that is, the passage of the animals into cultivated land, but
directed to their “Mandre”, will always follow the subject provide by the City's Statute provisions,
and therefore supervised by the Balio 4 .
The transmission of the Old Statute
The daily use of the Statute is confirmed by the importance that the community of Supino
reserved in the transmission and readability of the old codex. If there are numerous testimonies of
the copying of the decrees and books of the municipal councils 5 , or of the subsequent cases
concerning the council resolutions 6 , it is even exemplary, in this sense, the case of complete
rewriting of the Statute, the last archival testimony concerning the Statute of Supino, in which it
emerges through a direct experience of the community what the importance is and «quanto sia di
bisogno di far copiare lo Statuto Locale 7 ». On October 31, 1789 the local Governor, Pasquale
Bellincampi, forwards to the Buon Governo a copy of the resolution in which the Municipalities of
più sacrosante, e che serve al buon ordine, ad assicurare le altrui sostanza con renderle immuni dai danni, e
riparare alle collusioni, che continuamente in pregiudizio e della giustizia, e de particolari commetteva dal
precitato Balio».
3 Ibidem: «è chiara la Bolla della Gloriosa Memoria di Benedetto XIV, nella quale si enuncia che il
danno dato studioso impropriamente chiamasi danno dato, ha che la vera caratteristica è di furto, e per
conseguenza tali cause prescrive, che debbano proporsi, agitarsi, e definirsi in giudizio criminale. Sarà forse
il Balio il giudice criminale?
Chiara è la susseguente Engiclica dell’alto Pontefice di glori memoria.: Clemente XIV, nella quale
contro il Dannificante studioso dopo la terza accusa si commina la pena dell’opera pubblica, che equivale
alla Galera. Il Balio sarà quello che ne eseguirà la condanna?
Chiaro è il recente Motu proprio del Regnante Sommo Pontefice su tal oggetto».
4 Ivi. «Niun alterazione intende poi farsi alle accuse di semplice transito, e alle altre, che sono di
danno dato semplice, e casuale: queste come in addietro, e conforma prescrive lo Statuto, resteranno al Balio.
Tra poco si avvedrà ciascuno del vantaggio che risulterà dall’adottato sistema. Se prima quei Particolari, ai
quali per la malvagità del Balio veniva inferto danno, non potevano averne l’ammenda, sebbene fosse il
primario oggetto, vedranno in seguito, che non solo cesseranno li danni ma di più, che se per accidente
accaderanno, ne otterranno sul momento la reintegrazione».
5 Colonna, Supino III SA, Miscellanea (1531-1870). «Decreta ed ordini lasciati alla Comune di
Supino, fatti copiare sotto il Breve, registrato nel Libro del Consiglio. 3 Giugno 1704 in cui si trova che la
Comunità di Supino, nel gettarsi la Colletta de Pesi Camerali […] non lo faceva interamente sopra i stabili e
bestiami, ma supplivano colle entrate comuni, il che non essendo giusto si ordina, che di qui avanti si
spartisca interamente sopra questi due copri, non tanto le tasse fisse, che si pagano in camera, quanto
proporzionalmente la ricognizione del Barone, esporto de danari all’Erario, e che dovrà cavalli sopra i Beni,
e Bestiami del Barone, Laici et eccellentissimi, avvertendo solamente, che le chiese, cappelle, o altri benefici
non devono essere soggetti ai beni».
6 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG), b.
4771: on June 6, 1789, the local Governor «umilia all’Eccellenza Vostra la copia autentica della risoluzione
consolare riguardante gli assegnamenti proibiti per l’imposizione del censo per la sagra della via Appia,
unitamene alla copia della lettera dell’Eccellenza Vostra per l’imposizione di detto censo». Letter of the
Governor Pasquale Bellincampi to Buon Governo, dated June 6, 1789.
7 Ibid. Letter of the Governor Pasquale Bellincampi to the Buon Governo, on October 31, 1789.
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Supino decided to copy the local statute, which was reduced in bad condition 8 . The need for such
copying, we can read in the documents, comes from the fact that the Statute of Supino was in bad
condition and thus it was impossible to read 9 , and to apply, as in the aforementioned cases.
Therefore, as in supplication to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo, the permission is
required to «fare la spesa per far copiare lo statuto di questa terra di Supino che si rende affatto
impossibile di poterlo più leggere» 10 .
The city council, met together, manifested in favour of this measure, almost unanimously. It is
stated in fact in the document that the copy and the relative expense of 10 scudi for the rewriting of
the Statute was put to the vote so that «chi vuole dia il voto bianco inclusivo, e chi no lo vuole il
nero esclusivo, e dunque, distribuiti li voti a quelli raccolti si sono trovati bianchi inclusivi n.
ventidue, e neri esclusivi n. uno» 11 .
The favourable vote testify the effective success of this operation and therefore the importance
for the community of having a readable and directly applicable copy, resulting then, most likely, in
the copy preserved in the Municipal Archive of Supino.
8 Ibid: «Copia di risoluzione consiliare, con supplica annessa, all’Ecc. Vostra, che si degnerà di far
presentare in Sagra Congregazione del Buon Governo. Non prima di oggi, aggiunge, mi è stata consegnata
da questo segretario essa risoluzione, in cui apparisce che questo consiglio ha risoluto di far ricopiare questo
statuto locale ridotto in pessima forma, per la somma di scudi dieci, qualora piaccia a detta sagra
congregazione, ed altro su ciò non dovendo dire, pieno d’immortale e infinito rispetto profondamente
m’inchino».
9 Ibid: «trovasi lo Statuto di Supino in pessimo stato, ed or ora si rende affatto impossibile il poterlo
più leggere, onde quella comunità supplica al’ Eccellenza Vostra volerle concedere il benigno permesso di
far la spesa della copia del medesimo e l’originale lasciarlo conservato».
10 Ibid: «come è stata avanzata supplica alla sagra congregazione del buon governo, il permesso di
fare la spesa, per far copiare lo statuto di questa terra di Supino, che si rende affatto impossibile di poterlo
più leggere, questa supplica dalla detta sagra congregazione è stata rimessa a questo Vostro Illustrissimo
Signor Governatore».
11 Ibid.
124

Rossana Fiorini
Vallecorsa: the importance of the olive groves in the statutory normative.
Quarrels between farmers and shepherds
In order to study the statutory source of the Town of Vallecorsa 1 , we have examined documents
from the fond of the Congregazione del Buon Governo at the State Archives of Roma and from the
Corrispondenza degli Affari dei Feudi of the Colonna Archive of the Library of the National
Monument of St. Scolastica in Subiaco.
The files studied include letters, memorials and reports concerning the particular protection that
the Community, even through the statutory normative, reserved to the olive groves 2 and trees. The
found documents also face the disputes occurred between farmers and shepherds, first of all during
the Public Councils. At the beginning of the conflict between the farmers and the shepherds there
were important factors, including obviously the increase of the population and the fence of the crops
as well as the new rotation which in general excluded the shepherds from the use of land subjected
to a more intense cultivation.
This documentation dates back to the middle of XVIII century.
The city of Vallecorsa is rich of olive groves cultivated in typical terraces built on dry walls,
called “macére”, a very particular work which is distributed throughout all hilly area surrounding
the town. The physical shape of the territory, impervious and dry, as well as the exposure, altitude
and position of the land, where the moisture is not stagnant, make Vallecorsa a prince place for the
olive tree – which not requiring much land can be cultivated also in stony and low-thickness terrain
– but hinder the cultivation of other plantations.
1
Vallecorsa was subjected to Caetani of Fondi (noble family of Boniface VIII), obtaining solidity and
stability with them. In those years a particular process of freeing from the central protection led to the
granting of the Statutes to the various local communities – which, however, limited themselves to define the
compentence of the various authorities and regulated the relationships of coexistence between citizens. The
first Statute, whose memory is in Vallecorsa, dates back to 1327, granted by the Caetani and remained in
force, with some necessary adjustments, under the Leadership of the Colonna family. The copy in our
possession corresponds to a draft of 1531, approved in 1545, of which a photostatic reproduction is kept
today at the Library of the State Archives of Rome and at Municipal Historical Archive of Vallecorsa. This
normative source has been edited and studied by Arcangelo Sacchetti (cf. A. SACCHETTI, Vallecorsa nella
signoria di casa Colonna, Vallecorsa 1990, pp. 265-317 and ID, Vallecorsa nella signoria baronale dai
Caetani ai Colonna: organi e vicende della Comunità nel distretto feudale del Regno di Napoli e dello Stato
Pontificio, Vallecorsa 2005, pp. 265-338). The State Archives of Rome also keeps a copy of 1856, which
however contains only the proemio and the index, while neither the original nor other copy has ever been
found at Historical Archive of the Town, although Sacchetti reported that he had worked on a «copia
fotostatica autentica» owned by the municipal administration. The informations about the conservation of the
documents are uncertain and not more precise, but it is indisputable that the Statute, studied by Sacchetti,
should be the one «scritto da Antonello Mancino nel 1531» in which the previous statutory drafting most
probably met, dating to 1327, of which its traces are completely lost in the second half of XVIII century.
The Statute will see its progressive shutdown because of the sudden institutional overturns, which
began in 1798, will lead to the definitive abolition of feudal rights in 1816, when Filippo III Colonna
“rinunciò” them following the “vessatorie” conditions set by the motu proprio of Pio VII.
2
Some kind of cultivation, such as that of olive tree, has attracted the attention of the historians. The use of
these plants often offers an interesting documentation about the living system of the population of the time
and the climatic conditions of the areas considered. Significant pages about the cultivation and the using of
the olive oil – from the food and medical use to the sacred one – are written by Giovanni Cherubini in the
book L’Italia rurale del basso Medioevo. The olive oil was a multi-purpose source, used also for
enlightenment, especially in sacred and public places, for tissue processing, for soap manifacture, for the
medicine and pharmacopoeia. Cf. G. CHERUBINI, L’Italia rurale del basso Medioevo, Bari-Roma 1985.
125

From these physical factors emerge particular social guidelines, which are manifested also in the
elements composing the statutory norms, which regulate the civil and criminal legal relations of
everyday life, as well as the agricultural activities and practices – being evidently a rural
community. This premise is indispensable to introduce the analysis herein is presented, in which the
normative context must necessarily take into account both the natural elements and a particular
agricultural heritage of the society. What has just been affirmed can be seen, for example, in the
imperative and categorical provisions reserved for the protection of bottom valley wells, water tanks
in the open air, sole supply for Vallecorsa, which is still poor in spring and current waters, and
therefore the only mean to curb the thirst and maintain the public hygiene 3 .
The statutory social matrix seems initially to take greater account of farmers' interests than those
of breeders. It is true that in the consulted documentation the disputes between “possessori del
bestiame” and “possessori degli oliveti” become bitter and denote cracked and difficult
relationships.
When the situation of the continuous damage to land became unsustainable, the Public Council
tried to leverage an old statutory norm and then restore it. It was intended to regulate the disputes
about the danno dato providing, in some cases, the killing of a beast, as it was until 1682, the year
of the last news of the application of the provision. However, the Sacra Congregazione del Buon
Governo did not approve the council resolution. From the point of views of protection, the
willingness of the breeders and farmers could not clearly coincide: the ones interested to livestock
and the others tend to take care of the planting.
The petitions of the Community to Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo date back to 1790 in
order to obtain the possibility of increasing the penalties inherent the damage caused to the olive
groves and the trees, both by men and by beasts 4 . An important issue, relative to those cases in
which the destroyed crops could not be repaired, always bearing in mind that the conicoglobosum
crown of the olive tree, composed by several branches variously branched and pendulous sprigs,
was easy target for the animals. From the reading of the memorial we learn that the shepherds,
during the night, took the trouble to «rompere i ripari delle possessioni ed introdurvi ogni specie di
bestiami».
With the petition, they were intended to remedy the damage caused to all the community's land,
especially the olive groves and vineyards, caused largely by the beasts which in the territory were
present in large number. Once again it is the natural configuration of Vallecorsa 5 (characterized by a
typical narrowness of pastures, where the areas destined for this activity were difficult to reach) to
intervene in the legislative drafting.
The nature of the request obviously leads to more severe penalties, flanked by relative hasty
executions. Certainly, the injured part is always the agricultural property, and for this reason an
increase of the sanctions about the danno dato to the plantations would encourage the owners of
fields and olive groves. At the same time, however, it is recognized in the correspondence that
«disconviene di gravare i dannificanti di pene così eccessive». It also stated that the full amount of
the penalty was due to the Community, as it was rejecting the “in terzo” division. Here there is an
3
During the archive documentary study, we were able to ascertain many testimonies where ordinary personal
and collective hygiene rules were repeated, with a precise prevention function.
4
State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG), b. 5291.
5
Cf. Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica, Colonna Archive (then we will mention
only Colonna and the position), Affari di Vallecorsa, II, Corrispondenza (1742-1775). In a letter of the
governor Marcantonio Gorda, dated on October 8, 1759, addressed to Prince Colonna, it is read: «detta terra
è situata in luogo angusto, e ristretto, con strade, e vicoli pavimentati angusti, scoscesi, e poco praticabili, e
all’incontro abitato da numeroso popolo; il suo territorio è ugualmente angusto, ristrette e circondato da valli
e monti e quasi tutto coltivato, cioè seminato, olivato, ed arborato con viti ed altri arbori fruttiferi». The
disputes, however, concerned also the free spaces to be used for the collective use or grazing. The latter was
disciplined in the Statute in the chapters XXXV and XXXVI (respectively De amoventibus guiffam and De
damnum dantibus in herba, cfr. A. SACCHETTI, Vallecorsa nella signoria di casa Colonna, cit., pp. 271-309.
126

unmistakable reference to the figure of the renter of the danno dato, who had promptly provided to
the rent and then think about the surveillance of the crops 6 .
The answer against the breeders did not wait; the owners of the olive groves observed «esser
troppo necessario l’aumento delle pene» 7 , despite the request had been rejected by the Public
Council, however convened also with the interference of the clergy 8 . The peasants therefore
justified the refusal, explaining that the Council was mostly composed by «possidenti di bestiami ed
anche pastori che vorrebbero continuare a dar danni impunemente nelli detti arboreti, ed oliveti, non
potendo sostentarli né pagarli». Also the governor tried to prove that the new draft law had not been
approved because of a remarkable presence of the shepherds in the Council. Such complaint could
however arise from the particular interest «dello stesso governatore a cui si vorrebbe applicare la
terza parte delle pene». Thus, the baron's auditor proposed to leave the sources intact, as such to
how they were: «non si sa per quale ragione con suo biglietto assicurò (l’uditore) la Sacra
Congregazione esser falso l’esposto ed il richiesto aumento di pene fosse un ritrovato del
governatore per impinguare la sua borsa». To deny this testimony to the Buon Governo, they made
a new appeal by sending two «attestati giurati, uno dei religiosi […] e altro firmato di proprio
carattere da trenta cittadini» to reach the truth and the implementation of the sanctions.
In favour of the increase of the contravention they also proposed environmental and conservative
reasons of the olive trees, which during the winter of the same year had been damaged by snow and
frost. This kind of plant, as it is well known, is able to cross also very freezing winters as long as
the temperature drops are gradual, but the sudden cools – as precisely frosts – threaten to “bruciare”
the shoots and then ruin the future collection of olives. It should not be forgotten that oil production
and trade represent the only livelihood of the “terrazzani” of Vallecorsa.
The farmers also appealed to the Benedictine Constitution and to the difficulty in approving the
new tax, which would have led to very high losses 9 . Still it reads:
«ma propostasi l’istanza in consiglio come che composto dalla maggior parte dei villani
possessori, o custodi di tali bestie avidi perciò di continuare la dannificazione: niente da esso
consiglio si poté ottenere e sebbene l’informazione del governatore ed il voto degli
ecclesiastici fosse favorevole comprovando la quantità da anni insoffribili».
Here they emphasized the power of contrast that the livestock owners had achieved because, if
once the predominant social part in the Statute had been represented by the farmers, now the
circumstances had changed and overturned.
It is also true that between 1757 and 1759 – as it is evidenced by the correspondence found in the
Colonna Archive – to remedy the damage that the pigs (simply called black 10 ) repeatedly caused to
6
BG, b. 5291. It proposes: «Si potrebbe perciò rescrivere: mandet reformari novam Taxam Damnorum
datorum in Olivetis, et Arboretis in medietate tantum addita declaratione, quod Omnes peperspectent ad
Communitatem ad formam Constitutionis Benedictinae et pro hujusmodi effectu praevia affixione Edictorum
accendatur Candela pro illarum affictu ad Triennium Servata forma edicti 1729». The “balliva” belonged to
the Baron, the Community manages it to rent (putting it at auction) thanks to the character of the “ballivo”,
who also performs the function of surveillance. He directly responds to the Court. It could also happen that
the auction was deserted, as we learned from a document dated on October 14, 1727 (Cf. Colonna,
Vallecorsa II, Corrispondenza 1685-1730.) The land agent of Vallecorsa gives information in August 1721,
for the tenant of the danno dato Martino Migliore da Vallecorsa.
7
BG, b. 5291.
8
Ibid.
9
Ibid. The sheet concludes with the sentence: «Sarà perciò necessario di rescrivere: transmittat sollicite
copiam taxae hactenus observatae pro poenis Damnorum Datorum, et providebitur».
10
Cf. Colonna, Vallecorsa II, Corrispondenza 1742-1775. Document of October 8, 1759. «[…] simili animali
fossero rigorosamente banditi dal luogo abitato, perché avrebbero certamente recato infezione all’aria, e
generato morbi perniciosi agli abitanti, tanto più, che il territorio, come dissi, è parimenti ristretto, e
circondato da valli, e monti, privo perciò della ventilazione dei venti, e segregazioni rispettivamente
dell’esalazioni; e che di più andato liberi per l’abitato avrebbero potuto recare disturbi e specialmente in
occasioni di processioni di delazione del Ss.mo viatico agli infermi, e di altre funzioni sacre, che quivi si
127

the plants they appealed to some articles of the Statute. The members of the Municipal Council took
side with several position: some drastically negative (referring to the chapter 76, which did not
allow to hold these animals), the other one more possibilistic (recalling the chapter 77, which
allowed the possession of the beasts only if confined within enclosure) 11 .
The relationships between the farmers and the breeders were not easy, where it was said that, not
only the animals were wandering freely in the land without any attention, but that their owners «per
alimentarli e ingrassarli» would deliberately robbed «castagni ed altri frutti nei terreni altrui
esistenti, non solo in questo territorio, ma anche nei territori convicini, il che poteva e può cagionare
continue risse e la morte di più di uno» 12 .
These disputes, with common character, arose because of the conflicts of different social forces,
which marked the different institutional levels, going to add with intricate overlapping of territorial
dominions. The same structure of the society as it was organized puts one against the other, also
thanks to a sense of legitimate affinity.
fanno».
11
Ibid. However the situation expressed in the letter is long and hostile. Several episodes to which the
Community appeals are repeated. An example of this is what happened in 1746, when they attempted to
introduce the animals in the town (in this case the chapter 76 was used to expel the beasts); then a mention of
another event of the following year, 1747, is made, when – in order to obtain the permission to introduce the
animals – they wrote to the Sacra Consulta, which, after examined the Statutes, repeated the expulsion order.
The context was not stable: when the terrazzani were able to obtain the permission (obviously appealing to
the chapter 77), the same was - sometimes with an edict – revoked.
12
Ibid., dossier attached to the document dated October 8, 1759.
So it became known «la relazione della affissione» of the «Editto nei luoghi soliti fatta dal censore in
pubblica forma. Item quod nullus possit bestias porcinas facere seu retinere in castro Vallicursae sive eius
territorio ultra tres dies, nisi voluerit ipsas macellare aut vendere in ipso castro et contrafaciens solvat Vicario
Augustale unum et nihilominus teneatur ipsos porcos macellare aut vendere cuicumque volenti emere ad
poenam praedictam et accusator habeat tertiam partem poenae et patronus ipsorum non possit abbeverare in
aliquo puteo, nisi aquam hauriret ad manus ad poenam medij Augustalis. Necnon si bestiae convinciorum
porcinae intrarent in termino Valliscursae, mori debeat una de communibus pro qualibet societate et pastor
pro persona sua solvat Baiulo et Vicario inter ambos Augustale unum et si recusaret dare dictam poenam
puniatur duplici poena, et bestia. (trad.: Still, no one can make or keep piggish livestock in Vallecorsa and its
territory for more tha three days, unless they want to slaughter or sell them in the same castle; whoever
transgresses, pay to the Vicar an augustalis and nevertheless he is obliged to slaughter the same pigs or to
sell them to anyone who wants to buy them, under the aforesaid penalty; and the accuser has 1/3 of the
penalty. The owner of these can not water in any well, except taking water by hand, under penalty of an half
augustalis. And if the piggish beasts of neighbours enter in the territory of Vallecorsa, and one of those in
common dies for agistment and the same shepherd pays to the Bailiff and the Vicar, both of them, an
augustalis; and if he refuses to pay this penalty, be punished for doubled punishment, plus the beast)».
128

Marco Di Cosmo
The Ius Pascendi with reference to the Statute of Veroli
Introduction
Veroli is lucky to keep, in the Archives of the Giovardiana Library, a handwritten copy of the
ancient statute of the city, dated 1540. From this copy and from the later Latin edition, some
historical and critical studies have been conducted which allowed us to reconstruct and entirely
translate a codex, which is living testimony of the economy and the main customs of the local law.
Here we will deal with a particular subject, related to the Statute: the one of the Ius Pascendi, or
grazing rights, which established the procedures of the grazing and the fida for the shepherds of the
town of Veroli.
Through the study of the archive documents found at the Sacra Congregazione del Buon
Governo, in fact, it was possible to reconstruct an interesting case in which this right was claimed
differently from different parts of the community, just under the Municipal Statute.
The Ius Pascendi and the old Statute of Veroli
A letter of the councillors of the town of Veroli, in which they request the revision of the
approval decision of an edict of the Frosinone court, allows us to reconstruct an important event to
understand the law relating to the Ius Pascendi and, above all, to the use of the Statute in the
economy and local customs.
The Councillors and the Magistrate of the town of Veroli write to the Sacra Congregazione del
Buon Governo, on April 18, 1744, opposing to some changes about the ius pascendi, considered by
the edict of 1741, issued by the Court of Frosinone 1 .
This right, similar to the right of the fida, was the permission that the citizens of the community
obtained for the grazing right in certain territories. In the context of a livelihood economy, the use
of the grazing right by the community was identified as civic use, as we have seen for other
municipalities, similar to the right to gather wood or to the herbage.
In Veroli, as later we shall see in detail, this case was governed by statutory rules, except for
occasional changes which took place either through the municipal council or by interference of the
Presidency of Frosinone 2 .
1 State Archives of Rome, Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo Fond, Series II (then only BG), b. 5370,
letter of the Councillors and Magistrate of the town of Veroli to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo,
dated on April 18, 1744. «Essendosi rimessa dalla Sagra Consulta a codesta Sagra Congregazione la
decisione della differenza che verte […] circa l’approvazione d’alcuni capitoli sottoscritti dal Magistrato, e
Consiglieri […] d’un editto emanato il di 29 gennaio 1741 dal Tribunale di Frosinone per ordine della Sagra
Consulta sopra il Ius Pascendi nello territorio di essa Città, quali sono acclusi nella Posizione data da detta
Sagra Consulta, ed esistente in mano di Mons. Ponente, e dipendendo da tale approvazione la quiete di essa
Città poiché pretendendo devastare li pastori le macchie […] anche ab antiquo tempore ristrette ed anche
vestite con alberi fruttiferi contro ogni disposizione statutaria, e communale, ne sono per nascendi de grandi,
e poi irrimediabili inconvenienti, per evitare li quali supplicano gl’oratori. la retta giustizia dell’EE.VV. a
voler benignamente riscrivere per l’approvazione dei detti capitoli».
2 Still referring to the ius pascendi and to right of the fida, in the Town of Veroli, other cases involving local
shepherds and local land-owners. The case of Gregorio Pellegrini, who requires from the shepherds the fida
for the pascipascolo of the not narrow land. Pellegrini writes to the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo,
on September 26, 1741: «Gregorio Pellegrini dalla Città di Veroli umilmente espone all’EE.VV. che nella
consulta del 22 maggio 1740 fu esposto da parte delli Zelanti, e Pastori di detta città, che tanto l’oratore,
quanto altri cittadini avevano ristretto li terreni in grande pregiudizio degl’esponenti in la mancanza del
pascolo, e le EE.VV. si degnarono imporre a Monsig. Preside che provvedesse all’indennità deli Oratori in
quanto agli predii ristretti in sequela di che fece constatare l’oratore avanti l’uditore di detto Preside, che […]
lui spettante non cadeva sotto la configura del ricorso e d’esser da tempo memorabile stato circondato di
macerie fratte, che detto uditore decretò non esser compreso nel predio del ricorso fatto.
129

In the studied case, the edict of the Court of Frosinone provided for some grazing freedoms, for
the local shepherds, that the municipal councillors considered excessive, and especially damaging to
the extent that these grazing would ruin the land, especially the ones used for various crops, and in
particular in opposition to the rules of the Veroli's Statute, which expressly prohibited the pasture in
some territories.
For this reason the municipal councillors write to Buon Governo, asking for a review of their
decision regarding the approval of edict in question. In the documentation attached by the
councillors we can read more accurately the reasons given.
An important premise is the acknowledgement of the power of the Buon Governo, as the only
authority capable of resolving such disputes 3 .
Later they take into consideration the objections of the shepherds, who complain about the
impossibility to be able to lead their cattle within the land «aperti, e non ristretti» 4 .
The «ristretti» ones were those fenced land, and therefore assigned to the agricultural
cultivations, that the entry and the pasture of the animals would have damaged. In this context the
most frequent disputes were related to the case of the danno dato, which governed the offences
relating to this kind of damage.
The case histories of the danno dato, always contained within the statutory rules, is mentioned
only in part, and analyzed only to determine any penalties to be imposed to the invaders of the land.
The shepherds, therefore, complained the limited freedom of their ius pascendi, not only in the
cultivated land, according to the statute, but also in the not narrow land. The councillors, arguing
the opposite view, shifted the controversy regarding the possibility to determine which lands were
involved in such interferences 5 . The defence of the councillors quotes expressly the chapter 59, V
Book of the Statute, which states that the livestock can not circulate in some parts of Veroli's
territory, mentioning the examples of the danno dato 6 . It goes on to say that the penalties
Nuovamente li supposti zelanti con nuovi ricorsi avanti del Tribunale di Frosinone procurano
inquietare l’oratore sopra il Ius Pascendi e rendono in tutto il territorio contro una sentenza emanata avanti la
Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo sino dall’anno 1707 fra la comunità e li possessori di Bestiami, e
quantunque l’oratore ha fatto una promessa che fu sentita la comunità in quest’istanza, e che li Zelanti
compariscano smascherati in questo giudizio […]».
3 BG, b. 5370, letter of the Councillors and Magistrate of the town of Veroli to the Sacra Congregazione del
Buon Governo, dated on April 18, 1744: «la cognizione di questa Causa spetti alla Sagra Congregazione del
B. Governo non si impugna in conto alcuno, anzi il Magistrato e Consiglieri di essa Città ne sperano una più
spedita giustizia per l’approvazione de noti Capitoli, come non più giudiziali».
4 Ibid., «Nel ricorso già fatto in Consulta dalli pastori, o siano zelanti sin dall’anno 1740 conoscendo essi la
verità del fatto si dice solamente che gli viene impedito il pascolo ne terreni aperti, e non ristretti, come
dunque ultra patita si puol stendere il Pascolo ne luoghi ab antiquo ristretti al commodo proprio de Particolari
cittadini».
5 Ibid. «sicché ne viene per necessaria conseguenza di dover distinguere quali e quanti siano questi terreni e
non dal particolare venire, al Generale Prescindendo sin dalle particolari istanze fatte, esse non fanno al caso
nostro, e passando all’esame del Capitolo Quinto del nostro foglio dove si stabilisce che non sia lecito a
nessun Cittadino in qualsiasi tempo introdurre Bestiame di sorte alcuna nelle possessioni ristrette, e vestite
dispone come si pretende a prima vista contrario allo Statuto stante che nel medesimo st. vedono stabilite le
pene in certi determinati tempi, e non più altri».
6 «Statutum, seu leges municipales communis ciuitatis Verularum. Impressa impensis eiusdem communis ex
resolutione, & decreto publici consilii initi die 15. Aprilis anni 1657, Liber Quintus, R. 11 - De defensis
cesarum plane pastine et buzanilli.
Nullum genus bestiarum grossarum, armenticiarum minutarum, aliquo tempore anni pascua recipiat
infra defensas cesarum videlicet a fonte Sancti Celarii a domo Bartholomaei Ioannis Nicolai, a domo domini
lacobi a troculare Simoli Turri Andrea contis, domo Andree Antinerii, domo Andree domini Iacobi, Ponte
Nicolai perronis. Fonte vadi Leti, nec non infra defensas plani, bestie pecudine, caprine, velo porcine de
mense Iunii. Iulii, Augusti & Septembris non ambulent, ac pascua recipiant, videlicet, a Fonte S. Caeiarii
[…]
130

combination contained in the articles of the statute aims to protect the cultivated land, so that they
are not destroyed by the “universale” grazing, that is indiscriminate, without any regulation 7 .
It seems very difficult, here, to evaluate precisely the reasons for both sides. In fact, both parties
aimed to maintain their priorities, the one requiring a greater freedom of grazing, the other one
restricting these freedoms to modalities which, starting from the Statute, widened in a eccessive
way their prerogatives.
The last part of the defence mentions expressly another article of the Statute, called into question
because this article would have been in contradiction with another provision of the Statute itself, in
which we can read that anyone can freely dispose of their properties 8 .
It is a clear reference to the Rubric 9, Book 4 of the Veroli's Statute, that here we reproduce in
the original Latin version, and in the Italian translation:
«Rub. IX – Quilibet possit dare licentiam de rebus suis.
Quilibet verulanus possit unicumque dare licentia colligendi fructis et poma sua
ubicumque existentia, aut domino bestiarum vascidimquibuscuq bonis erba fuis et nullus
habita licentia huiusmodi ad aliquam poenam statut ariam renatur dum modo de ipsa licentia
aute collectionem hiuiusmodi pomorum et fructuum vel pabulo bestiarum ex actis communis
constiteria».
«Art.9 – Chiunque può disporre delle sue cose
Ogni verolano può dare a chi vuole il permesso di raccogliere i frutti dei suoi possessi e di
farvi pascere le bestie.
Nessuno, dopo aver avuto il permesso, incorre in penalità, purché sia stato registrato negli
atti del Comune».
Insuper nulla bestia pecudina, caprina, porcina, bubalina, vaccina, intret infra defensas pastine,
videlicet, a Fonte Syluetre, exeundo per viam qua irur recte ad vineam Sancti Andree, exeundo ad fontem
Ioanni Bovis […]
Qui contrafecerti adeum supra foluat dominus, feu paltro ipsarum communi Verulano follos decem,
a decem vero, infra pro una quaque denarios duodecim, & in omnibus casibus predictus foluat tentundem
domino loci, & damnum emender, de nocte vero, poena duplicentur, liceat tamen unicuique Verulano, in
domo sua, vel quam laborat intra confines predictos impune bestias retinere».
From the edition of the statute edited and translated by D. ZINANNI, Statuti di Veroli, Roma 1983, pp.
342-343: Art.59 - Confini per il pascolo - «De defensis cesarum plane pastine et buzanilli»
«Nessuna bestia di alcun genere può pascolare in nessun periodo dell’anno entro le terre delle cese e
cioè dalla fonte di s. cesareo alla casa di Bartolomeo Giovanni Nicola, di là alla casa di Giacomo, al frantoio
Simoli […] Inoltre le pecore, le capre e i porci, nei mesi di luglio, agosto e settembre non possono pascolare
entro i confini dalla pianura e cioè dalla fonte di S. Cesareo andando in linea retta fino all’inizio delle terre di
Giovanni Normanno […] Per di più; le pecore, le capre, i porci, i bufali e le vaccine, non vadano entro i
confini dei vigneti e cioè dalla fontana dei Silvestri, attraverso la via che conduce al vigneto di S. Andrea,
alla fontana di Giovanni Bove [...]
Il padrone del bestiame che contravviene paga 12 denari fino a 10 capi e per un numero maggiore 10
solli oltre il risarcimento del danno ed una somma uguale alla multa pagata deve al padrone del luogo. Di
notte tutte le penali sono doppie. E’ tuttavia permesso ad ogni verolano tenere in casa sua impunemente le
proprie bestie».
7 BG, b. 5370, letter of the Councillors and Magistrate of the town of Veroli to the Sacra Congregazione del
Buon Governo, dated on April 18, 1744. «Questa combinazione di pene temporanea non può ridursi ad altro
fine, che li voler vedere il territorio totalmente vestito, e ben coltivato, non mai per dar campo a cittadini di
distruggerlo col pascolo universale a seconda del desiderio di taluni pochi, ma non già che Consiglieri, quali
benché possiedino de molti stabili nel territorio li medesimi sono anco Proni del Bestiame, e li preme
mandenerse si li terreni, che li propri bestiami».
8 Ibid.: «pure questa medesima determinazione statutaria di pene temporanee fa a calci con altra
disposizione di esso medesimo Statuto al Lib 4, Rub 9, chiaramente si legge: Quilibet verulanus possit
unicumque dare licentia colligendi fructis et poma sua ubicumque existentia, aut bestias pascendi in
quibuscumque benis, sicchè la facoltà di pascere illibe stat penis del Padrone, e non della Communità quale
rubrica può vedersi nel medesimo Statuto».
131

The part of the Statute called in question concerns really a case different from the one in
question, and it is of help to the defence of councillors only to expose, from their point of view, that
the faculty of grazing in the land is a concession of the Owner, and not right of the Community.
Indeed, the reasons of the Councillors will not be heard, because the case analyzed concerns a
completely different argument, and that is, the faculty for the shepherds to graze in open lands and
the illegality to restrict the land autonomously. To better clarify the event, the correspondence
between the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone and the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo
comes to help us. In fact, the Governor write that:
«All’istanza avanzata a codesta Sagra Consulta per parte de zelanti, e poveri pastori della
città di Veroli, con cui si dolevano dell’introdotto abuso da molti di quei cittadini di render
riserbati i propri terreni, e Possessioni, in guisa che restavano essi Pastori interdetti a poter
condurre il proprio bestiame, se non con incorso di pene, e del pagamento de Pascoli a
commodo de privati cittadini, quantumque essi Pastori pagassero il solito dazio a quella
Communità, si compiacque benignamente codesta Sagra Consulta ingiungermi dopo […] la
mia informazione, che mi diedi l’onore spedire in codesta Sagra Consulta fin fatto li 15
Maggio dell’anno scaduto 1740 9 ».
The story seems clearer. We understand, in fact, how the edict issued by the authority of
Frosinone was an action to correct and punish a violation committed by some owners, who made
private the lands which were not, in a completely “autonoma” way, thus not limiting so to impose
the prohibition to “ristretti” ones. Such behaviour, therefore, greatly limited the activity of
shepherds, who were «interdetti a poter condurre il proprio bestiame», if not incurring fines or
illegally paying an additional tax to private citizens, even though they already paid the duty for
grazing to the community. The Governor states that he has proceeded, therefore, they find valid the
reasons of the shepherds, and making sure that the right considered by the Ius Pascendi was not
limited 10 . In support of their reasons, as we can read in the words of the Governor, the shepherds
presented the copies of the Veroli's statute, where the punishment of the danno dato only in the
times and in the places provided by the statute 11 .
The articles in question belong to the Book Fourth of the Veroli's Statute, Rubric I-LXV, and
provide a detailed case histories about the danno dato within the cultived land (olive groves,
orchards, etc.), as well as the impossibility for the keepers of the land to grant the grazing
permissions 12 .
9 BG, b. 5370. Letter of the Governor Ravizza to the Sacra Congregazione del Buongoverno dated on
October 9, 1741.
10 Ibid.: «all’indennità de zelanti, e pastori di detta Città di Veroli, ad effetto non venisse loro ritardato la
libertà del Ius pascendi, tanto piu che essi pastori pagavano l’annual riparo de propri bestiami, come dalla
copia di lettera di codesta S. C. in data del primo di detto mese di maggio».
11 Ibid. «mi vennero per parte de zelanti, e pastori esibite le copie in autentica forma di diversi capitoli dello
Statuto di Veroli, mediante i quali viene stabilita la pena contro i dannificanti, su qualunque sorta di terreno
tanto olivato, che arborato, vignato, cerquato […] ne tempi solamente dallo Statuto prescritti e senza
detrimento de frutti pendenti, ed altresì, che da quella Comunità […] altre volte venduto il Pascolo de Beni
d’ogni sorte di quel territorio a Persone forastiere, giacché conosceva si, che restava il Pascolo a sufficienza
per il Bestiame de Verolani».
12 Statutum, seu leges municipales communis ciuitatis Verularum, cit., Liber Quartus.
R. 1 - De modo procedendi in damnis datis.
Statuimus & ordinamus quod cum fu per aliquo dano dato contra aliqq, vel aliquam Verulanum de
filiquo manuali damno, vel cum beltiis illato in quibuscumque fegetibus, & aliis rebus alienis contra formam
praesentium statutorum aliqua fuerit per aliquem Verulanum accusatio instituta, vel aliter per viam
inquisitionis defuper formate culpabilis de damno illato aliquis, vel aliqua invenctus fuerit. Notarius
communis ad huiusmodi damna data deputatus per mandatarium communis huius modi accula os, vel
inquisitos, fiue accusatas, vel inquisitas citari faciat eisque, & eorum cuiuslibet lecta huiusmodi accusatione,
vel denunciatione, ac inquisitione, si fuerint praesentes, vel ipsis absentibus terminum quinque dierum, ad se
132

The damages caused by the indiscriminate grazing were therefore already provided by the
penalties of the Statute, and did not require any other restrictions.
Additionally, as the shepherds add, the landowners would have sold the right of grazing to the
foreigners, a further evidence that the grazing was allowed in those territories. The shepherds also
mention an illegal case: the use of a makeshift fence, built in autonomous and illegitimate way,
which prevented the grazing on not prohibits lands to the shepherds. So the lands were enclosed
with pits or rocks to determine that nobody could graze their livestock there, except paying an
additional tax to the landowners 13 . Such abuse, it is said, had already been found and punished by
the public council of January 1, 1656 14 .
The Governor, therefore, after having considered the documentation provided by both parties
decides «come non fusse lecito a nessuno il ristringere i propri beni, ma in tutto si osservasse la
exculandum praesigat, qui vel, qua si in dicto termino legitimas exceptiones oppofuerint, & eas
probauerinelegitime ab huiusmodi accusatione, inquisitione, feu denunciatione paenitus abslouantur.
R. 12 - Quos custodes non possint dare licentiam alicui.
Nullus Custos Verulanus possit dare licentiam alicui intrandi in aliquo loco prohibito per statutum,
qui contra fecerit, foluat vicequalibet communi Verulano follos decem & recipiens dictam licentiam in
poenam quinque follorum eidem communi folueandm incurrat, & credatur iuramento cuiuslibet accusatoris,
& habeat tertiam partem poene.
R. 18 - Pastores bestiarum non ambulent prope vineas.
Nullus pastor bestiarum cuiuscumque generis a tempore quo exiterint fructus in vineis, & in eis
dictifructus reiderint cum bestiis quibuscumque generis cuiuslibet possit ambulare, vel demorari prope vineas
alienas a duodecim passibus infra ad poenam viginti follorum communi Verulano applicandorum de quo
quilibet bona fama possit accusare, & credatur cumiuramedto, & habeat tertiam partm ponea. Liceat tamen
eisdem pastoribus iuxta dictas vineas cum eisdem bestiis ambulare, prout in statuto superiori de damnum
dantibus in vincis continetur» .
Statute of Veroli, Book Fourth, Art. 1 from D. ZINANNI, Statuti di Veroli, cit., p. 283. «Art.1.
Procedura per danni arrecati. Se c’è un’accusa o denuncia contro chiunque arreca danno con le mani o con le
bestie ai beni altrui contravvenendo alle norme dello Statuto, il Notaio del Comune, a ciò deputato, è tenuto a
citare l’accusato per mezzo del Mandatario e, se quello si presenta, a leggergli la denuncia».
Ivi, p. 287. «Art.12 – I Custodi non possono dare permessi.
I custodi non possono dare permessi di entrare nei luoghi proibiti dallo Statuto. Chi contravviene
paga 10 solli di multa. E chi accetta il permesso è multato di 5 solli».
Ivi, p. 289-290. «Art. 18 – Divieto ai pastori
Nessun pastore, dal tempo in cui ci sono le uve nei vigneti fino a quando vi rimangono, può
passeggiare e fermarsi con le sue bestie a meno di 12 passi dalle piante di uva, sotto pena di 20 solli di multa.
Si creda.».
However the shepherds can wander along the vineyards, according to statutoy regulations.
13 BG, b. 5370. Letter of the Governor Ravizza to the Sacra Congregazione del Buongoverno dated on
October 9, 1741. «Da molti anni addietro si incominciò da taluno di quella città a far riserva del pascolo de
propri beni in detrimento de Pastori, merce che o cingevano di fratte, e macere di sassi, o con qualche altro
segno d’apposizione di canne, e simili, e con ciò intendevano, che niuno poteva ivi condurre i Bestiami a
pascere, se non con pagare il Pascolo a quei Particolari, da quali li ricevevano per la custodia de beni anche i
Guardiani, ma dedottosi ciò in un pubblico Consiglio celebrato il Primo Gennaio 1656 si stabilì in esso non
doversi tollerare tale abuso, tanto più, che derivava ciò in debrimento del dazio».
14 Ibid. We report, like in Attached D of the present fascicule, a copy of the resolution of 1656 of the City of
Veroli: «Die 16 Januari 1656: […] si dogliono molti cittadini, che gli viene impedito il Pascipascolo del
nostro territorio per bande, e bande riserbe, che si fanno per servizio de Porci, quali sono proibiti in genere in
questo territorio stante la disposizione dello Statuto, chi quali sono stati assignati li Stafferi, e non vuole, che
in nessuna maniera abbiano a trasgredire li suddetti Stafferi […] fu risoluto circa la terza proposta delli Porci,
e riserbe, che si osservi lo Statuto, ed il Sig. Governatore si compiaccia invigilarci, e procedere contro i
trasgressori».
133

disposizione statutaria, ed il Risoluto ne Consigli per non togliere il Ius Pascendi ai Pastori, nè
deteriorare il Ius del dazio» 15 .
It is clear how such decision is taken primarily on the basis of the statutory provisions, which
would not allow anyone to restrict their borders and, at the same time, with the target to grant the
grazing right to the shepherds of the community 16 .
We can find other correspondences between the statutory provisions referred to and some articles
of the Book Fifth (extraordinary cases) of the Statute. In particular the Articles 30 and 53 which
guarante the free grazing in the forests of the Municipality and punish the illegal practice of the
‘cese’ 17 . The word “cese” identified the woodlands reduced to culture in an “autonoma” way by the
landowners, custom in this case expressly prohibited by the Statute in the aforementioned articles,
and therefore invoked by the parties as illegal and punishable practice.
In addition to the “legale” and customary reasons contained in the Statute, the Governor adds,
later, other reasons for which such conducts would be a damage for the economy and Veroli's
community.
This controversy is, in fact, in a very special historical moment. In the middle of the seventeenth
century, Veroli, like other neighbouring municipalities, attended to a great demographic growth and
a consequent increase of the needs of the population. For this reason also hilltop and mountains
lands were ‘vestiti’ and restricted, that the statutory provisions did not consider as reserved to the
cultivation. While these ‘autonome’ measures were responding to the increasing needs, of the
population, on the other hand, such operations collided with the interests of the shepherds, as they
limited the prerogatives of the free pasture.
15 BG, b. 5370. Letter of the Governor Ravizza to the Sacra Congregazione del Buongoverno dated on
October 9, 1741.
16 Ibid: «anche da zelanti e da pastori si pretende appunto non poter farsi simil ristretta de beni, anche a
seconda delle suddette Risoluzioni Consiliari, ma che solo debba operarsi la disposizione statutaria prefissata
in ciascheduna sorta de danni in qualunque genere de beni».
17 Statutum, seu leges municipales communis ciuitatis Verularum, cit..
R. 30 - Quod Pascua Sylvarum vendantur.
Pscua Sylvarum communi Verulan, vendantur unicuique emere volenti per praepositos, qui
Potestatem habent ipsa vendere, & concedere plus offerenti cautionem prius habita, & primo pecunia recepta
ab illis personis que dicta pascua emere volet, tam desolutionem totius pretii, quod promittunt, quam etiam
defoluendis poenis, & bannis, quas, & quem incurrerent fiue cum eorum bestiis fiu e sine occasione
damnorumdatorum, vel dandorum in rebus communis praedicti, vel specialium personarum ipsius, &
teneantur foluere poenam, sicut soluunt Verulanus, si contra formam Statutorum per ipsos, vel bestias eorum
factum […] bestiae hominum civitatis Verulane possint pascua recipere in Sylvis, & Potestas teneatur hoc
facere bannire per civitatem Verulanam, qui vero praepositi teneantur dictas Sylvas, & pascua ter in anno,
videlicet, femel de Mense Maii, Iunii, & Iulli, & si non ipsis Sylvis inuenerint aliquas bestias teneantur
proposito iuramento accusare».
Statute of Veroli, Book Fifth, Art. 30 from D. ZINANNI, Statuti di Veroli, cit., p. 30. «Art. 30 – Sui
pascoli boschivi. I pascoli dei boschi del Comune devono essere venduti a chiunque li chiede. Gli appositi
incaricati hanno il potere di assegnarli al maggiore offerente, dopo che costui ha versato la cauzione in
denaro, sia per il pagamento totale del prezzo convenuto, sia per i danni che le sue bestie possono arrecare ai
beni del Comune o di privati cittadini, a norma degli articoli che trattano delle bestie che arrecano danno.
Tuttavia le bestie dei verolani possono pascolare liberamente nei boschi del comune e a tal fine il Podestà è
tenuto a far gettare il bando per la città. Gli incaricati sono tenuti ad ispezionare i boschi tre volte l’anno, a
maggio, giugno e luglio e se trovano delle irregolarità debbono farne denuncia secondo il giuramento
prestato».
Ivi, p.339. «Art. 53 – Le cese presso i boschi comunali
Chiunque ha dei possessi presso i boschi del Comune, non può fare delle “cese” in alcun modo. Chi
contravviene incorre in una penale di 10 libbre di multa. Si creda.».
134

In this sense, following the shepherds reasons, the Governor adds that, allowing the autonomous
«ristretta dei beni», there woud be an excessive limitation of the grazing, and so a consequent
decrease of the number of the animals.
The Governor submits his observations to the Consulta, evalueting illegal the practice of the
Veroli's citizens, as «a nessuno possa competere di restringere autonomamente i propri beni, ma che
in tutto debba rispettarsi le disposizioni statutarie» 18 .
At the end of this story, the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo confirms the decisions of
the Governor, legitimizing the motivations of the shepherds and forcing the grazing to respect the
city's Statute 19 .
18 BG, b. 5370. Letter of the Governor Ravizza to the Sacra Congregazione del Buongoverno dated on
October 9, 1741: «imperòcchè se venisse permessa la ristretta de Beni, oltre il rendersi angusto il Pascolo,
per cui ne deriverebbe la diminuzione del numero degli animali, ed in conseguenza anche del dazio […] che
nell’anno esige questa Comunità, soggiacerebbero inoltre essi Pastori alla spesa della compra de Pascoli da
Particolari, e alle pene a commodo de medesimi, quando che dal Ius è libero di quella Communità.
Prima dunque di venire all’ultimazione di tal pendenza ho stimato mio preciso debito, anche a
seconda del prescrittomi da codesta Sagra Consulta […] implorarne da V. E., e dalla medesima Sagra
Consulta […] se debba io dichiarare, che a niuno competa il restringere i propri beni, ma che in tutto si
osservi la disposizione statutaria, e la risoluzione di suddetti consigli, ad oggetto, che quella Communità
continui non solo la libera esigenza da Bestiami, che colà li ritrovano, […] e li zelanti e li pastori non
soggiacciano al pedaggio indoveroso di dover pagare il Pascolo a Particolari, oltre la Colletta
Communitativa, maggiormente che ogniuno può apporre qualche legno ne propri Beni, ed in questo caso ne
deriverebbe l’allontanamento de Pastori co’ loro Bestiami, colla distruzione in coerenza del Provento
suddetto a danno della prefatta Communità e mentre starò attendendo ciò che farà per comandarmi codesta
Sagra Congregazione, resto all’E.V. profondamente inchinandomi. Frosinone, 9 ottobre 1741. Ravizza».
19 BG, b. 5370. Letter of the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo to the Prefect Cardinal, dated on
December 18, 1743. «Propostasi nuovamente in S. Consulta l’istanza dei Consiglieri e Magistrato della Città
di Veroli, sopra la Controversia pendente dell’Ius Pascendi che liberamente si pretende dai padronali dei
bestiami in quel territorio, et anco nei luoghi ristretti, la medesima e stata di senso di recedere dalla
risoluzione, e rispettiva approvazione di alcuni Capitoli fatti nel di 24 del mese di Giugno dai Consiglieri, e
cittadini dell’istessa Città di Veroli, ordinando, che le parti deduchino su di ciò le loro ragioni in Sacra
Congregazione del Buon Governo e che fra tanto Monsignor Governatore di Frosinone faccia eseguire
l’Editto da lui pubblicato di Novembre dell’Anno 1741, sopra la libertà del pascolo a forma di quello
Statuto».
135

Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni
The Town of Veroli in the late Middle Ages
After more than twenty years since the discussion of the thesis in this subject 1 , I refer here the
headlines and limited to the statutes, but updating the results with the following researches.
The Fourteenth and Fifteenth centuries are considered a period of progressive decline of the
communal phenomenon in the southern Lazio as elsewhere, but it is also the period to which
Giorgio Falco assigns by intuition the most significant normative vestiges of the main
municipalities of the area, i.e the statutes 2 . Indeed one of the main motives of interest for the latemedieval
history of the municipality of Veroli derived from the ascertainment of how little we
know about the statutory corpus, arrived at us through a copy of 1540 and, at least apparently,
without certain chronological references 3 .
In order to give a reasoned historical position to the statutory system passed down us, I followed
two directions of the study: firstly the research – in the edited and unpublished sources – of the
different names of the persons mentioned by the statutory text; then the reconstruction of the
vicissitudes of the town of Veroli, through the collection of the surviving documentation, that is the
municipal diplomatics, understood in the widest possible sense, so as not to exclude any historical
circumstance which may have left traces in the statutes. In practice, it was a massive perusal of the
documents, that I'm continuing to do today (currently reviewing the photo-reproduced parchments
of the Trisulti Archive).
Obviously, I am aware that the municipal statutes have often been drafted using so to speak
“materiali di spoglio”, that is, tracing oldest statutory provisions or upper ambit normative texts,
starting from the Justinian codification and the decretals. Furthermore, there is no doubt that some
statutory rules have been subject to frequent updates, as well as that entire rubrics have been added
according the changing of the practical needs over time; generally and for an easily understandable
operating mechanism, the added rules are at the end of each book 4 .
However, I believe that there are sections of the statutory texts that – in the period of marked
decay of the municipal autonomies – have been easily cristalized, although they were applied more
and more with difficulty or were no longer at all, indeed maintained in the text more by obstinacy of
the municipalities than by the practical purposes. In my view, the statutory rules which most easily
may have had this sort, should be the ones which relate to the political and judicial autonomy, to the
fundamental and procedural criminal law.
1
Il Comune di Veroli nel tardo Medioevo, dissertation at the La Sapienza University of Roma,
Faculty of Law, a.a. 1995-96, relator Prof. Mario Caravale.
2
Of course, I refer to the fundamental essay by G. FALCO, I comuni della Campagna e della Marittima nel
Medio Evo, originally published in several parts in Archivio della Società romana di storia patria, 42 (1919),
47 (1924), 48 (1925), 49 (1926), and republished in ID., Studi sulla storia del Lazio nel Medioevo, Roma
1988 (Miscellanea della Società romana di storia patria, 24), pp. 419-690 (in this edition, a p. 680-681, note
1278, the judgment concerning the statutes of Alatri, Anagni, Ferentino, Piperno, Sezze and Veroli, which,
«per quanto in parte di data più recente», are useful to know the municipal institution of the Fourteenth
century).
3
I do not intend to inflict on the local historiography of the past, meritorious in other aspects, but it will
suffice to say that there may be simultaneous narrative and contradictory statements, as the identification of
the statutory text with the rules of the Roman-republican municipium, the approvals of the same by Boniface
VIII and the update in occasion of the manuscript drafting of 1540.
4
Cf. for example, the considerations expressed by Statuta civitatis Ferentini, edited by M. VENDITTELLI,
Roma 1988, pp. LV-LVIII.
136

The names of the people in the statutory text of Veroli
137

The statutory corpus passed down us is organized into five books, according to a pattern spread
during the Fourteenth century in the cities of the southern Lazio 5 . The first book is divided into
forty-four rubrics and it mainly concerns the municipal authorities, the method of their election and
their duties; in the manuscript of 1540, however, the rubrics 45-49 are missing at the end of the
book, which are reported in the Tabula of the manuscript itself and are textually present in the next
printed edition of 1657 6 . The second, in twenty-one rubrics, concerns civil procedural law. In the
third book, eighty-one rubrics regulate the criminal law, both under the procedural and substantive
profile, investing even greater crimes, such as murder, rape, and political betrayal. The fourth book
contains sixty-five rubrics about the damna data, that is, the case of crops damage. Finally, the fifth,
divided into eighty-nine rubrics, includes the rules disciplining the trade, the public hygiene, the
construction, the road system, the water use, the public land exploitation, various productive
activities and the working relationships.
We come to prosopographic check.
In the first book, the rubric 16, De mandatario, reads: «[...] pręcon debeat preconizare [...] ante
domum Bucii Pauli, [...] ante domum Iacobi Claranelli, [...] supra hortum Nicolai Orlandi, ante
domum Andree Petri Leonardi». Well, three of these four personages are recorded in archive
documents: Bucius Pauli is attested in the years 1382-1405 7 ; Iacobus Claranelli in the years 1373-
1391 8 ; while Andreas Petri Leonardi is still living in 1426 9 .
In the fifth book, there are five rubrics bearing the names of people, referred to as living or dead:
the rubric 7, Nullus faciat turpitudinem in viis et locis infrascriptis, in other places, names
the «palearium quondam Ioannis Amatonis» and the «hortum quondam Ioannis Loterii»; in archive
documents, Ioannes Amatonis is attested still living in the years 1366-1381 10 and Ioannes Loterii is
in 1397 11 ;
the rubric 17, Quilibet possit ire iuxta fossatum Balnei, authorizes anyone to walk along the
water course of the Bagno «a molendino Petri Nigri usque ad terram heredum Petri Celani»; the
mill of Pietro Niger appears in a notarial act of 1381 12 ; while there is the son of the second
personage, the notary Antonius Petri Celani who draws up in 1385 13 ;
the rubric 19, Nullus devastet gurgos dum canapis iacet, states that «licitum tamen sit
unicuique Verulano facere gurgos pro stuppa sua [...] a molendino de Cacciantibus et infra»; such
mill is mentioned in a document of 1407 14 ;
5
For the general character of the statutes of the area and their partition in books, cf. G. FALCO, I
comuni, cit., pp. 679-690.
6
Cf. C. BILANCIONI, Statutum seu leges municipales communis civitatis Verularum, Velitris 1657, pp. 27-29.
7
Municipal Historical Archive of Veroli (then only VASC), Fond of the Ospedale della Passione, reg. 1;
Vatican Apoostolic Library (then only BAV), Fond of S. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XXIII, perg. 2.
8
Archive of Trisulti (then only Trisulti), parch. 7595; BAV, Fond of S. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. III, parch. 14;
ibid., fasc. XIII b, parch. 12; ibid, fasc. XVIII b, parch. 11.
9
Archive Scaccia Scarafoni in Veroli, parch. dated 1426 lug. 6.
10
VASC, parch. IX; ibid, Fond of the Ospedale della Passione, reg. 1, c. 43r; BAV, Fond of S. Erasmo of
Veroli, fasc. XIX, parch. 13; ibid, fasc. XXII, parch. 19; Giovardiana Library in Veroli (then only
Giovardiana Library), parch. P. XIV.
11
Capitulary Archive of St. Andrea in Veroli (then only Chapter of St. Andrea), parch. 452.
12
Giovardiana Library, parch. P. XV.
13
Trisulti, unit 7677, parch.
14
Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 247.
138

the rubric 59, De defensis Cesarum, Plane, Pastine et Buzanilli, contains 29 names of people
and families 15 ; among these Bucius Brachalis is attested in the years 1374-1378 16 , Bucius Nicolai is
in the years 1383-1393 17 , Gentilis de Gavitiis in the years 1381-1382 18 , Iacobus Mattei – mentioned
as deceased in the statutory text – is documented still living in 1396 19 , Ioannes Casconis is found in
1376 20 , Ioannes Leporis in the years 1371-1384 21 , Ioannes Normandi in 1384 22 , Nicolaus Perronis
in the period 1377-1397 23 , Sanctus Nicolatii is living in 1382 but dead before September 8, 1401 24 ;
Simolus is attested in 1377 25 ;
the rubric 71, Quod reparetur murus rupis S. Angeli, prescribes that the repair is done
«incipiendo ab ecclesia predicta usque ad domum quondam Petri Mactei»; Petrus Mathei is attested
still living in 1348-1356 and now dead in 1365 26 .
The chronological indications collected for each of the aforementioned six rubrics appear
compatible with each other and, considering them all simultaneously and – considering that, in the
statutes, certain persons are living and other quondam, that is deceased – we get two chronological
extremes, quite close to each other: 1397 and 1401.
Obviously, the attribution of the statutory corpus to this period is a work hypotesis which needs
to be validated with other elements, because otherwise it would be easy to object that these rubrics –
and not the statutory system – are to date back to the period between the end of the Fourteenth
century and the beginning of the Fifteenth century. In fact, from this profile of ideas, it should be
noted that there is a further statutory rubric containing the names of people and that the
chronological indication which can be derived, direct to much later period; it is the fourth last of the
Book IV, the 62, Quibus locis et temporibus porci teneri possint in territorio Verulano, which,
among other things, gives the name of Andreas Spana («ad domos Andree Spane»), well-
15
«Nullus genus bestiarum [...] aliquo tempore anni pascua recipiat infra defensas Cesarum, videlicet [...] a
domo Bartholomei Ioannis Nicolai, a domo domini Iacobi, a torculare Simoli, turri Andreę Contis, domo
Andree Antinerii, domo Andree domini Iacobi, ponte Nicolai Perronis, fonte vadi Leti; nec non infra
defensas Plani bestie pecudine, caprine vel porcine [...] non ambulent ac pascua recipiant, videlicet a fonte
Sancti Cesarii exeundo per directum a capite terrarum Ioannis Normandi de Preturo per directum ad domos
Bucii Brachalis, exeundo per directum a capite terrarum Andree Ioannis per directum ad domos Blasii
Todini, exinde per directum ad domum Sancti Nicolatii, de inde exeundo per directum ad domum quondam
Petri Capriolis, [...] ex inde per directum ad domum Ioannis Casconis, ex inde per directum ad terras domini
Iacobi, per directum ad vadum Sancti Erasmi et per ipsum fossatum ad domum Mei Infantocchi, exeundo per
stratam seu ad turrim domini Pauli domine Imperatisse, ex inde exeundo a pede terrarum Nicolai Cercie que
fuerunt Alexandri, exeundo ad domum Butii Nicolai [...], exinde per directum ad turrim heredum Iacobi
Mattei [...], deinde ad domum delli Leccagliossi, deinde ad domum quondam domini Iacobi Bartolomei
Boccaniri, de inde ad domum Sactilis, per directum ad turrim Mei Petri [...]. Insuper nulla bestia [...] intret
inter sive infra defensas Pastine, videlicet [...] ad fontem Ioannis Bovis [...], exeundo per directum vineę
Rogeroni [...], exeundo ad canapinam quondam Leonardi Martellacii, per directum ad domum Ioannis
Leporis, per directum ad domum Gentilis de Gavitiis [...]».
16
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XXI, parch. 13; ibid, fasc. XXIV, parch. 12.
17
Campanari Archive deposited in the Giovardiana Library (then only A. Campanari), parch. 17; Capitulary
of St. Andrea, parch. 152; BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo di Veroli, fasc. XVIII b, parch. 5.
18
Giovardiana Library, parch. P. XIV, P. XVI, P. XVII.
19
Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 86.
20
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XVIII a, parch. 11.
21
Ibid, fasc. XII b, parch. 13; ibid, fasc. XIII b, parch. 9; ibid, fasc. XXII, parch. 14.
22
VASC, Fond of the Ospedale della Passione, reg. 1, c. 48r.
23
Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 452; A. Campanari, paper fond, unit 389, Traduzzione di alcuni istrumenti
antichi scritti in pergamena (...).
24
VASC, Fond of the Ospedale della Passione, reg. 1, c. 28v; CapitularyCapitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 674.
25
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo di Veroli, fasc. XVIII a, parch. 12.
26
Trisulti, parch. 7649; BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. III, parch. 8.
139

documented person in the period 1491-1527 27 . But it is the same position of the rubric at the end of
the book IV to suggest the addition at a time after the drafting of the statutory corpus, according to
the mentioned customs to introduce the reforms at the end of the books. Moreover, for one of the
five rubrics, missing in the statutory manuscript at the end of the first book, the 47, Modus
distribuendi salem, there is the certainty that it is a reform of 1465, because we find the cedula (I
use the terminology of the rubric 31 of the Book I, De electione statutariorum), even in a erudite
trascription of the XVIII century 28 .
The statutes passed down and the municipal diplomatics of the XIV century
The history of the municipality of Veroli is considered by Giorgio Falco as an example for the
consular period in the southern Lazio: the first mention of the Consuls is in 1134 and it is the oldest
in Campagna e Marittima; beginning from 1147 the jurisdictional functions are manifested; and
from 1152 their connection with the city notary emerges, and maybe also the power to create the
notaries 29 .
Moreover, there is no doubt that – as in almost all of the southern Lazio – in Veroli the access to
the consulate remains an exclusive of the urban nobility, that is that class of landowners and
jurisprudents for family tradition (notaries, prosecutors, judges), which constitute the focal point of
the civic autonomies already since the second half of the XI century – as Falco marks – and in the
consular municipality of the thirteenth century play an irreplaceable role thanks to the expertise in
public affairs and the performance of the onerous armed service on horseback, real strike force of
the city troops 30 . Unlike other cities, this situation does not activate civil controversies.
Initially the Consular College of Veroli is composed by three members, then in agreement with a
general tendency to decrease the number during the second half of the century 31 , the consuls are two
in the acts between 1166 and 1181. Conversely, then, they are four in 1217 and six in 1228. The
numeral of six is the last one to be attested and, on the subject, it seems appropriate to recall the
widespread orientation of that period to coincide the number of the consuls with the one of the city
districts or with its multiple, long lasting use in the municipalities of the Lazio, as it meets the
double need to ensure an adequate representativeness of the magistrates through their extraction
from all the urban areas and to achieve, «grazie a una ripartizione molto equilibrata della
popolazione tra i differenti quartieri», the participation in the choice of the consuls 32 . For Veroli, the
oldest memories of the city partition in district are of 1195, they are called scripte, a name which is
found in the extant statutes and which seems to be derived from the population lists drawn up for
27
Giovardiana Library in Veroli, parch. P. XXXXIII, P. XXXXIV, P. XXXXVI, P. LII, P. LIII, P. LIV.
28
A. Campanari, paper fond, unit 389, «Memorie antiche e buone». An original cedula is preserved in the
Giovardiana Library, parch. P. LI (already 922 of the Spani Molella Archive in Veroli): [1516, Veroli]-1517
gen. 3, Frosinone, statutory reforms regarding the prohibition of possessing more than two pigs per person
and the obligation to elect only doctors in law: it has the approval with an autographed signature of the
province's lieutenant, Zaccaria elected bishop of Assisi. Note that, of this reform of 1516.17, there is no trace
in the statutory which has passed down so much throught the transcription of 1540, as well as through the
print edition Statutum seu leges, cit.
29
Cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., pp. 448, 450; P. TOUBERT, Les structures du Latium médiéval. Le Latium
méridional et la Sabine du IX au XIII siècle, Rome 1974, p. 116; J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie in
Umbria, Marche e Lazio, in Comuni e signorie nell’Italia nordorientale e centrale: Lazio, Umbria e
Marche, Lucca, Torino 1987, pp. 321-582: 383; C. CARBONETTI VENDITTELLI, Per un contributo alla storia
del documento comunale nel Lazio dei secoli XII e XIII. I comuni delle provincie di Campagna e Marittima,
in Mélange de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Age, 101 (1989), 1, pp. 95-132: 117s.
30
About the role of the city nobility in the municipal institution of the Southern Lazio, cf. G. FALCO, I
comuni, cit., pp 437-441, 445s, 491-550 passim; J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie, cit., pp 365-368,
397-418 passim; ID., Nobiltà e popolo nei comuni del Lazio meridionale, in Il Lazio meridionale tra Papato
e Impero al tempo di Enrico VI, Roma 1991, pp 203-213 passim.
31
Cf. J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie, cit., p. 416.
32
Cf. ibidem.
140

administrative and probably military purposes 33 . However, we do not know the total number of the
scripte of 1195 and the sources silence is total until the statutory text, in which they are about 10.
However, the consuls number of 1228 finds correspondence in the first documentation of a
following municipal magistrate: the comestabiles peditum, which, in fact, in 1323 are six, of
popular extraction and commanded by a comestabilis militum, of noble extraction 34 . Then, in the
course of the Fourteenth century, the situation changes, because the resolution of January 5, 1393
shows that the college of the popular comestabiles is now composed by ten members 35 , the same
number attested by the statutes (book I, rubr. 16) and linked to the number of the scripte, being
elected «unus videlicet pro qualibet scripta». With these information, it seems likely that the
number of the scripte between 1228 and 1323 was six and that during the seventy years later it
came to 10, number crystallized until the modern age.
In the meantime, the phase of the podestà of Veroli was beginning rather uncertain, because the
department of the podestà makes its first appearance in the documentation in 1239 36 and it was
certainly elected by the city according to custom in force in all the main centres of the Campagna
before 1229 37 , but then the poor municipal diplomatics of the following decades of the Thirteenth
century lets perceive how, in Veroli, the transition from the consular regime to the podestry takes
place through a path which is far from linear, in a succession of different situations in which
alternate – and perhaps, sometimes, coexist – the elements of the consulate and of the department of
33
Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 167, 181 (published in C. SCACCIA SCARAFONI, Le carte dell’Archivio
capitolare della cattedrale di Veroli, Roma 1960, pp. 254-256) and fragment 13, unpublished. About the
subject cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 454s.
34
Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 179: 1323 nov. 11, Torrice, «Coram nobilibus viris Petro Lea de Piperno,
potestate, et do(mi)no Andrea quondam do(mi)ni Iacobi, conestabili militum, ac discretis viris Phylippo
Egidii, Riçardo Calzolario, Bonohomine de Turri, Iohanne Caldarario, Egidio Blasii Donadei et Nicolao
Mazarante de Verulis, conestabilibus peditum civitatis Verulane», the canonical Matteo quondam domini
Nicolai, prosecutor of the bishop Tommaso and of the cathedral chapter, presents the rescript with which
Gerardo de Valle, rector of the provence, orders to the podestà, to the councile and to the conestabiles of
Veroli to induce the aforementioned prosecutro in possession of the lands of Valle S. Giovanni and of Colle
Longo at Torrice, following a dispute between the lords of this castle and the Church of Veroli; finally,
«presente populo Verulano ad hoc specialiter congregato», the officers of the municipality enter into
possession «per glebas terrarum» the prosecutor.
35
A. Campanari, parch. 17: 1393 gen. 5, Veroli, «[...] congregato et choadunato consilio et supraconsilio
nobilium et prudentium virorum infrascriptorum de civitate Verularum, videlicet viri nobilis et prudentis
Butii Nicolai dompni Iacobi, capitanei predicte civitatis Verularum per excellentissimum et reverendum
dominum Honoratum Gaytanum, Dei gratia Fundorum, Campanie et Maritime comitem, ac etiam
nichilhominus in dicta civitate comestabilis militum, et infrascriptorum aliorum officialium comestabilium
dicte civitatis, videlicet Belli Iohannis Bartholomei nichilhominus scyndici dicti communis Verulani, Antonii
Iohannis Loterii, Bartholomei Iacobi Bartholomei, Butii Pascalis, Nardi Pauli Cellarari, Gorii Marulli, Belli
Berardi, Buczarelli Sgravatoris, Cole Bartholomei, Buczarelli Iacobi Macthei, et infrascriptorum
consiliariorum, videlicet Pauli Calandre, Nardi Girardi, Butii Cole, Pauli Froscie, Antonii magistri Blaxii,
Petri Leonardi, Petrelle, Tutii Butii, Andree Leporicchio, Amatutii, Dominici Iohannis Gregorii, Dominici
Girardi, Buczarelli Gualgani, Tutii Honufrii, Stephani Mei Iohannis, Antonii Petri Albasie, Nardi Iacobi
Leonardi, Iohannis Sancti Nicolacti, Nardi de Sire et Cole Lei consiliariorum et officialium dicte civitatis,
cum adosa multorum aliorum bonorum virorum de civitate predicta ad hoc consilium specialiter vocatorum,
in palatio communis dicte civitatis, de mandato nobilis viri Nicolai Iohannis de Roma de Anagnia, potestatis
dicte civitatis per excellentissimum comitem supradictum, ad sonum campane vocemque preconis, more
solito [...]».
36
It is the podestà dominus Luca, perhaps of Vico since he uses the judge Giovanni de Vico for the
jurisdictional functions. Cf. C. SCACCIA SCARAFONI, Regesti delle carte dell’Archivio capitolare della
Cattedrale di Veroli (sec. XIII), Veroli 1985, p. 59s; G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 559n.
37
Cf. G. H. PERTZ, Epistolae saeculi XIII e regestis pontificum Romanorum selectae, Berolini 1883, 1, n.
388.
141

the podestà, according to a phenomenon well-documented elsewhere 38 . Thus, in 1244, the city
appears governed again by consuls, and in the 1258, by rectores 39 . Only from 1277 we can highlight
the prevalence of the regime of the podestà, even with the evolution of the communal duties to more
complex forms: the podestà is flanked by a judge who is his vicar also outside the judicial function;
however, – even though it is the functional apex of the town - they have no power of external
representation, which, vice versa, is up to a prosecutor appointed from time to time, jointly by the
city parliament and by the podestà himself; at the same time, the notariatus communis asserts itself,
that is, from the establishment of a stable office which, organic to the municipality itself, provides
for documenting its activity with public faith 40 .
With the 90's of the Thirteenth century, the department of the podestà is finally stabilized, thanks
to the election of the cardinal Benedetto Caetani in 1294, which we find again as podestà in 1296,
when he is already ascended to the pontificate 41 . It is well-known its policy of open favour for the
communal liberties and for the evolution of the municipalities in the popular sense, as opposed to
the feudal dominance 42 , so that we can be assumed that he plays also and just in Veroli as podestà,
even through the vicars by which he is represented 43 . Therefore, it is to be assumed that then the
regime of the podestà would coincide with the popular organization of the town, or at least with a
sensible opening of the communal institutions to the classes which had not been identified with the
consulate.
In this context, it should be seen the constitution “Romana mater” of September 28, 1295, with
which Boniface VIII confirms – to all municipalities of Campagna which are in actual possession
for privilege or custom – the civil and criminal jurisdiction of the first instance, with the related
income, and establishes the principle of the prevention among the municipal judges and the ones of
the provincial curia, prohibiting those abuses until then recurring by the rector and his officials as
Bonifacio VIII himself denounces in a passage of this constitution 44 . The “Romana mater” is
particularly important for Veroli, which, without any specific privileges, had to support an hard
court dispute against the rector of the province in the early 80's, to recognize his criminal
jurisdiction on merely customary bases 45 .
38
Cf. J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie, cit., p. 418s.
39
For the consuls of 1244, cf. C. SCACCIA SCARAFONI, Regesti, cit., p. 64s; G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 488.
For the rectores of 1258, the document is in BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XXXII, parch. 8;
references in G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 513n.
40
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XXVI, parch. 27; ibid fasc. XVIIb, parch. 10; VASC, parch. II
(lacerated and mutilated, but transcribed still complete in A. Campanari, paper fund, unit 389, «Memorie
antiche e buone»). References in G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., pp. 514n, 562; C. CARBONETTI VENDITTELLI, Per
un contributo alla storia del documento comunale, cit., pp. 121, 123, 128n.
41
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XXVI, parch. 32 and 36. References in G. FALCO, I comuni, cit.,
p. 514n.
42
Cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., pp 472-475; E. DUPRÉ THESEIDER, Bonifacio VIII, in Dizionario biografico
degli Italiani, Roma 1970, 12, pp 146-170: 166; D. WALEY, Lo stato papale, cit., p. 270s; J. C. MAIRE
VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie, cit., p. 565.
43
They are two citizenz of Anagni: the magister Nicola Gualterii and the scriniarius Pietro. Cf. nota 41.
44
Cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 551s; P. COLLIVA, Il cardinale Albornoz, lo Stato della Chiesa, le
«Constitutiones Aegidianae» (1353-1357), Bologna 1977, p. 283ss; G. FLORIDI, La“Romana mater” di
Bonifacio VIII e le libertà comunali nel basso Lazio, Guarcino 1985, pp 3-31.
45
From the wounding - instrumentis ferreis – of Pietro Eremita of Bauco, by Nicola Scottus of Veroli, near
the walls of the Casamari abbey, there is the dispute between Veroli and Giffredo, province's rector, about
the criminal jurisdiction of the municipality; the guilty is brought to trial by the magistrate of Veroli, but the
rector of the province takes the judgement upon himself and – considered the denial by the municipal, which
claims his old jurisdiction - launches the excommunication; after this, the city appeals to the Apostolic See,
affirming that its consuls and podestà have exercised since immemorial time criminal justice «quandoque
suspendio, quandoque erutione oculorum, quandoque fustigatione, quandoque combustione, quandoque
pecunialiter, prout delicti qualitas exigebat», and this also with respect to the foreigners, for crimes
142

The political situation of Veroli, as of the whole province, radically changes after the death of
Boniface VIII and with the papacy's residence in Avignon. In this context, it is not possible to
retrace all the events of the period, which are very stingy, bloody and complex, because the
Fourteenth century is characterized in this area with episodes of difficult interpretation, while the
documentation offers a misleading terminology, since the same words are used to indicate
completely different political and institutional situations, as it happens «quando una fase di reazione
segue un periodo di grandi conquiste popolari» 46 . An aphorism which may also apply to the
statutory texts.
Indeed, the statutes of Veroli have a unique feature in the southern Lazio, which has been
highlighted by Giorgio Falco: they are the only statutes which consider the election of the council
through the citizens' votes, however to be held scripta for scripta separately 47 . This historical fact is
of great importance, but there is another element of uniqueness in the statutes of Veroli, although
so far not detected: the rubric De electione potestatis (book I, rubr. 2) authorizes implicitly to elect
as podestà a citizen, since the mediani appointed to the election of the council have the only
prohibition to vote for themselves or for their own consanguineous. Neither it is sufficient to
remenber that the rule of the stranger podestà has long been a principle of public order in
municipalities, so it is not necessary to recall it. Indeed, the lack of this norm in the statutes of
Veroli is disconcerting considering that, vice versa, the same rubric De electione potestatis
considers that the same mediani elect a notary obligatorily stranger, at the service of the podestà.
The idea that there may have been indigenous podestà has prompted the writer to research and
chronologically order all the names of those who performed this office between the Fourteenth
century and most of the Fifteenth century.
For the XIV century, all the podestà found in the surviving documentation are strangers, but the
research provides some interesting information about the provenience of these municipal officers.
About just over twenty identified podestà (but in a century there should have been about two
hundred, considering the six-month duration as evidenced by the statutes), nine come from Piperno
(the current Priverno) and two respectly from Bologna, Ferentino, Roma and Velletri; indeed only
one comes from Anagni, Capua, Faenza, Frosinone, Piglio and Parma.
Indeed the provenience of the foreign communal officials is not an element of secondary
importance in the life of the municipalities 48 , because it is the vehicle for the diffusion of the legal
and political culture, especially when these officers (among which we should include also the
vicars-judges and notaries of the podestà) come from areas where mostly the law studies flourish.
committed in its territory; on August 12, 1282, invested of the judgment, Bernardo Iohannini, auditor of
Camera, delegates Crescenzo, bishop of Alatri, for the examination of the testimonies; the bishop
subdelegates this task to Stefano, canonic of Alatri and chaplain of the cardinal of St. Giorgio al Velabro; at
the end, in the name of the auditor of Camera, the final sentence is pronounced by the magister Giovanni de
Papa, who decides in favour of the city of Veroli. At least until the XVIII century, the Municipal Archive of
Veroli preserved documentation of this dispute and, in particular, two acts: one of 1281, written by the
scriniario Bartolomeo de Iohanne of Veroli, and the other of 1282, written by scriniario Andrea Maniarante
of Veroli. Today none of these documents is present in the Historical Archive of the Municipality, nor there
is a copy in the Campanari Archive, among the learned documents of Vittorio Giovardi, who also had to
examine them at least in part, as we read in Municipal Library of Veroli, V. GIOVARDI, Historia Verularum,
ms. del 1780 circa, cc.[186-188]. Notizie in V. CAPERNA, Storia di Veroli, Veroli 1907, pp. 257, 324s; F.
MELLONJ, Prospetto istorico della città di Veroli, Veroli 1995, p. 119s.
46
Cf. J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie, cit., p. 527.
47
The statutory norm is in the book I, rubr. 1. In this regard, cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 683, which also
describes the nomination system followed in the other municipalities: «per estrazione a sorte su liste
preparate da imbussolatores o mediani eletti dagli ufficiali in carica».
48
The multiple reasoning which lends itself to the origin of this personel at the service of the towns are
examined in I podestà dell’Italia comunale. Parte I. Reclutamento e circolazione degli ufficiali forestieri
(fine XII sec.-metà XIV sec.), a cura di J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Roma 2000.
143

Moreover, if generally the municipalities of Campagna «non hanno, pare, i mezzi politici e
finanziari per reclutare i loro podestà al di là di un raggio abbastanza limitato» 49 , it is worth noting
that, at least in part, for Veroli it can be attributed the presence of the podestà of illustrious origin to
the necessities connected with crucial moments of the municipal life, when it is necessary to arrange
the civic institutions and, probably, to regenerate the statutory corpus. In particular, I am referring
to Riccardo de Sabinianis of Bologna, who, as podestà, practises the criminal jurisdiction at Veroli
in December 1376 50 , and to Federico Dellalata of Parma, who celebrates a trial between October
1399 and February 1400 51 .
In fact, the bolognese Riccardo de Sabinianis is the first podestà who enters in the offices after
the attenuation of the punitive regime against Veroli, as well as the other municipalities which had
rebelled against the rector of the province in 1366, or had fought against the claim to extend to the
Campagna the Constitutiones sanctae matris Ecclesiae, dictated by the Cardinal Albornoz for the
Marca anconetana, and to supplant with it the traditional regional character of the law of the State of
the Church, including the bonifacian constitution “Romana mater” and the same municipal
freedom 52 . But, within a year, the insurrection had run out and the rebel towns had demanded and,
in 1368, had obtained the forgiveness by Urban V, but it had cost to them the loss of the podestà's
election and of any jurisdiction 53 . Then, in March 1376, the need to ensure the loyalty of the
Campagna municipalities induces Gregory XI to grant a partial reinstatement of the regime
established by the “Romana mater”: in practise, the nomination of the podestà remains to the
Church but in the sphere of the candidates proposed by the towns; the criminal jurisdiction and the
proceeds of the justice are once again recognized to the municipalities; the free election of the
majors and the validity of the council resolutions are restored, as long as approved by the provincial
rector 54 . For this reorganization of the municipal institutions, Veroli must have had the need to have
available a podestà with a broader legal education than the surrounding region could offer.
The case of the parmigian podestà Federico Dellalata is even cleares, because it comes in a
moment that is very particular in the political-istitutional profile and which is worth spending more
than a few words.
49
Cfr. J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie, cit., p. 423.
50
Capitulary of S. Andrea, parch. 338: 1376 dic. 11 and 12, Veroli, Riccardo de Sabinianis of Bologna, juris
consult and podestà of Veroli, with summons, «secundum formam statutorum communis dicte civitatis» and
proceeding «per viam et modum inquisitionis ex officio», absolves Giovanni Blasii Simeonis from the
accusation of being penetrated into the house of Bella Iohanne and hers daughter Maria, and having stolen a
basin of copper, of the value of more than one fiorino; he draws up the writing of the procedural documents
«Iohannes Iacobi Maximi de Piperno, publ. imp. auct. notarius et nunc notarius et officialis communis dicte
civitatis Verularum ad maleficia deputatus».
51
Ibid, parch. 339: 1399 oct. 7 - 1400 feb. 16 (Boniface IX, a. 11°), Veroli, Federico Dellalata of Parma,
podestà of Veroli, condemned Giacomo Tutii notarii Belli to legal expenses, for accusing slanderously
Letizia Benedicti and Giovanni Antoni dompne Perne to have abusively introduced two pigs to graze in the
garden which Giacomo himself claimed to be his, but that Maria de Caczantibus has shown that they belong
to her by succession of Pietro de Caczantibus, so that - «vigore statuti Verulani» - the same Maria was
legitimate to give permission for the introduction of the beasts into the garden; he draws up the writing of the
procedural documents «Iacobus Angeli Bave de Frusinone, publ. inp. auct. notarius et nunc notarius et
officialis curie communis civitatis Verularum».
52
About the rebellion cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., pp. 641-644. For the derivation of the Egidian only from
the legislation of the Marche and for the total extraneity to them of any influence of previous constitutions of
Capagna and especially of the Romana mater, cf. P. COLLIVA, Il cardinale Albornoz, cit., pp. 170-172, 283-
286, 298-318, 356.
53
For the conditions of forgiveness, cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 646ss, 678s, where he illustrates the legal
status of the municipalities at the end of the revolt, with the loss of the election of the podestà and of any
jurisdiction.
54
Cf. G. MOLLAT, Lettres secrètes et curiales du pape Gregoire XI, Roma 1965, n. 3705; G. FALCO, I
comuni, cit., p. 654s.
144

In 1378, with the election of Clement VII at Fondi, the West Schism began. From the beginning,
great supporter of the antipope (he has the very singular privilege of crowning him) and of the
Avignon obedience is Onorato Caetani (1336 about-April 20, 1400), count of Fondi and ardent man
of arms, yet rector of Campagna e Marittima during the pontificate of Gregorio XI, deprived of such
office by Urban VI 55 . Among the first acts of the antipope there is the restitution to Onorato of the
govern of this province, but elevated in the county and transmissible by succession. In the
immediately following years, through a more expert political and military tactic, the count of Fondi
manages to achieve the actual dominion of the Southern Lazio: the entire coastal zone and, in
inland, Anagni, Ceccano, Frosinone, Fumone and other castles. Until the beginning of 1383,
however showing signs of serious dissatisfaction with the provincial rector sent by Urban VI, the
cities of Alatri, Ferentino and Veroli remain in Roman obedience. Then, between March and April
1383 56 , after the death of the “romano” bishop Giovanni de Prato, Veroli passes on the side of
Onorato Caetani, to which he remained faithful until 1399, thus adhering to the so-called Avignon
obedience (the antipope Clemente VII went to reside in Avignon), even with the recurring political
duplicities cultivated by the same Count of Campagna 57 . Here it is not possible to rethink the
troubled political history of the province in those years, it is only necessary to say that, taking side
as for one as for the other obedience, the municipalities see their autonomy greatly compressed, in
favour of military commanders of papal or comitative nominee 58 . Moreover, they are years of
particular economic and food crisis, both caused by unbated war and by the continued military
spending – especially for mercenary troops – which burden on the population 59 , while there is the
very sad phenomenon of the exiled, deprived of all their substance 60 .
However, the adesion of Veroli to the Avignon obedience ends at the beginning of March 1399,
when, probably after «segrete intese con gli abitanti» 61 , the cardinal Ludovico Fieschi, vicar of
Boniface IX for the Campagna e Marittima, is welcomed in the city, «in domibus nobilis viri Cole
55
For informations and bibliography about Onorato Caetani cf. Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, Roma
1973, 16, sub voce a cura di E. R. LABANDE; M. T. CACIORGNA, La contea di Fondi nel XIV secolo, in Gli
ebrei a Fondi e nel suo territorio. Atti del convegno. Fondi 10 maggio 2012, a cura di G. LACERENZA, Napoli
2014, pp. 49-88. For the political action inherent the municipalities of Campagna e Marittima, cf. G. FALCO,
I comuni, cit., pp. 659-676; A. ESCH, Bonifaz IX. und der Kirchenstaat, Tübingen 1969, ad indicem; M. T.
CACIORGNA, La contea, cit., pp. 63-72.
56
The pontifical dating of the notarial documentation changes from that Urban VI to that of Clement VII
between March 5 (Trisulti, parch. 7639) and April 19, 1383 (Giovardiana Library, parch. P. XVIII).
57
For the duplicity of Onorato Caetani, who in February 1397 concludes a secret agreement with Bonifacio
IX to change obedience, cf. Dizionario biografico, cit., Roma 1970, 12, sub voce a cura di A. ESCH, p. 175.
58
In argument cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 675s; J. C. MAIRE VIGUEUR, Comuni e signorie, cit., p. 511.
59
For example, already in April 5, 1381, the noble widow Masa Nicolai Piscis justifies the sale of a house,
placed in Veroli and belonged to her youngest children, with the accumulated debts, «ac etiam pro vita et
nutrimento […] presente tempore carastie et brige generalis» (Giovardiana Library, parch. P. XV). For the
military expenses incurres by the municipality of Veroli imposing extraordinary collections that further
impoverish the population, cf. BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XII b, parch. 12 (1383 mag. 26);
ibid fasc. XV, parch. 3 (1383 giu. 21); ibid fasc. XXV, parch. 9 (1396 mar. 7); A. Campanari, parch. 17
(1393 jan. 5).
60
For Veroli, cf. for example the testament of «nobilis vir Iacobus, filius quondam Caczantis, de civitate
Verulana», who – taken refuge in Bauco, at the “Roman” bishop, in the home of a fellow citizen who also
escaped - in 1397 nov. 26 defers the esecution charity legacies at the moment «quando bona sua de Verulis
suis heredibus fuerint restituta» (Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 539).
61
Cf. G. FALCO, I comuni, cit., p. 674.
145

Cercie» 62 , and contemporary Lippo Caracciolo is invested of the nearby fief of the tower of
Massimo 63 .
Indeed, citizenship must have treated beforehand the conditions of field change, reaching with
the cardinal a very advantageous agreement, later consecrated in the apostolic letters “Romanus
pontifex” of August 1, 1399 64 , of fundamental importance for the municipal jurisdiction: on the
basis of the petition received, Boniface IX absolves the municipality and the citizens of Veroli from
all the spiritual and temporal penalties, in which they occurred for the crimes committed during the
Avignon obedience and annuls all the proceedings which have been concluded or are still open for
the same cases, for which he states that no judge can begin new procedures, except the papal legate
residing in Veroli; he confirms the privileges of the city and the legal positions acquired by the
individuals, both secular and ecclesiastical; he validates the public acts drawn up by schismatic
notaries; finally, he grants exclusive jurisdiction to the bishop of Veroli on the clerics and to the city
on the lays in every criminal and civil trial of the secular forum 65 .
Shortly after the recognition of this so full and exclusive jurisdiction, of which Veroli had not
even been enjoyed in the full force of the “Romana mater” (which ruled by the preventio the
relationships between the competing jurisdictions of the municipalities and of the provincial rector),
with all the implications associated to this new situation, we find as podestà the aforementioned
Federico Dellalata of Parma. I do not believe that it is too unreasonable to suppose that, among his
first tasks, he had to provide his advice in the work of generation of the city statutes, which
certaintly then takes place, perhaps in the sphere of a special collegiate magistrate, the statutari, of
which a regulation remains precisely in the survived statutes (book I, rubr. 31). We note that the
attribution of this statutory corpus at the end of XIV century is perfectly matched with the
calculations made on the basis of the prosopographical data of the persons mentioned in the text.
The idea that the statutory corpus passed down us is to be attributed to a reform of 1399-1400
also satisfies under other profiles. First of all for the free election of the podestà established by the
rubric 2 of the book I, in which the election is, just saying, “secca”, being not considered the choose
of a list of names to be proposed to the papal administration for the confirmation as it happens
between 1376 and the adherence to the schism. Also we note that on June 12, 1400 the litterae
gratiosae “Humilibus et honestis” intervene, with which Boniface IX grants to the municipalities of
Campagna e Marittima the unconditional restoration of the provincial constitution “Romana mater”
of Bonifacio VIII 66 , including the free election of the podestà.
62
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XXXIX, parch. 5, rescriptes in 1399 mar. 7, Veroli, with which
the cardinal Ludovico Fieschi dismisses Filippo de Mastro from the office of governor of the local hospital
of St. Maria Maddalena, because of his adherence to Avignon obedience and Count of Fondi.
63
The papal concession dates March 3, cf. G. SILVESTRELLI, Città, castelli e terre della regione romana,
Roma 1940, 1, p. 64; A. CUTOLO, Re Ladislao d’Angiò Durazzo, Napoli 1969, p. 230s.
64
A. Campanari, paper fond, unit 389, «Memorie antiche e buone», fasc. Memoriae ex Archivio
communitatis Verularum, transcription of the XVIII century, incomplete. Generical referencesin V. CAPERNA,
Storia di Veroli, cit., p. 360s; A. ESCH, Bonifaz IX., cit., p. 297, from the Archivio Segreto Vaticano,
Regestum Vaticanum 316, cc. 221v-224v.
65
«[...] Volumus etiam et eadem auctoritate statuimus quod populus, commune civitatis Verularum in aliena
curia criminali vel civili, super excessibus vel delictis patratis per eos vel aliquem eorundem, [...] trahi non
possint nisi dutaxat coram legato pro tempore existente Sedis eiusdem in eadem civitate Verulana [...]; et illis
absentibus ab huiusmodi civitate Verulana, clerici coram episcopo Verulano pro tempore existente, ac laici
cives et persone, habitatores et incole huiusmodi, in illis casibus qui forum seculare concernunt, etiam in
quibuscumque causis civilibus et criminalibus antedictis, et super illis coram eidem communi pro tempore
debeant conveniri, et per ipsum commune in eisdem causis civilibus et criminalibus quibuscumque, eundem
forum concernentibus, debeat iustitia ministrari [...]» .
66
Ed. in C. COCQUELINES, Bullarum, privilegiorum ac diplomatum Romanorum pontificum amplissima
collectio, cit., 3/2, p. 395ss. References in V. CAPERNA, Storia di Veroli, cit., p. 361; G. FALCO, I comuni, cit.,
p. 676; A. ESCH, Bonifaz IX., cit., p. 487.
146

Another reason for considering the statutory text of the end of the XIV century is in the criminal
subject, because on the one hand there are the major crimes, a circumstance incompatible with the
punitive regime following to the rebellion of 1366, on the other hand the rubric De modo
procedendi super maleficiis (book III, rubr. 1) conflicts with the egidian homonym (book IV, rubr.
1) regarding the procedure for inquisition, that the Veroli's statutes admit for all crimes, except of
the insult (book III, rubr. 3), while the Egidian restrict their use to the most serious crimes (book IV,
rubr. 2).
On the other hand, in the articulation of the facts and in the terminology, the Veroli's criminal
normative is certainly posterior to the Egidian, because often followed by the letter, as it is noted in
particular for some rubrics, which are proposed as an example.
Stat. III 17 Aeg. IV 41
De raptu mulierum, adulterio, incestu et
De raptu mulierum, adulterio, strupo et
stupro
fornicatione
Si quis mulierem nuptam, virginem vel
Mulierem nuptam vel virginem aut viduam
viduam aut monialem violenter rapuerit seu bone fame si quis violenter rapuerit seu per vim
per vim carnaliter cognoverit, aut stuprum carnaliter cognoverit, aut stuprum cum puero quis
cum puero si quis commiserit, aut in peccatum commiserit sive in peccatum sodomitichum
subdomiticum inciderit, existens maior inciderit, existens maior decem et octo annis,
decimo octavo anno, legalibus poenis se legalibus penis se noverit subiacere [...].
noverit subiacere [...].
Stat. III 30 Aeg. IV 30
De percussionibus cum armis vel sine
De pena percutientium cum armis
Siquis vel siqua percusserit vel
Si quis autem aliquem percuserit et
vulneraverit aliquem vel aliquam cum quibuscumque
armis ferreis vel ferratis, bastone vel bastone vel lapide in capite, cum fractura cranei
vulneraverit cum armis ferreis vel ferratis,
lapide, intus vel extra civitatem Verulanam, in et sanguinis effusione, puniatur in .C. florenis
capite cum fractura cranei et carnis, et in auri; si vero cum sanguine et non cum fractura
collo. et a collo supra cum sanguinis efusione, cranei, in quinquaginta florenis auri. Si vero cum
in quinquaginta libris vicequalibet puniatur; si armis aliquis vulneraverit in facie vel gula cum
autem vulneraverit in facie vel gula ex quo effusione sanguinis, ex quo vulnere sit cycatrix
vulnere cicatrix sit perpetuo remansura, pena enormis perpetuo remansura, in .IIc.florenis auri
duplicetur. Si vero sine sanguine, in capite, in puniatur; [...].
collo et a collo supra, cum dictis armis
vulneraverit, in viginti quinque vicequalibet
puniatur.
Stat. III 75 Aeg. IV 33
De ponentibus ad domum alicuius rem
De ponentibus ad domum alicuius
iniuriosam
habitationis cornus vel aliam rem iniuriosam
Si quis de nocte posuerit ad domum vel
hostium domus, sive ante domum alicuius,
cornu vel cornua bestiarum, fetens vel fetida
vel aliquid valde turpe, aut scripturam sive
cedulam continentem aliquod diffamatorium
vel obrobriosum domino vel habitatori domus,
in viginti libris vicequalibet puniatur et
tantundem iniurato, pro satisfactione iniuriae;
de quibus quilibet possit accusare et habeat
tertiam partem poenae. Si vero de die
et diffamatoriam
Si quis de nocte studiose posuerit ad domum
vel ostium alicuius sive ante domum alicuius
cornum sive cornua bestiarum, feces fetidas vel
aliquod valde turpe aut scripturam sive cedulam
continentem aliquod diffamatorium vel
obbrobriosum domino vel habitatori domus, in
viginti florenis auri puniatur; et, si de die, in
decem florenis auri puniatur.
147

praedicta commissa fuerint, in medietate
penae dictae puniatur.
Stat. III 76 Aeg. IV 37
De privato carcere
De privato carcere
Carcere privato detinens aliquem ultra tres
Carcere privato detinens aliquem ultra tres
dies, legali poena puniatur; minus vero dies, legali pena puniatur; minus vero detinens, si
detinens siquidem per unam diem vel infra, in quidem tenuerit per unum diem vel infra, in
libris quinquaginta; si vero ultra unam diem , .CXXV. florenis auri; si vero ultra unum diem in
in duplo puniatur, quam poenam si non duplo: quam penam si non solverit, in quocumque
dictorum casuum, infra terminum in
solverit infra octo dies, a die condemnationis
computandos, publice fustigetur per civitatem sententia statuendum, legali pena puniatur. Et si
a porta Sancti Lucii ad portam Sancte Crucis. propter metum talis carceris aliquod a carcerato
Et si per metum carceris aliquid a carcerato exigit ultra penam carceris, pro illo puniatur ac si
exigerit ultra poenam carceris, pro illo puniatur
ac si violenter disrobasset eundem, ad aliquid quietandum seu remittendum
violenter derobaret. Et si per eundem carceratum
similiter puniatur; et si metu carceris ad coerceretur terrore dicti carceris, ac si tantundem
aliquod falsum instrumentum vel falsam eidem derobasset similiter puniatur; et si metu
scripturam vel aliud illicitum detemptum induxerit,
tamquam principalis sceleris auctor testimonium vel falsam scripturam vel aliud
carceris ad aliquod falsum instrumentum vel
teneatur; et si eidem carcerato aliquam illicite detentum induxerit, tamquam principalis
iniuriam intulerit, pro illa in duplum quam auctor sceleris teneatur et pro illa in duplum
intulisset alteri puniatur.
quam si intulisset alteri puniatur.
Stat. III 80 Aeg. IV 4
De abolitione
De abolitione concedenda
Quia multi quandoque et saepe per
Quia multi et quandoque et sepe per
iracundiam et quandoque per errorem ad iracundiam, et quandoque per errorem ad accusandum
prosiliunt, statuimus [...] accusanti et
accusandum prosiliunt, statuimus quod
accusanti in criminalibus tantum et petenti abolicionem petenti et licenciam desistendi ab
accusam aboleri, abolitio ipsa omnino accusatione per eum facta, abolicio ipsa per iudices
conceditur et, ipsa abolitione petita super
concedatur, solutis tamen ab accusato
communi Verulano sollis quinque, et, ipsa ipsam accusationem, ulterius procedi non possit
abolitione petita, super dicta accusatione [...], dummodo petens solveret Camere Romane
amplius procedi non possit ac si instituta non Ecclesie .V. solidos [...], exceptis heresi,
fuisset, exceptis tamen in criminibus heresi, sodomia, incestu, homicidio, raptu virginum et
sodomia, latrocinio, incestu, homicidio, raptu monialium, falsitate, incendio doloso, latrocinio,
virginum, monialium, falsitate, incendio doloso,
sacrilegio furto et delictis commissis in officialium provincie et vulneribus atrocibus, in
sacrilegiis, furto et delictis commissis in personis
personam officialium et curialium, et in quibus abolicio nullatenus admittatur.
criminibus et vulneribus atrocibus, in quibus
abolitio nullatenus concedatur.
Stat. III 81 Aeg. IV 40
De veneficiis
De veneficiis
Veneno aliquem necans (quod est plus
Veneno aliquem necans, quod est plus quam
quam gladio perimere) eadem poenae gladio perimere, pena eadem puniatur, que in
puniatur, quae ex forma statuti de homicidio constitutione loquente de homicidio continetur.
est imposita; et si venenum malum quis Et si venenum malum vendiderit quis, vel alio
vendiderit vel aliquo modo concesserit dolose, modo concesserit dolose, ex quo aliquis sit necatus,
pena simili puniatur; et si ignoranter
ex quo aliquis sit mortuus, simili poena puniatur;
et si ignoranter vendiderit vel concesserit vendiderit vel concesserit et inde aliquis necatus
et inde aliquis necatus fuerit, poena homicidii fuerit, puniatur pena homicidii non dolose, tamen
148

non dolosi tantum culpabiliter commissi
puniatur; et si quis venenum prebuerit causa
necandi, licet mors secuta non fuerit, legali
poena puniatur.
culpabiliter commissi; et si quis venenum
prebuerit causa necandi, licet mors subsecuta non
fuerit, legali pena puniatur.
It should be noted that a similar relationship is found between the statutory rubric De modo procedendi
super maleficiis and the homonymous Egidian provision, altough deviating, as it has been said, in the
discipline of the proceedings. However, in this case, the broad correspondence of the letter takes on more
importance, not because of the key role of this norm, but rather because we are able to exclude a formal
relationship with the previous provincial constitution before 1342 and published by Falco. 67 .
Stat. III 1 Aeg. IV 1
De modo procedendi super maleficiis
Statuimus et ordinamus quod in omnibus et
singulis maleficiis, excessibus, criminibus et
delictis vel quasi, possit per potestatem vel iudicem
Verularum procedi ex officio suo per
modum inquisitionis nec non accusationis et
publice denuntiationis, cuius intersit simul et
separatim, et incepta una via possit redire ad
aliam ne maleficia remaneant impunita, iuris
ordine et sollemnitate servatis vel non servatis,
iure aliquo non obstante, cuilibet tamen facti
defensione conservata. Potestas ipse seu iudex
ad indagationem veritatis teneatur procedere
pro ut ei videbitur expedire summarie de plano,
ac sine strepitu et figura iudicii; et formata
inquisitione, accusatione vel denuntiatione,
citetur reus, inquisitus, querelatus vel
denunciatus uno die pro alio, ad respondendum
super dicta inquisitione seu accusatione vel
denunciatione et, si non comparuerit, pro
contumace reputetur et secundo et demum tertio
citetur ad respondendum ut supra; qui si in
huiusmodi secunda vel tertia citatione non
comparuerit ad respondendum ut supra et mandata
iudicis et potestatis faciendum, de his de
quibus proceditur habeatur pro confesso,
convicto et testibus superato et condemnetur
secundum formam statutorum civitatis
Verulanae loquentium super illo maleficio vel
excessu et exbandiatur de dicta civitate et eius
territorio [...].
De modo procedendi super malleficiis
De modo procedendi super malleficiis et
excessibus vel quasi, possit procedi cum
accusatione et denumtiatione publica cuius
intersit et per modum inquisitionis ex officio, [...]
quoque istorum modorum insimul et separatim et,
incepta una via, possit rediri ad aliam, ne
malleficia remaneant impunita, servato iuris
ordine et solempnitate vel non, iure aliquo non
obstante; tamen, cuilibet facta legitima
defensione servata, iudex ad omnem
indagationem veritatis teneri volumus, [...] ad
veritatem investigandam procedre possit, sicut ei
videbitur expedire, summarie et de plano, sine
strepitu et figura iudicii. [...] Et formata inquisicione,
citetur reus, inquisitus secundum formam
constitutionis de citatione loquentis et, si non
comparuerit, ponatur in banno cum certo termino
arbitrio iudicis assignando et demum, elapso
termino banni, condempnetur.
The communal diplomatics of the beginning of XV century
The study of the surviving documents of the first two decades of the XV century shows a rapid
evolution and reveals what remained mysterious about the role of podestà and provides a key to
reading the Fourteenth century vicissitudes of the town.
On August 31, 1409, at the stairs of the municipal palace, the city council, «de mandatu et
consensu nobilis viri Nicolai Cerciae, civis et capitanei Verulani», constitutes as prosecutor the
sapiens vir Pietro Nicolai Cerciae of Veroli, giving him the mandate to go to Ferentino to conclude
a peace agreement with other centres of the Campagna 68 . So, calling and chairing the city council is
67
G. FALCO, Costituzioni preegidiane per la Tuscia e per la Campagna e Marittima, in Studi sulla storia del
Lazio, cit., pp 691-704: 699s.
68
V. GIOVARDI, Historia Verularum, ms cit., c. 260ss, partial transcription and references to the contents of
the doc.; in the date there is the indication of the pontificate of Alexander V.
149

not the podestà – that we do not even know if he exists – but the noble citizen Nicola Cercia, as
capitaneus Verulanus. An exceptional magistrate? Perhaps, but the quick following developments
are astonishing.
In fact, within a few years the situation becomes clear: on August 28, 1412, a document is
courtly exemplified «coram nobili viro Nicolao Cercia de Verulis, honorabili potestate civitatis
predicte, pro tribunali sedente ad solitum bancum iuris palatii dicti communis» 69 .
Finally, the last shot of scene. On November 1414, Nicola Cercia is again the podestà of Veroli
and in this role personally presents to the viceregent of Giovanni XXIII, the antipope of the
“concilare” obedience, the conditions under which the city is willing to adhere to the pontiff and
obtains the most wide recognition of the rights on 10 of the month 70 . The act is written «in domibus
nobilis viri Cole Cercia», where the papal representative receives hospitality. As the reader of good
memory will recall, in March 1399 the cardinal Fieschi, vicar of Boniface IX, had taken up
residence in this same home.
So here it is revelead the mistery of the missed prescription of the foreign podestà. Personally, I
am inclined to believe that this rule has been and that it has been removed to open the way for the
podestà office of Nicola Cercia.
Nicola Cercia lord of Veroli? Sure. But it must be said that the assuming this magistrate is a sign
of lordship, it is not the essence. This consists rather in the enormous prestige, in the great capital
and financial availability, in the extensive relations with political circles, in the capacity to conduct
pubblic affairs.
But who was Nicola Cercia?
His family – also known Boccacercia and Delacercia – belongs to the city aristocracy of milites
at least from the second half of the XIII century 71 . In 1277, the ancestor Giacomo Buccacerza
bought large lands from the municipality at the price of two hundred and twenty-two pounds of
Senate denari 72 . In the following century he is constantly ascending: Leonardo, Nicola and Pietro
Buccacerza are among the protagonists of an assault on the bishop's palace in 1329 73 ; Giovanni, the
canon of the cathedral, is regent in spiritualibus of the curia of Campagna e Marittima, in 1337 74 ;
Nicola senior, direct ancestor of our podestà, is the rector of Guarcino in 1352 75 , appearing then as
prosecutor of the municipality of Veroli 76 . His son Leonardo, father of Nicola junior, practises the
notary in Veroli 77 . In addition, the family is also in Piperno and from there another Nicola comes,
notary at the service of the rectory curia in 1373 and the canonic of Ferentino, castellan of Fumone
and provincial treasuree of Roman observance between 1391 and 1402 78 .
Also Nicola Junior of Veroli is obviously tied to the enviroment of Piperno: many years before
clearly take the lead in hometown, when in April 1383 this went to the Avignon's obedience, he
69
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XIX, parch. 16; in the date there is the indication of the
pontificate of Giovanni XXIII.
70
A. Campanari, paper fond, unit 389, «Memorie antiche e buone», transcription of the XVIII century: 1414
nov. 10, Veroli, Cola Cercia, podestà of Veroli, the other officials of the municipality obtain the recognition
of all rights of the city and its citizens, by Giovanni de Caprinis, lieutenant of Giacomo Isolani, cardinal of S.
Eustachio and legate of Giovanni XXIII
71
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XVII b, parch. 8; SA, parch. 135.
72
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XVIIb, parch. 8.
73
A. Campanari, paper fund, unit 389, «Memorie antiche e buone», transcription of the XVIII century.
74
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, parch. 3. Cf. also G. BATTELLI, Rationes decimarum Italiae. I. Latium,
Città del Vaticano 1946 (Studi e testi, 128), nn 1671, 1804, 1956.
75
A. Campanari, paper fond, unit 389, «Memorie antiche e buone», transcription of XVIII century.
76
VASC, lacerated parch. without n.; A. Campanari, paper fond, unit 389, «Memorie antiche e buone»,
transcription of the XVIII century.
77
Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 573.
78
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XXV, parch. 7; V. GIOVARDI, Historia Verularum, ms cit., c.
88s; A. ESCH, Bonifaz IX., cit., p. 583.
150

eceives the tonsure in a solemn celebration in cathedral, presenting the entire chapter and the
Veroli's aristocracy, and the clementist Giovanni Petri de Piperno, titular bishop of Avellona (Vlorë
in Albania) and residential of Trevico in the Beneventano specifically intervenes to impart it to
him 79 . Then, as an adult, our Nicola becomes a wily politician: he favours the aboveremembered
turning point of Veroli in favour of Boniface IX in 1399 and probably uses the influency of the
homonimous cousin of Piperno to achieve the best conditions of the papal assolution; on October
12, 1411 «tante opulentiae fuit ut [...] nonnulla feuda emit ex rogito Verulis signato» and , in the
same year, his brother-in-law, Pietro Angelo de Campania from Fumone, receives important
assignements in the province government by Giovanni XXIII 80 .
If we then reflect on the fact that the family is also located in Piperno and on the circumstance
that from here comes slightly less half of Veroli's podestà of the XIV century which are found, it
seems logical to see in the Piperno's podestà an effect of the power of the Cercia, which, without
exposing themselves firsthand, can guide the fundamenta choices of the city through its own
fiduciaries.
But when did this political predominance of Cercia in Veroli begin?
In 1280, a pope Nicola III's mandate has inquiry in charge of the bishop of Veroli, Gregorio, as
accused by the cathedral chapter of simony, nepotism, distractions of rents and ecclesiastical goods
and co-responsibility in a murder, since, in public and under the eyes of the bishop, his arrogant
nephew had killed a citizen and then the uncle bishop had not hesitated to give in pledge precious
vestments of the cathedral in order to obtain the impunity of his nephew; among other things, this
nephew had built a threatening tower within Veroli 81 . It seems a clear signal of aspiration to
political hegemony.
Was the nephew of the bishop a Cercia? Most likely yes. Because an act of March 31, 1262,
registered in the earliest notarial repertoire of Veroli (by the notary Andrea Maniarante), concerns
the purchase of a house in Piperno by Roberto called “Zerza”, husband of Giacoma, who is referred
to as sister of the Veroli's bishop Gregorio 82 .
This is the current state of the research.
79
Capitulary of St. Andrea, parch. 152, of apr. 30, 1383 (Clemente VII, year 5°). For Giovanni Petri de
Piperno cf. Hierarchia catholica, 1, cit., pp 122, 227, 525.
80
Cf. V. GIOVARDI, Historia Verularum, ms cit., c. 89.
81
Cf. Les registres de Nicolas III, a cura di J. GAY, Paris 1898, p. 273s.
82
BAV, Fond of St. Erasmo of Veroli, fasc. XV-XIX, fasc. XVIII c, parch. 2.
151

Marco Di Cosmo
In search of the Statute of S. Stefano
Introduction
Although the local archives in the past had shown the absence of an ancient Statute for the town
of Santo Stefano (today Villa), it was possible to trace unmistakable testimonies of the existence of
an ancient statutory codex, and some mentions, even if sporadic, in which such legislation was
called into question in daily disputes.
Also the local historiography confirms the existence of a Statute, still mentioned in 1841, in a
letter of the Prior of Santo Stefano, which attests the granting of the Most Excellent Prince Marco
Antonio Colonna 1 . Other bibliographic testimonies concerning the danno dato and especially the
Chapters of the ancient Statute relating to the institutional order of this town 2 .
My research follows this line, examining in depth the theme of the danno dato and the use of the
Statute as code of disputes resolution related to the damage caused by the animals and their
sanctions. The most interesting material in this regard was found int the State Archives of
Frosinone, which preserved the most vivid traces of the existence of the ancient Statute and
provides the most interesting traces.
In the light of these researches, in fact, we can state that Villa Santo Stefano had a Statute to
regulate local disputes. Of this Statute we have found a partial, not original, copy and sporadic
references which involve the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone, the Governorate of Ceccano, and
the same town of Santo Stefano.
The danno dato and the Statute of Santo Stefano
The references to the Statute examined here are rather late: we have mention of it around the half
of the nineteenth century, and are almost always related to the cases of the danno dato, that is,
crimes relating the damages of the land caused by persons, or more often animals.
For this reason I chose to follow a common line that, starting from the occasional occurrences
which are relevant for this subject, follows the local community disputes which recalled the Statute
as source of the citizen's law and mean for resolving this kind of disputes.
Concerning the danno dato, a first letter of the Governor of Ceccano to the Apostolic Delegation
of Frosinone, of August 17, 1839, calls into question the prohibition of the pigs passage in the
cultivated lands. The subject of the letter is just a «Capitolo dello statuto di Santo Stefano di divieto
de maiali da terreni coltivati». In the letter, the Governor continues, adding that «definitivamente al
citato dispaccio richiesi al Priore di S. Stefano gli articoli, o Capitoli statuari con i quali fu stabilito
l’allontanamento di maiali e neri da razza dai terreni coltivati in tutto il territorio» 3 .
This correspondence, in addition to be a clear reference to the existence and use of a City Statute,
also allows us to suppose a dating, when the prior of Santo Stefano, writing to the Apostolic
1 «Esiste in questa segreteria comunale in originale lo statuto locale firmato dall’Eccellentissimo principe
Marc’Antonio Colonna... col quale al tempo della cessata baronia si giudicava tanto relativamente alla
commissione (di atti) criminali e civili quanto nella causa di danno dato... lo scritto è poco intellegibile stante
l'antichità, vi manca la maggior parte della carta. Una copia peraltro intellegibile ed intera esiste presso
questo uditore locale (di casa Colonna, a Ceccano) servendogli (nel passato) di norma nel giudicare le cause
di danno dato» in A. IORIO, Villa S. Stefano: storia di un paese del basso Lazio attraverso i secoli, Casamari
1983, p. 69.
2 V. TRANELLI, Notizie su frammenti dell’antico Statuto della terra di Santo Stefano in La voce di Villa
(2010), pp. 10-11.
3 State Archives of Frosinone, Apostolic Delegation (then only DA), b. 1137. Letter of the Governor of
Ceccano to the Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone, of August 17, 1839.
152

Delegation of Frosinone, says to attach the «Copia estratta dallo statuto locale di detta comunità
formato dall’ecc.mo principe Marc’ Antonio Colonna in S. Stefano, lì 6 maggio 1640». The copy is,
unfortunately, missing, and the Prior adds in any case, in margin, that the «parole delineate poco si
possono capire nell’originale stante l’antichità» 4 . So in Santo Stefano, in the mid-eighteenth
century, there was a copy of the statutory code.
The grazing in places prohibited by the Statutes
The importance of the Statute in the cases relating the danno dato occurs in the following years
in a dispute between the Prior of Santo Stefano and the abutenti (abusers) of the pastures, shepherds
and local peasants.
On January 23, 1844 the Prior of Santo Stefano still raises «insolute questioni sulle leggi
statutarie». Writing to the Apostolic Delegation, the Governor of Ceccano «rimette una rimostranza
del priore comunale di santo Stefano sul divieto di pascolo in certi luoghi a forma dello Statuto 5 ». In
fact, the municipal Prior had requested the intervention of the Delegation to limit the entry of the
shephers in places prohibited by the local Statute. This intervention, it reads, was designed to
suppress the damages caused to the entry of the livestock into cultivated land 6 .
It is an exemplary case of danno dato and the use of the statutory code in the resolution of the
dispute, which is based on the provisions of the law contained in the ancient Statute.
The Governor of Ceccano, however, asks to the Apostolic Delegation if the prior request to ban
the entry of the animals from all cultivated land was effectively a legitimate application of the
statute, since it, in another article, established that in agrarian subject «ognuno possa far danno alle
cose proprie» 7 .
It therefore concludes that, by virtue of those provisions, the dispute becomes a «tutta
contenziosa e giudiziaria» invective, and the same statute provides the possibility of «far danno»,
and to introduce the livestock into lands recognized as properties, without incurring in any
penalties 8 .
In the contentious some articles of the Statute (that we reproduce below) are explicity mentioned,
and it is attached to the fascicule, in addition to the complaint of the Prior, part of the copy
concerning the resolution of this dispute and the penalties to be imposed for the danno dato
depending on the cases.
4 Ibid.
5 Ibid.
6 Ibid. Letter of the Governor of Ceccano to the Apostolic Delegation of February 3, 1844 in which we noted
that «il priore comunale di Santo Stefano mi ha fatto tenere una rimostranza contro gli abutenti dei pascoli
nei luoghi vietati dallo statuto locale, specialmente diretta a reprimere i danni prodotti dal bestiame caprino,
e suino».
7 Ibid. The Governor writes to the Apostolic Delegation «in quanto si è fatto a richiedere il Priore del
comune di Santo Stefano col foglio a lui diretto sotto il 10 scaduto gennaio contro gli abutenti di pascoli nei
luoghi vietati dallo statuto locale, le significo che il dubitare se all’appoggio di quelle leggi statutarie possa o
no pretendersi la rimozione generale di tutte le porcarecce e caprarecce nella difesa della Cortina, diviene
una tesi tutta contenziosa e giudiziaria, subito che lo statuto stesso in un altro articolo desume che in materia
agraria ognuno può dar licenza di far danno alle cose proprie. Ciò posto sembra non potersi dar luogo ad
alcuna misura generale, e chiunque si sentisse gravato dalla innovazione per danno ai fondi adiacenti, ne
potrà promuovere l’istanza nelle debite regole, ed allora resta al giudice di ammetterla, o rigettarla
analogamente al prescritto della legge invocata».
8 Ibid «[…] il dubitare se all’appoggio delle leggi statutarie di S. Stefano possa o no preferirgli la rimozione
generale di tutte le porcarecce, e caprarecce nella difesa della Cortina, addiviena una tesi tutta contenziosa e
giudiziaria subito che lo statuto offre un altro articolo, da cui si desume che in materia agraria ognuno può
dar licenza di far danno alle cose proprie. Ciò che posto anziché impegnarsi in una misura universale,
sarebbe bene che chiunque si sentisse gravato dalla pretesa innovazione ne promuovesse la istanza nelle
debite regole ed allora resta al giudice di ammetterla o rigettarla a seconda che prescrive la legge invocata».
153

The Frosinone fragment of the Statute of Santo Stefano
«Capitolo V dello Statuto: che ognuno possa dar licenza nei suoi beni 9 .
Statuito ed ordinato è, che ogni persona possa dar licenza della cosa sua nelli danni dati,
purché detta licenza appaia esser stata data per prima allo danno dato».
«CAP XV: Della difesa della cortina: Statuito ed ordinato è, che di nessun tempo la bestia
armenticcia grossa, e minuta possano entrare dentro la difesa della Cortina, a pascolare in essa
le bestie armenticce da dieci in giù soldo uno per bestia, e da dieci in su soldi quaranta, e la
bestia armenticcia grossa da dieci in giù soldi venti, da dieci in su soldi quaranta».
«CAP XVII: Della difesa della Olivata: Statuito ed ordinato è, che le bestie armenticce
grosse, e minute, che saranno trovati a pascolare dentro la difesa dell’olivata da dieci in giù
soldi venti, da dieci in su soldi quaranta, ed in ogni altro luogo piantonato fuori di detta difesa,
purchè siano piantonati ristretti, e coltivati, siano tenute alla predetta pena, et amenda lo
danno alla prona, e la bestia domata di ogni sorta, che saranno trovate dentro di detti luoghi
piantonati d’ogni sorta de frutti, purché siano piantonati, e coltivati tanto dentro di detta
difesa, come di fuora siano tenuti li proni di essa in E cinque e la capra tenendoci
accasamento, ovvero mandra dentro di detta difesa, ci possono stare, a passare per la strada
dritta alla loro accasamenta, ovvero mandra, senza pagare pena».
«CAP XVIII: Della difesa della montagna = Statuito e ordinato è che nessuna sorta di
bestia armenticcia possono entrare, e pascolare nella difesa della montagna sopra dell’olivata,
v.s. Nel monte di Pietr’Andrea: nel monte sopra dette olivate dello Serrone petriglio o nel
monte sopra la Pagliaro Palombo confinato secondo è stato fatto dalli antichi, a tutte le
sopradette bestie, che saranno ritrovate a pascolare dentro di dette difesa siano tenute per
ciascheduna volta, e per Padrone dà soldi cinque.
Il priore Luigi Olivieri».
The armenticce (or armentary) beasts were all those grazing animals, and therefore sheep, goats,
cows, etc. which were forbidden to cross some land. The reason of the ban was often of economic
nature, because the passage of the animals ruined the agricultural crops in these lands.
In the firt case, the Statute mentions the Difesa della Cortina 10 . The code protected the land
placed within a small enclosure, providing as penalty the payment of a sum on the basis of the kind
of animal found within this land, and, therefore one soldo for beast, if less than 10, or when this
threshold is exceeded, 40 soldi.
The article 17 of the Statute, however, protected the defence of the land used for olive tree
cultivation, providing still pecuniary penalties for the animals found to graze within these borders,
with the exception of the passage of the goats to their accasamenti. The same was true for the
protection of the mountain and the lands provided by the Municipal Statute, where a fine of 5 soldi
for abusive pasture was planned.
It is interesting the conclusion of this story, which, in spite of such precise provisions, sees the
shepherds of Santo Stefano to prevail, always in virtue of the Statute, which, while imposing such
fines, states in Article V that, as it reads in the text, each person may «dar licenza dei suoi beni» and
that, therefore, in agricultural subject, «ognuno possa dar licenza alle cose proprie» 11 .
9 Ibid.
10 The Cortina was probably one of Santo Stefano's agrarians, whose memory has been lost and which has
no record in the documents
11 DA, b. 1137. Letter of the Governor of Ceccano to the Apostolic Delegation of February 3, 1844.
154

Alessandro Dani
Some comparative note between the Rome Statute of 1469 and the ones of other
Lazio cities of that time
The statutes, generally, not only look as a stratification of norms of different times, gradually
sedimented in a text only apparently homogeneous, which, in the end, may eventually remain in
force even for centuries, but the same statutory contents have different degree of originality, in the
sense that they can be inspired by the common law, by statutes of other Municipalities or, perhaps,
by superordinate authorities rules. This is a spread phenomenon, well known by the storiography
largely due to the participation in the drafting of jurists and notaries text who put their
knowledgements at disposal, trying to meet the local requirements and expectations.
Therefore to evaluate how much, in the organizational, civil and criminal law contents of a
statute, represents a recurrent or almost general in the municipal statutory production, and what,
instead, constitutes a singularity, an exceptional aspect due to particular factors presupposes the
knowledge of many other texts and, for this reason, may be a task, if not prohibitive, certainly
exacting. The easiest way forward – and which also here will be travelled – to offer comparative
starting points, is the comparison with the normative realities referable to homogeneous
geographical and chronological context, considering also a meaningful confrontation can only be
made between the statutes of communities similar for socio-economic sizes and complexity.
In the pontifical Lazio of the fifteenth-century, there was a quite-intense production of statutes,
both in the urban Town, and in smaller communities, of castle or village; in all, about thirty were
censed, but it is likely that there would be more time later, then lost 1 . If there are fewer surviving
statutes of the previous period (XII-XIV centuries), even for the certain loss of many specimens, the
overview is much richer for the XVI-XVIII centuries, anyway precious also for scholars of the
previous era, because in many situations the modern age statutes are updated and reviewed editions
of medieval texts, as we can well argue from their contents. In the Lazio context of the second
Fifteenth-century – early Sixteenth-century, we can here propose some short comparison element
between the Roman statutes and the ones of other urban Municipalities such as Rieti, Viterbo,
Tivoli, Ferentino, Alatri, Velletri, Castro and Ronciglione 2 .
The Roman statute is essentially divided into four books, plus a kind of appendix with four
sumptuary rules. It is not usual (rather rare) that the book containing the municipal organization is
the third (of 173 chapters), while the first is dedicated to matter concerning (substantial and
processual) civil law, but with provisions also about the Arts, the Citizenship, the Fish and other.
The second is the one of the criminal (also here substantial and processual), but with the rules about
artisans and merchants, Jews, control of the territory, for a total of 265 rubrics. The fourth Book
contains, as we said, heterogenous rules (82) about various subjects: again about the merchands;
varia about the notaries, the payments of the officers - accurately pointed out – as well as various
1
In the Fifteenth-century the statutes of Town of Acquapendente, Anticoli, Carbognano, Castro, Celleno,
Civita Castellana, Civitavecchia, Civitella d’Agliano, Fabrica, Ferentino, Fiano, Forano, Frosinone, Gradoli,
Guarcino, Montebuono, Montefiascone, Monte Fortino, Montelibretti, Montopoli (extended to various
castles of the Frafa Abbey), Piglio, Poggio Catino, Pontecorvo, Rieti, Rignano, San Polo de’ Cavalieri,
Sant’Angelo, Sant’Oreste, Subiaco, Sutri, Toscanella, Viterbo were drawn up. Cf. Statuti cittadini, rurali e
castrensi del Lazio. Repertorio (sec. XII-XIX), a cura di P. UNGARI, Roma 1993, passim. This is a
fundamental tool of work, of which it would be an opportune new and perhaps one-line edition.
2
For some further consideration, I will refer to my previous research about the Statutes of Municipalities of
the State of the Church and of Tuscany: Il processo per danni dati nello Stato della Chiesa (secoli XVI-
XVIII), Bologna 2006; Gli statuti comunali nello Stato della Chiesa di Antico regime. Qualche annotazione e
considerazione, in Historia et ius. Rivista di storia giuridica dell’età medievale e moderna, 2 (2012), paper
VI, pp. 1-14, url: ; Gli statuti dei Comuni della Repubblica di Siena (secoli
XIII-XV). Profilo di una cultura comunitaria, Siena 2015.
155

later added reforms and some papal bulls.
Throughout the statute, there are 698 chapters, numbers much higher than any other city of the
Lazio statute, of each age, comen down to us. It is also to consider the subject of the danno dato,
contained in other text, which then will become the statute of the Art of the Agriculture 3 .
In four books there are the statutes at the time in force in Rieti 4 and Viterbo 5 , while the ones of
Tivoli 6 , Ferentino 7 , Montefiascone 8 , Alatri 9 , Velletri 10 , Castro and Ronciglione 11 are divided in five
books.
If the sistematicity is rarely a significant quality in the ancient statutes, the Roman one in
question is perhaps even less ordered than others of the time. Altough it contains also not strictly
civilistic rules, we are struck by the consistency of the book «delle cause civili»: 174 rubrics against
the 28 of Alatri, the 39 of Rieti, the 78 of Ferentino, the 103 of Viterbo, the 35 of Tivoli, the 45 of
Velletri. Much more massive than in other neighbouring municipalities is also the presence of
notaries and conspicous is the familia (i.e. the group of collaborators) of lawyers (not Roman) at the
service of the Senator (III, 1). However, this does not seem to have a negative impact on the length
of the civil trial, which would have to end in Rome within 60 days (I, 28), no differently than in
other cities, but for example more quickly than not in Viterbo, where time is twice as long (four
3
A compilation dating back to the early Fifteenth-century was then published several times, between the
Sixteenth and the Seventeenth centuries, and then published in Italian, with the addition of further materials
in the early Eighteenth century: cf. Statuti dell’Agricoltura con varie osservazioni, bolle, decisioni della S.
Ruota e decreti intorno alla medesima, Roma 1718.
4
Here the first is about the municipal organization, with different provisions also in the form of contingent
measures, for example about the urban planning (161 rubrics); the second contains the civil matter (39
rubrics), the third the criminal matter (107 rubrics) and the fourth is dedicated to the danni dati (71 rubrics).
Throughout Rieti Statute there are 378 rubrics.
5
The first concerns the municipal organization (70 rubrics), the second the civil law matter (103 rubrics), the
third the criminal normative linked to those of the danno dato and about other aspects, such as the Arts (174
rubrics), the fourth has residual character (De extraordinariis) and hosts rules concerning artisans and
merchands, urban planning and other. In all there are 507 rubrics.
6
Both the ones of 1305 (cf. V. FEDERICI, Statuto di Tivoli del MCCCV, in Statuti della Provincia romana,
Roma 1910, pp. 153-261) and the ones of 1522 (Statuta et reformationes circa stilum civitatis Tyburtinae,
Romae 1522). In the latter, wider than the first in the criminal part, but smaller in terms of the municipal
structure, the first book about the offices of the Municipality has 72 rubrics, the second about the civil law
matter has 35, the third about criminal law 123, the fourth about the danni dati 51, the fifth about the
‘straordinari’ (trade, hygiene, urban planning etc.) 31.
7
Cf. Statuta civitatis Ferentini, a cura di M. VENDITTELLI, Roma 1988. The text, dated about 1465, is divided
as follows: I book de officiis in 57 chapters, II de criminalibus in 150 chapters, III causarum civilium di 78
chapters, IV damnorum datorum di 49 chapters, V extraordinariorum di 147 chapters.
8
Thus in the fifteenth-century edition, then in four books in the ones of 1584: cf. State Archives of Rome
(then only ASRm), Statuti, 501 e 517, both in authentic copy of 1856, with the title of Statutum vetus (novi)
civitatis Montis Falisci.
9
The text, in copy of the mid-sixteenth-century, resumes a lot from previous statutes and is edited in M.
D’ALATRI, C. CAROSI, Gli statuti medioevali di Alatri, Alatri 1976. Here the first book officiorum et
officialium has 48 rubrics, the second causarum criminalium 90, the third causarum civilium 28, the fourth
super damnis datis 38, the fifth extraordinariorum 93.
10
Cf. Volumen statutorum et ordinationum tam civilium quam criminalium inclytae civitatis Velitrarum,
Velitris 1752, which proposes again the terxt already published in Statuta et ordinationes magnificae
civitatis Velitrarum, Romae 1544 with few corrections. In the first of the abovementioned editions, the initial
book about the municipal organization has 64 rubrics, the second about the civil 45, the third about the
criminal 144, the fourth about the danni dati 79 and the fifth about the ‘straordinari’ (with rules about the
Arts, reprisals, etc.) 136. Thoughout the Velletri's statute there are 468 rubrics.
11
Cf. Volumen statutorum in quo continentur decreta, leges et reformationes utriusque status Castri et
Roncilionis, Valentani [1588]: I book about the municipal organization has 46 chapters, II about the civil law
matter has 64 chapters, III about the criminal has 81 chapters, IV about the danno dato has 51 and V about
the straordinari has 56.
156

months; II, 23) and well into three years provided for by the constitution Properandum of the
Justininan Code (3.1.13). However, there are also shorter terms, as in Ferentino, in the same period
(III, 2), where the statute imposes on the Podestà to «terminare omnes questiones civiles» even
within fifteen days. Not unlike the generality of the statutes of the Italian Municipalities, we find
also planned in Rome summary proceedings alongside the ordinary ones (I, 15, 27), as well as
arbitral procedures for a rapid and economic composition of the disputes.
Equally broad, compared to their respective counterparts, is the book of the criminal law,
considering that the rural damages are discussed separately. The beginning of the proem is similar
to the ones of Rieti, but longer and, as the text of Rieti, the first rubric, even if of different tenor, is
dedicated to the protection of the Catholic faith.
Both the Rieti and Viterbo statutes contain many provvedimenti 12 , while the Rome seems to have
overcome the use, typical of the first statutory phase, but sometimes remained even later, to
incorporate such rules closely related to the quotidianity: the statute, more mature, is no longer seen
as an agenda in which to dictate things to do year by year, but as a fundamental and lasting legal
text, designed to remain in force for long time, for decades or centuries. The sworn obligations for
the Senator and the other officers are explained in third person and not in more archaic form of the
oath formula of the breve (in first person: ego ... iuro ...), as it is sometimes found in statutes
contemporary or even later: for example Tivoli (I, 31) and Velletri (I, 7: both in the edition of 1544
and in the 1752).
On many occasions the statutories claim to follow and repeat old habits (for example, I, 10, 15,
31, 56) and it has already observed that since the statutory drafting of 1360-1363 there had been a
reception of customary norms, maybe – but this is to be clarified – before contained in a text
separately 13 . However, it is not unlikely that other customary rules sometimes intervened in the
statutory silence in the subjects of more local relevance. For the rest, in general, the ius civile
commune has a supplementary function and, in a further subsidiary instance, the canon law is used
(III, 5), which does not seem to have a particular prevalence. «Et in casibus – we can read in the
Roman text – in quibus statuta aliquid non disponunt, (officiales et iudices debeant) servare et
servari facere iura civilia et, in defectum iurium civilium, iura canonica» 14 . Otherwise, the Viterbo
statute of 1469 (II, 2) imposed to the city judges that «secundum formam statutorum et
ordinamentorum Communis Viterbii ius faciant, et ubi statutum non loquitur serventur
constitutiones provinciales sancte matris Ecclesie, demum iura canonica et ultimo civilia». This,
therefore, and not the Roman one exactly contemporary, seems to confort the opinion which wanted
that in the Terrae ecclesiae the canon law was preceded, in a supplementary way, to the common
civil law 15 , thesis actually all to be verified in actual practice.
The theme of the supplementary sources is discussed in the Lazio urban statutes of the
Renaissance with peculiar nuances, to which we can not tell if they then correspond different trial
stylus at their respective courts. Unlike the ones of Rome and Viterbo, the Tivoli statutes (1522; I,
12
As Severino Caprioli has observed, «provvedimento è fattispecie: produce immediatamente i suoi effetti,
costituendo in situazioni attive o passive soggetti nominati, o modificando situazioni determinate». In this,
therefore, it is distinguished from the norm, which is «previsione di una fattispecie, e disciplina di questa
nell’ipotesi che si verifichi – ed appunto richiede la mediazione del fatto» (S. CAPRIOLI, Una città nello
specchio delle sue norme. Perugia milleduecentosettantanove, in Statuti del Comune di Perugia, Perugia
1996, 2, pp. 304-305).
13
Cf. S. NOTARI, Sullo «statuto antico» e le consuetudini scritte del comune di Roma. Note storico-giuridiche,
in Honos alit artes, Studi per il settantesimo compleanno di Mario Ascheri, Firenze 2014, 2, p. 117.
14
This solution was already mentioned in the fourtheenth century Roman statutes and was maintained in the
sixteenth-century edition of 1523 and 1580: cf. S. NOTARI, Manoscritti statutari sulle due sponde del Tevere.
Il Comune di popolo e gli statuta Urbis del Trecento tra storia e storiografia, in corso di stampa, nota 19.
15
Cf. G. ERMINI, Diritto romano comune e diritti particolari nelle terre della Chiesa, in Ius romanum Medii
Aevi, pars V, 2c, Mediolani 1975, pp. 1-67. For the subject, also for further bibliography, it is allowed to
refer to my Un’immagine secentesca del diritto comune. La teoria delle fonti del diritto nel pensiero di
Giovanni Battista De Luca, Bologna 2008, pp. 89-91.
157

2) provided that «ubi non loquuntur expresse statuta, procedet de similibus ad similia, vel secundum
consuetudinem dicte civitatis, alias secundum iura civilia». In Rieti (I, 4), the Podestà swore to
administer the justice «secundum formam statutorum Communis Reate, et ubi statutum deficeret
secundum iura communia». In Castro and Ronciglione (1588; I, 2) the magistrate had to judge
«secundum formam praesentium statutorum, vel secundum constitutiones per nos faciendas et ipsis
deficientibus secundum quod ius commune disponit».
The truly general fact of the statutory previsions is, therefore, the reference to the application, in
first instance, of the statute of the place, the rest may differ. I found a similar heterogeneous
situation in the municipal statutes of the fifteenth century of the neighbouring territory of Siena 16 . It
should also be considered that in the State of the Church there were, as further sources of higher
rank, the Egidian Constitutiones of 1357, on which there are always doubts about their general and
effective application 17 , and the pontifical rules which intervened to regulate individual aspects and
problems. These are important historical-legal aspects, uppon which, however, it is certainly not
possible to dwell here.
In the complex we can say that the considered statutes of other Lazio cities are different for
structure and also for contents, even within the limits of that similarities of forms and due normative
solutions, as well as the common law, a now multi-century circulation of both texts and “technical”
experts in the statutory drafting (doctores legum, but first of all notaries). Various, though within a
widespread popular urban organizational model inspired by common principles, are the municipal
offices, sometimes also in the name.
As in many other Municipalities of the Fifteenth-century, there is ‘anti-magnatizie’ rules, that is
to preserve the municipal institution and the social equilibrium of which it was expression by the
interference of noble families which, with their economic strength, their clienteles and protections,
could have gained political control over the city. Here, in Rome, we feel the persistence of the
previsions dating back to the second half of Fourtheenth-century, that is to the period of stable
popular government 18 and it is frankly surprised to find a anti-magnate normative so clearly in a
Town in which, since about 70 years, the experience of the popular regime is considered
concluded 19 .
The statute of Rome prohibits to the Barons the entry into Campidoglio and, if they went to
court, they should only send their attorney and prosecutors (I, 135). The exponents of many Roman
noble families (Orsini, Colonna, Annibaldi, Albertini, Savelli, Capponi, Caetani and others) had to
swear obedience to popolo romano and above all not to give shelter in their castles to delinquents
and bandits. The properties of the populars are guarded by prevaricarions and abuses by nobles (I,
82, 114). In criminal matter, sometimes the sentence is greatly aggravated if the offence is
16
Cf. DANI, Gli statuti dei Comuni della Repubblica di Siena, cit., pp. 153-154.
17
About the subject cf. A. MARONGIU, Il cardinale d’Albornoz e la ricostruzione dello Stato pontificio, in El
Cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio de España, edición y prólogo de E. VERDERA Y TUELLS, Bolonia 1972, 1, pp.
461-480; P. COLLIVA, Il cardinale Albornoz, lo Stato della Chiesa, le «Constitutiones aegidianae» (1353-
1357), con in Appendice il testo volgare delle Costituzioni di Fano dal ms. Vat. Lat. 3939, Bolonia 1977, in
specie pp. 216-226; G. ERMINI, Validità della legislazione albornoziana nelle terre della Chiesa dal Trecento
alla codificazione del secolo XIX, in El Cardenal Albornoz cit., Bolonia 1979, 4, pp. 81-102; S. CAROCCI,
Vassalli del papa. Potere pontificio, aristocrazie e città nello Stato della Chiesa (XII-XV sec.), Roma 2010,
p. 168.
18
About this period of istitutional history it is necessary to refer to the punctual and documented studies of S.
NOTARI, La Roma del secondo Trecento: un nuovo interesse nella storiografia, in Clio, 24 (1988), pp. 617-
644; ID., Senza Papa. La città di Roma nel Trecento: economia, società, istituzioni, in Tradizione e
Magistero. Santa Caterina da Siena, Catalogo della Mostra, Roma 2010, pp. 61-64. After about a century of
baronial supremacy, in the half of the Fourteenth-century various factors favoured the advent of the popular
regime (1358-1398): the main was the Pope's permanent absency, the demographic crisis due to plague
epidemics and economic outbreaks.
19
In this manner A. ESCH, Dalla Roma comunale alla Roma papale: la fine del libero Comune, in Archivio
della Società romana di storia patria, 130 (2007), pp. 1-16.
158

committed by nobles or barons: adultery with honest woman was punished in 300 lire of penalty if
it was committed by a man of the people, but the penalty went up to 500 lire if knight, 1.000 lire if
baron (II, 257). The aiding in murder is punished in 200 lire if he is a man of the people, 400 lire if
knight, 1.000 lire if baron (II, 10). And many others are the types of similar sanctioning disparities
(e.g. II, 12, 23, 38, 41, 91), in which also the Roman peculiarity of distinguishing between minor
nobles and barons 20 emerges. Outside of these specific predictions, in general, it is provided for the
nobles the doubling of the punishment (II, 53) and the quadruplication of the same in the case of
crimes found by inquisitio (II, 5). No inhabitant of Rome or its castles could swear vassal fidelity to
nobles, nor attach aristocratic coats of arms to their house (II, 200).
Also in the contemporary statute of Viterbo it is provided the doubling of the punishments for
the offenses committed by nobles or their dependant to people's detriment (III, 132). It is provided
the prohibition to sell properties to barons, under penalty of 500 lire (III, 155), also for the buyer.
Also here the Podestà and the other municipal officers were obliged to defend the people and their
ownerships from undesirable occupations by nobles (II, 69), each popular was obliged to help and
assist other populars offended by a noble (IV, 4) and the nobles were strictly excluded from the City
Council and from the main government city offices (IV, 142) 21 . In Alatri (II, 33), it is drastically
ratified that «nullus baro intrare possit civitatem Alatri». Various rules of plain anti-noble imprint
can be found also in the statutes of Velletri (III, 66, 78, 79, 88, 90, 91).
Another feature which join the Roman law to those of many other popular towns of that time can
be read in the partition in internal territorial districts with various authorities, including public order
(III, 4). A head quarter co-ordinates, in the district of competence, the activities of surveillance and
prevention against crimes, of intervention in the various contingent needs, of help to who build
house and others. It should be noted that these internal partitions within the towns also aspired to
restrict clientele or family relationships, reinforcing instead the territorial belonging, which
involved everyone apart from the personal conditions.
The Arts and Craft Corporations, here as in general everywhere, had their own organization,
traced on the municipal one, and an own sphere of normative autonomy 22 . But it clearly emerges –
and it is also a general trait – that they derive their power from the Municipality and their statute
had to be approved by the municipal authorities (I, 150-153). The Town thus maintaned a preminent
position and super partes over the various productive organizations, acting as advocate of the
bonum commune, of the interest of the whole city, with roles therefore also of mediation and
moderation of category interests.
To note is the procedure, made obligatory (IV, 82), of the public reading of the statute. In this
regard we may wonder if it existed, for this purpose, but also for the use of many officers who
certainly did not know the Latin, a vulgarized version of the text. We know that the various Lazio
Towns, maybe following the example of the neighbouring Tuscany 23 , opted for the drafting in the
talken language of own statute 24 . But in the Lazio Municipalities here considered (Rieti, Ferentino,
20
On the subject see S. CAROCCI, Una nobiltà bipartita. Rappresentazioni sociali e lignaggi preminenti a
Roma nel Duecento e nella prima metà del Trecento, in Bullettino dell’Istituto storico italiano per il Medio
Evo e Archivio Muratoriano, 95 (1989), pp. 71-122.
21
Other anti-magnatizie rules in the Viterbo's statute are III, 147 e 169; IV 11 e 47.
22
Indication of sources and bibliography about the corporation is offered by D. BEZZINA, Organizzazione
corporativa e artigiani nell’Italia medievale, i n Reti Medievali Rivista, 14 (2013), 1,
http://rivista.retimedievali.it. Regarding our particular context see I. LORI SANFILIPPO, La Roma dei Romani.
Arti, mestieri e professioni nella Roma del Trecento, Roma 2001.
23
Cf. F. BAMBI, Alle origini del volgare nel diritto. La lingua degli statuti di Toscana tra XII e XIV secolo, in
Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge, 126 (2014), 2, http://mefrm.revues.org/2112.
24
As the ones of Acquapendente (sec. XV), Affile (1701), Ariccia (1610), Arsoli (1584), Bassanello (1559),
Carbognano (1479), Castiglione in Teverina (1659), Civita Castellana (1535), Civitavecchia (1451), Civitella
d’Agliano (1444), Collepardo (1617), Fabrica (1542), Filettino (XVI sec.), Frascati (XVI sec.), Guadagnolo
(1547), Magliano (1594), Nemi (1514), Nettuno (1560), Norma (1595), Palestrina (1614), Patrica (1696),
Percile (1596), Saracinesco (1705), Tolfa (1530), Torrice (1558), Valentano (1557), Vetralla (XVI century).
159

Viterbo, Tivoli, Alatri, Velletri, Castro e Ronciglione) 25 , as in Rome, all the editions succeeded
since XIII-XIV century until the end of the Eighteenth century are constantly in Latin, often printed
in modern times. Maybe minor statutory texts distinct from the greater corpus are drawn and
printed, as the statutes of the Dogana of Velletri (1611), or the statutee of the Arte dell'agricoltura,
in Palestrina (1681) and in Rome (1718), here however later and after various Latin editions.
The institutional organization of the Roman Town presents original features, it appears as always
as the result of peculiar local political dynamics. Here it is to be noted, however, that even the
names of the offices sometimes differ from the most frequent ones in the municipal world of the
late Middle-Age: Senator, Senate, House Conservators, Protonotar, Marshalls are not usual offices
in the communal world. But, in reality, if we look at their functions, they are not new. The foreign
Senator (III, 1), being in office for six months, is obliged to apply the statute and subjected to the
final report of the syndicate is homologous to the usual figure of the Podestà of other contemporary
Municipalities (for example Viterbo, Ferentino or Rieti) 26 . The Conservators (III, 3) appears
homologous of the Priors of other municipal realities. The Marshalls are what elsewhere is often
referred with the words birri, sbirri, berrovieri and similar.
The important aspect of the citizenship appears, here as elsewhere in the Italian municipal world,
modeled on local social-economic needs and balances 27 .
The foreigner became Roman citizen, with all the rights and duties connected with the purchase
of a house in Rome and of a vineyard in the countryside within three miles from the city, living in
the Urbs with his family at least three quarters of the year (III, 146). It is not provided, as often it
happens instead in other municipalities, a period of various years before the admission. The statute
(I, 144) considers like Roman citizens in all aspects the foreign merchands who possessed in the
city the most of their movable and immovable properties and lived permanently in Rome with their
own family. The citizenship also was extended also to the family members of the merchand, but not
to his any partners. Also in Viterbo the statute, contemporary to the ours (II, 51; IV, 51), provided
privileges for the immigrant artisans. The Viterbo's statutories even assure to the foreigners «ad
operandum seu exercendum artem aliquam seu magisterium alicuius artis» who could not be
harassed for debts previously elsewhere contracted with not Viterbo's inhabitants (II, 51) 28 .
The agricultural concessions are linked to the framework of the rights of that time, with the
decomposition of the dominion and of powers over the good of more subjects. The emphyteus and
the tenant (maybe ad longum tempus, since assimilated to the first) could rent part of the fund even
without the consent of the owner-grantor (I, 106).
The criminal subject appears in tune with the punitive severity seen anywhere in the Italian cities
of the time: «ut maleficia non remaneant impunita» (II, 2), as it was repeated with an expression of
The most frequent is then the use of the vulgar tongue in the statutes of the danni dati and in late copies.
25
So also for Corneto/Tarquinia (cf. M. RUSPANTINI, Gli statuti della città di Corneto. MDXLV, Tarquinia
1982), Orte (cfr. Statuti della città di Orte, trascrizione e traduzione di D. GIOACCHINI, Orte 1981) and Veroli
(cf. C. BILANCIONI, Statuta seu leges municipales Communis civitatis Verularum, Velitris 1657).
26
With the popular regime, a single foreign Senator replaced two baron Senators appointed by the Pope of
the previous period and indeed a foreclosure for the barons to hold this office was ratified.
27
In general, about the citizenship cf. P. COSTA, Civitas. Storia della cittadinanza in Europa, in Dalla civiltà
comunale al Settecento, Roma-Bari 1999, 1, pp. 3-50; some not secondary historiographic problems are
reported by M. ASCHERI, Nella città medievale italiana: la cittadinanza o le cittadinanze?, in Initium, 16
(2011), pp. 299-312. For the interpretation cf. S. MENZINGER, Diritti di cittadinanza nelle quaestiones
giuridiche duecentesche e inizio-trecentesche – I, in Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Moyen Âge,
125 (2013), 2, http://mefrm.revues.org/1468; M. VALLERANI, Diritti di cittadinanza nelle quaestiones
giuridiche duecentesche – II: Limiti dell’appartenenza e forme di esclusione, in ivi,
http://mefrm.revues.org/1446.
28
Another rule (IV, 51) concerns, more specifically, foreign potters immigrant in the city to use their art:
they were guaranteed the exemption «ab angariis et perangariis Communis Viterbii» and the Rectors of this
Art were obliged to welcome them without payment of any intratura.
160

current use 29 . The sources, in some contexts, allowed to the historian to see, compared with an
initial phase reluctant to capital and mutilating executions, a tendency to the punitive worsening
from the second half of Thirteenth-century (with the rise of problems of public order) 30 , but not
having Rome preserved the statutes before the Fourteenth-century, it is here difficult understand
such tendency over time.
In the Holy City, the blasphemy, like everywhere, is punished by the municipal authorities. Here
(II, 79) it is provided a fine of 10 lire if they blaspheme god or the Madonna, of 100 for the saints,
in case of non-payment are imposed eight days in prison. The same is the fine in Ferentino (II, 13).
in Rieti (III, 28) and Velletri (III, 112) for the blasphemer. But in Ferentino and Velletri if the
criminal did not pay within 8 days, he was accompanied and bare naked in the streets of the city, in
Rieti, however, if he did not obey within ten days he was subject, in addition to the public flogging,
to a mounth of prison. And the contemporary statute of Viterbo (III, 23) is much stricter; 50 lire of
fine for the blasphemy directed against God and the Madonna, 10 lire for the one against the saints
and the no-payment is here punished with the cut of the tongue 31 .
In a severely repressive line in the Fifteenth-century, which has been attested everywhere in
Italian cities, the murderer, after being dragged to the ground in the city streets, was hanged (II, 9).
More commonly in the Italian territory is, however, the death penalty for decapitation provided also
in Rieti (III, 16), in Viterbo (III, 39) and in Tivoli (III, 10). In Velletri, both the decapitation and the
hangover are provided, alternatively, at the discretion of the judge (III, 26). In Ferentino (II, 47) the
type of capital execution is not specified, as well as in Alatri (II, 4). It must be said, however, that
the great majority of the statutes of the Italian towns of the time reserved the decapitation for the
murderer and the gallow for the street thief.
For the Roman statute, on the trace of everywhere very frequent solutions, the fire of a house or
castle is punished with the stake (II, 29) 32 , as well as the ‘vizio sodomitico’ (II, 259) 33 . The robber
(the road thief) riskes, depending on the severity of the fact, various amputations or the gallow (II,
19-20) 34 .
The sexual violence is maybe, among the greatest crimes, the one which has a greater
diversification of the sanctions. In Rome (II, 261) we observe an unusual complex discipline,
because it is noticed not only the woman's condition, as usual, but also the one of the guilty
In the case of agreement between the latter and the woman offended (and her family members),
it is provided a penalty depending on the condition of the guilty: if popular 50 lire, if noble 100 lire
(if he has good for more than 2,000 lire), but the members of the noble families, their loyals and
29
Perhaps dating back to the assertion «Rei publicae interest ne crimina remaneant impunita» of the decretal
Inauditum of Innocent III of 1199.
30
About the subject cf. A. DANI, Gli statuti dei Comuni della Repubblica di Siena, cit., pp. 277-297.
31
The Tivoli's statutes (1522; III, 8) propose an unusual precise definition, distinguishing between curse and
blasphemy: the first, if addressed to God or the Madonna, was punished with 10 lire of penalty, to saints with
4 lire; the simple blasphemy was sanctioned with 100 soldi. Also here the corporal punishment went off in
the case of non-payment and the guilty was kicked in the streets of the city.
32
In Tivoli (1522; III, 49) the house or mill fire was sanctioned in the first instance with a penalty of 200 lire
and the sentence to the stake replaced the case of no payment. In Rieti (III, 76) the arson has a pecuniary
penalty from 100 to 200 lire, depending on whether it was caused outside or inside the city, but it is not
mentioned the sentence to the stake. It is specified instead that the guilty was also required to the payment of
the damages caused.
33
Often, in the statutes of the Italian municipalities of the late Middle Ages, the stake for the sodomites was
considered in the case of not-obedience of strong financial penalties, or for recidivouses over a certain age.
But also in Viterbo, with a similar punitive rigour, they provided the stake for the sodomite over 20 years
(III, 51), while the minor of this age was punished ad arbitrium of the Podestà. We can suppose, in this
subject, an influence of Roman law: cf. Cod. Th. 9.7.3; 9.7.6; Cod. Iust. 9.9.30[31]; Coll. VI.5.
34
The graduation of the sentence based on the severity of the fact is frequent: we find it for example in Rieti
(III, 19), but there are also statutes like those of Velletri (III, 47), or those of Castro and Ronciglione (III, 42)
more decisively oriented toward the gallow.
161

natural children included, were subjected to a fine of 500 lire, so which is ten times greater than the
one for the common citizen. Out of ‘accordi riparatori’, the adultery with an honest women
(considered as such according to public reputation), was punished with a fine of 300 lire if popular,
500 lire if knight, 1.000 lire if baron. If the woman was in a low conditions (as long as not
prostitute) it is provided a penalty of 100 lire for the popular, 200 lire for the knight, 500 lire for the
baron.
In Rieti (III, 17) the pecuniary penalty was graduated in relation to the social condition of the
victim: 100 lire if married or virgin woman, 60 lire if widowed, as well as, in any case, of good
reputation. The virgin was to receive the dowry from the raper and, if she permitted the marriage
with him, the punishment of the fact was excluded. This observation was also allowed in respect of
the widow. More severe appears the provision of the statute of Viterbo (III, 51), where the penalty
for the violence on married or virgin woman is quintuple (500 lire), but if woman malae famae the
sum is reduced to only 25 lire. The sexual violence on pupillus or pupilla was punished with the
postinazione, that is the burial head downwards, a torture at that time not frequent, but, for example,
present in the fifteenth-century statutes of Vetralla (III, 17), which consisted in lowering the guilty
with head down into a pit and bury him alive, resulting in suffocating death 35 . But the statutes of
Velletri (III, 45) considered, more simply, the decapitation for the raper and the pena capitis is
provided also in Ferentino (II, 60).
The procedure per inquisitionem by the Senator or his judges could be start only for certain
crimes, as murder, fire, falsification of documents or coins, robbery, sexual violence, brawl, serious
injuries, aiding in murder, for offences committed in the Campidoglio and in some public places, in
churches or in occasion of some celebrations (II, 5). Other contemporary Municipalities, as Rieti
(III, 3) allowed a much wider use of the inquisitorial procedure.
Thus, next to the inquisitio, the iter of the accusatio remains, in which the claimant was to be
charged not only to start the trial, but also to bring evidences against the accused. The rigorous
discipline of the unproved accusations (III, 66-70; 97-98) 36 , which normally included the plaintiff's
condemnation of paying half of the financial penalty which would be applicate to guilty in case of
convinction, well lights up the reasons, which, in the late Middle Ages and especially in the modern
age, contributes with the new repressive aims of the pubblic apparatus, to the expansion of the
inquisitive model 37 , to the point that the jurists had to observe, as Domenico Zauli interpreting the
statutes of Faenza of 1527, «de generali consuetudine hodie in quibuscumque delictis procedi possit
ex officio et sic per inquisitionem ... maxime quando pars poenae applicanda est fisco» 38 .
The torture, linked to the inquisitorial model, here as generally anywhere in the Italian
municipalities, was reserved to people with bad reputation who had already been convicted of
serious crimes as robbery, murder, falsification of documents and coins, fire, rape, sodomy, treason,
and this would appear in the municipal judicial records (II, 89) 39 .
35
In Tuscany, this torture in the Fifteenth-century seems already obsolete: cf. A. ZORZI, Rituali e cerimoniali
penali nelle città italiane (secc. XIII-XVI), in Riti e rituali nelle società medievali, a cura di J. CHIFFOLEAU, L.
MARTINES, A. PARAVICINI BAGLIANI, Spoleto 1994, p. 152.
36
The unproved accusation is also governed by various other statutes, here considered: cf. for example
Viterbo, III, 27.
37
About this subject cf. M. VALLERANI, La giustizia pubblica medievale, Bologna 2005; G. DIURNI, Il
Medioevo, in Profilo di storia del diritto penale dal medioevo alla restaurazione, Lezioni raccolte da M.R. DI
SIMONE, Torino, 2012, pp. 1-30.
38
D. ZAULI, Observationes canonicae, civiles, criminales et mixtae non solum Statutis civitatis Faventiae,
sed iuri communi accomodatae, II, Romae 1723 (I ed. Romae 1695), p. 44.
39
In Rieti (III, 8), in addition to the above-mentioned crimes, they mention the cutting of the vineyards and
trees, the mutilation and wounds on the face such as scarring. In Ferentino, in addition to the usual most
serious crimes, they mention the burglary, the adultery and the fornicatio, the distruction or alteration of
municipal documents (II, 3). In Tivoli (1522; III, 95) the torture was reserved only to demafed persons for
committing crimes of murder, street robbery, falsification and arson. In Castro and Ronciglione (III, 62) the
suspect could be subjected to torture only if he was a public thief, that is a robber, «vel habens malam famam
162

In Rome, as in almost everywhere in Italy, in criminal law the analogical extension compensates
for the lack of normative provision (II, 126), in a logic which privileged the necessity that crimes
omitted in the statute would not remain unpunished, instead of instances protecting civil liberties.
Equally usual is the contemplation, in the commision of the crimes, of a long series of time and
place, which implied an increase in double of the penalty (II, 131). Among these, worth pointing out
is that of having committed the offence not only during certain celebrations, but also during playful
fighting that took place during the Carnival period. We find, even in the capitoline city of the
Renaissance, something similar to those pugne or battagliole which aroused, but not without risk to
the safety, the citizens of many Italian municipalities 40 . In Rome the fights and other competitions,
in the second Fifteenth-century, were not forbitten and indeed it was imposed on the designated
(paid: III, 75) to not refuse to fight in the games of the Agon and of the Testaccio without a valid
reason under penalty of exclusion from the municipal offices for five years (II, 54). From the statute
(IV, 72-82) emerges a remarkable organization of these games, which had to involve and arouse the
Romans very much. However, simulated fights outside the control of municipal authorities are
severely sanctioned, especially if organized by nobles and magnates (II, 71), for their obvious
danger not only for the public order but for the same stability of the institutions and city
government.
Also Viterbo's statutes testify to the persistent habit of these fights (III, 9). But here the
intermezantes who participated to the rixa with sticks and stones, even if they wounded somebody
with blood outflow, could not be punished by the Podestà, under the penalty constisting of 100 lire.
Also in the statute of Ferentino of the second half of Fifteenth-century (II, 53), in that of Tivoli of
1522 (III, 39-42) and in that of the Sixteenth-century of Velletri (III, 42) the rixa appears (bactalia
seu rixa is called in the second) and then we led to believe that in Rome and the other Lazio
Municipalities not only these warlike agonistic manifestations are appreciated, as in the neighboring
Tuscany, where they are documented by a rich documentation, but here they have been preserved
for much longer 41 .
As for the successions, also here is reaffirmed the solution – almost general in the statutes – of
the exclusion of the woman already provided by the legitimate hereditary succession with the
complicity of the male borthers (I, 59, 62) 42 , in derogation of the Justinianan law ( and in tune with
the Lombard one).
It may be surprising that even Rome, a fortified Byzantine stronghold, shoes in its statutes
precise traces of Germanic legal culture. The discretion, intended for the injured by the entry of the
pigs into their crops, to kill a pig (II, 106) refers closely to a longobard practice ratified in the
de aliquo maleficio seu delicto» who could be punished with corporal afflictive punishment or with a fine
above 25 fiorini. Torture limits were also commonly referred by jurists, starting with Alberto da Gandino:
cfr. H. KANTOROWICZ, Albertus Gandinus und das Strafrecht der Scholastick, II: Die Theorie, Kritische
Ausgabe des «Tractatus de Maleficiis» nebst textkritischer Einleitung, Berlin-Leipzig 1926, p. 82. More
generally see P. FIORELLI, La tortura giudiziaria nel diritto comune, I-II, Milano 1953-1954; M. SBRICCOLI,
«Tormentum idest torquere mentem». Processo inquisitorio e interrogatorio per tortura nell’Italia comunale,
in ID., Storia del diritto penale e della giustizia. Scritti editi e inediti (1972-2007), Milano 2009, 1, pp. 111-
128.
40
A. A. SETTIA, La«battaglia»: un gioco violento tra permissività e interdizione, in Gioco e giustizia
nell’Italia di Comune, a cura di G. ORTALLI, Treviso-Roma 1993, pp. 121-132; D. BALESTRACCI, La festa in
armi. Giostre, tornei e giochi del Medioevo, Roma-Bari 2001, pp. 115-128.
41
While in Tuscany they came out to drastic limitation and absolute bans already from the late thirteenthearly
fourtheenth century, though – it is true – with modest results: cf. A. A. SETTIA, La «battaglia» cit., pp.
130-131.
42
Cf. A. ROMANO, Famiglia, successioni e patrimonio familiare nell’Italia medievale e moderna, Torino
1994, pp. 42-49; P. LANARO, G.M. VARANINI, Funzioni economiche della dote nell’Italia centrosettentrionale
(tardo medioevo / inizi età moderna), in La famiglia nell’economia europea. Secc. XIII-XVIII,
a cura di S. CAVACIOCCHI, Firenze 2009, pp. 81-102.
163

Rotary Edict (chapt. 349) 43 and is testified in various Lazio Towns still in the Renaissance and
modern times 44 . It is the case of Ferentino (about 1465; V, 143), Montopoli di Sabina (1477) 45 ,
Tivoli (1522; IV, 38) 46 , Palestrina (for the fifteenth-century statute) 47 , Bracciano (according the
contemporary statute) 48 and Roccamassima (for the Capitoli dei danni dati of 1634) 49 . We could
suppose an infiltration, which took place in imprecise times, of Longbard customs in the territories
already included in the Byzantine Duchy of Rome, which can be attributed to the phenomenon of
«infiltrazione sottile e lenta del diritto barbarico dalle terre circostanti» already known to the
historiography 50 .
A rubric of the our statute (I, 146) seems to attest, for the benefit of the Romans and the
inhabitants of the districts, a civic fishing use in the Tiber (where it crossed the Roman territory)
and in the sea (obviously in the stretch facing the coast), with severe fine of 200 lire for the nobles
who interfered with these activities (I, 147).
Detailed, maybe more than elsewhere, is the law concerning the paci, aimed at avoiding the
criminal justice (II, 12-13, 17-18, 25-26). In Rome the peace could not only happen, as was often
the case, by public act, but also with certain ritual gestures, such as a kiss on the mouth or a toast
between the parties (II, 25). The statute also is careful to punish in very hard way the nonobservance
of pacifications in these forms, with the quadrupling of the penalty that could have been
applied to the guilty in the first instance.
In conclusion, the statute shows a Town, entirely expression of the Italian medieval city
civilization, still characterized by certain popular surviving traits, with powers and prerogatives
typical of the main urban realities. The proximity of the Pontiff Sovereign does not seem to have
compromised, excessively limited or distorted the municipal system, at least at statutory normative
level. Moreover, in order to prevent unwanted interference, it is stated that no ecclesiastical may
occupy communal offices (III, 18). It should also be noted that Rome had its own districtus, with
subjected communities 51 , in a framework of loyalty not so dissimilar to those of the city's Republics
of the time not subject to the Pope's temporal power.
Of course, it will be necessary to evaluate, throught other surviving sources - as far as possible –
the potential effect of praxis, habits, desuetudes, norms of other level formed outside the statute and
therefore relevant to evaluate the actual, integral, application of this. A significant problem, which
here can only be left entirely open.
For the rest, as we have seen, we can say that the Rome's statute is more rich and complex than
the ones of other Lazio cities examined, but less orderly; which does not have aspects of particular
similarity, except in the more general traits common to some of the entire statutory production in
the Italian territories and in the political character of the people.
43
Monumenta Germaniae Historica, IV: Leges, Hannoverae 1868, p. 80; cfr. anche il cap. 151 dell’Editto di
Liutprando, ibid., pp. 174-175.
44
I could observe it in my research about Il processo per danni dati cit., pp. 191-194.
45
ASRm, Collezione Statuti, 802.1, III dist., rubr. 11, f. 33r.
46
Here the possibility of taking three grapes bunches in the vineyard of others (IV, 49) likewise it seems to
be attributable to a widespread Germanic tradition, testified in Italy by chapter 296 De ubas of the Rotary
Edict: «Si quis super tres uvas de vinea alienam tulerit, conponat solidos sex; nam si usque tres tulerit, nulla
sit illi culpa» (Monumenta Germaniae Historica, IV, cit., p. 70).
47
ASRm, Collezione Statuti, 818.4, IV dist., rubr. 47, pp. 171-172.
48
Statuta Civitatis Bracchiani, in F.L. SIGISMONDI, Lo Stato degli Orsini. Statuti e diritto proprio nel Ducato
di Bracciano, con edizione critica del ms. 162 della Biblioteca del Senato, Roma 2003, p. 276, III dist., rubr.
3.
49
ASRm, Collezione Statuti, 805.16, f. 269v. In this Towns, in the event that a herd of at least ten pigs were
introduced to damage a fund, the injured owner would have had the right to kill a pig and hold the half,
leaving the other half to the local court of justice.
50
F. CALASSO, Medioevo del diritto, I: Le fonti, Milano 1954, p. 241.
51
The Roman statute (II, 20) also provides for a form of ‘objective responsibility’ in charge of the district
communities for robberies committed in their respective territories.
164

If civil law is more articulated than the one of the other Lazio cities, probably because of the
greater presence of law technicians (attested by the Statute itself), the criminal subject, in its
hardness, is in line with the one of other statutes, but different in the solutions, a fact that excludes a
process of complete alignment 52 . Perhaps the Roman one is slightly less harsh than that of other
municipalities and there were, as we have seen, precise limits to the inquisitorial process and the use
of torture.
There is no, either in contents or in the indication of the supplementary sources. A greater
influence of the canonical law, although in this respect – and not only in this – studies about the
judicial decisions of the capitoline court would be required.
These statutes, at a summary comparison with those of near urban realities, confirm the opinion,
for the rest now fully matured in historiography, that Rome was absolutely not foreign to the Italian
municipal panorama, as sometimes it was considered in the past. They testify of that panorama an
unptheeth, peculiar, manifestation, with forms suggested especially by the fourteenth-century
Roman political context. Forms, as we have seen, clearly popular, which will be preferred in
following editions to respect, reproducing them, leaving all the open the historical problem of their
– at least apparent – anachronism.
52
In the Fifteenth-century, as well as later througout the modern age, each Town could decide which
penalties to punish the crimes, how to structure the trial, how to regulate the probative regime, while
respecting certain basic principles indicated by the lawyers as natural or divine law and papal laws that
occurredto regulate this or that aspect.
165

Francesca Pontri
The study about the statutory manuscripts
«Il libro manoscritto, nella sua materialità sia
come prodotto artigianale che come prodotto
culturale, forse più di ogni “reperto”
archeologico è espressione complessa,
polivalente e completa di una civiltà 1 » .
The argument of my study, within the project “Storia Comune”, was the manuscripts of the
Municipal Historical Statutes. The manuscripts have been studied both as artefacts realized in a
specific context and as testimonies of the community within which they lived. The Statutes were
born, in fact, to regulate the daily life of the people, therefore everyone should know the content of
the rules. Even better, the citizens itself were granted the access to the statutory text. This is
certainly true in the case of Alatri, whose Statute starts with a law which required to make two
copies of the text, one of paper to be kept in the strongbox of the City and the other one of
parchment to be left available to anyone who wants to consult it. This has a double function: on the
one hand the the public consultation of the norms was ensured, on the other hand, the text was
protected from tampering and fraud, because the copy kept in strongbox would loose any doubt
about the authenticity of what is disposed in it.
The first phase of the work was to identify all the codices containing the statutory text for each
single municipality participating in the Sistema bibliotecario e documentario della Valle del Sacco.
In this stage a key tool was the repertoire of statutes, first of all the one compiled in 1993 by the
team “Guido Cervati” of the LUISS University of Rome 2 . More than twenty years after the end of
the search, it can be happily noted that further progress has been made in tracing the manuscript
testimonies, not reported in the volume because result of the fortuitous finds after the
reorganisations and researches by scholars. The support of historians, local and otherwise, was in
fact essential to integrate the information emerging from bibliographic research.
The largest number of statutory manuscripts was found in the Statute Collection of the State
Archives of Rome. Started in the XVIII century, this collection was initially preserved at the
Secretariat of the Sacra Congregazione del Buon Governo. During the following century the
collection was greatly expanded, particularly thanks to the work of Teodolfo Mertel, then Minister
of Internal Affairs of the Pontifical State. In fact, in the 1856 he wrote to all the municipalities
asking for a copy of the local historical Statute, obtaining only in that year 260 specimens, including
manuscripts copied for that occasion and print volumes. Currently the collection consists of 750
manuscripts, 7 incunabola and 226 secentine, for a total of 2029 Statutes.
Another important collection is the Statutes Collection of the Senate Library, numerically richer
than the one of the State Archives, but less representative of the territorial district considered.
Started in 1870 with the purchase of a group of 644 Statutes owned by the lawyer Francesco Ferro,
the ensemble grew over the years thank to the purchases made on the book market and from the
private collections, reaching a total of 779 manuscripts, 39 incunabula and 3741 print copies.
In both cases, the Roman collections reveal themselves to be very precious, especially in cases
where they are the only guardians of texts otherwise lost. It is suffices to mention the case of Pofi,
whose only existing evidence of the Statute is actually in the State Archives of Rome. Or the
1
The mention is from M. L. AGATI, Il libro manoscritto: introduzione alla codicologia, Roma 2003,
p. 177.
2
Statuti cittadini, rurali e castrensi del Lazio: repertorio, sec. XII-XIX, ricerca diretta da P. UNGARI,
Roma 1993.
166

peculiar case of Fiuggi, whose Statute had been lost in the middle XX century, and then a copy
intact was found at the Senate Library.
Some recent manuscripts with the statutory rules were found in the State Archive of Frosinone,
particularly in the sections of Anagni-Guarcino, within a Collection of Statutes certainly less rich
than the Roman ones, but in which however some valuable examples can be found.
Other institutes in which the statutory manuscripts are kept are the Municipal Historical
Archives: pauperised in the last century because of the war events or targeted thefts, in some of
them the ancient laws governing small and large community are still preserved.
Finally, the private collections have been revealed of fundamental importance for the census of
the codices: the richest Colonna's Archive, deposited in the Abbey of Santa Scolastica of Subiaco,
in which many compilations of the fiefs administered by them are kept; likewise the Molella
Library of Alatri, where the greatest number of specimens of the Statutes of Alatri and of the still
existing small settlement of Tecchiena are kept.
The codicological analysis of manuscripts reporting the Municipal Historical Statutes is a
fundamental and necessary moment before proceeding to study what is contained in them. This is
because it is indispensable to verify that the artefact, as a text box, has not been interpolated or
tampered during its existence. Only verifying the integrity of the constituent elements of the codex,
in fact, it is possible to ascertain the completeness of the text, at least from a material point of view.
The manuscripts of the Municipal Statutes adhering to the project are placed in a time span
ranging from the end of the XIII to the second half of the XIX century. The oldest specimen is a
membranaceous fragment of the Statute of Anagni, containing some rubrics of the book about
criminal law. The most perculiar example of the collection is slightly later: it is a long parchment
strip of about one meter in lenght and 15 cm in width. The document, drawn up in form of notarial
act, is dated 1331 and contains 63 chapters of the Statute of Ripi. The most recent manuscript is a
late nineteenth-century copy of the Alatri Statute, kept at the Molella Library.
The statutory codices have different characteristics and peculiarities. A first formal distinction is
the type of territory government during the years of the statutory norms. It has been noted, in fact,
that the Statutes of the free cities, as Alatri, Anagni, Ferentino and Veroli, have a greater set of rules
of normative organization and a more complex case of the judiciary law than the castrensian
communities. As to these, in some cases as the Statutes of Patrica and Serrone, it is preserved only
the norms relating to the danno dato, perhaps a part of a wider corpus, but of which there are not
reliable evidences. The canonical partition within the texts, regarding the reference area which, as
already stated, is the one of the Valle del Sacco, includes 4 or 5 Books. They concern the
administration, civil law and civil procedure, the criminal law and criminal procedure, the danno
dato that is the damage caused to the crops by animals and persons, and finally the extraordinaria
that is all the cases which do not locate inside of the other groups and contain the trade rules, the
slaughter of meat, Jews, etc. Most of the examined codices essentially have these subdivisions,
although there are not cases in which the rules are written in a continous manner in a kind of list:
this is the case of Acuto, Castro dei Volsci, Ripi, Tecchiena.
In the study of the manuscripts, a major role is attributed to the distinction between the date of
the text – as the normative compilation – and the date of the artefact as a container, which not
always, and not necessarily, coincide. The Statute, in fact, is an evolving system, which undergoes
the changes in its history. It is not unusual, therefore, that a nineteenth-century manuscript contains
an approved text and confirmed several centuries before. In the cases in which the codex does not
present the subscriptions and datings, it is necessary to attribute to the codex a date based on
paleographical elements (the writing). A great help to date the text was also provided by the preface
present in the incipit of many specimens, where many references to the fate suffered by the
manuscripts. Paliano's case can be cited as a pure example: the introduction tells about a fire which
occurred before 1531 which would destroy the existing Statute, necessitating a new compilation,
written by the Captains of the People at the invitation of Ascanio Colonna.
167

A not negligible element in the analysis of various witnesses was the presence or not of
confirmations and subscriptions. The latter, in particular, guarantee the authenticity of the text by
putting sign of roboration like seals or book-stamps by the notaries, governors and local Lords. In
the analyzed codices, relating to the Municipal Statutes included in the Colonna feud, there were
strong analogies of dates and signatures, signal of a central control by the Eccelentissima Casa. As
an example we can mention the rule added in 1610 by Marcantonio IV Colonna with which it is
forbidden to sell goods to foreigners. The provision is identical to the Statutes od Castro dei Volsci,
Morolo, Paliano, Pofi and Supino.
In this work the catalogation of the manuscripts was made on the basis of the guidelines
containes in the Guida a una descrizione uniforme dei manoscritti e al loro censimento, published
by the Istituto centrale per il catalogo unico delle biblioteche italiane e per le informazioni
bibliografiche in 1990, subsequently updated in the Norme per la descrizione uniforme dei
manoscritti in alfabeto latino issued by the same Institute in 2000. Important work tools were the
article of Emanuele Casamassima Note sul metodo della descrizione dei codici, and the volume of
Armando Petrucci La descrizione del manoscritto: storia, problemi, modelli.
The paleographic and codicological analysis of the manuscripts was conducted by referring to
the teaching contained in the Breve storia della scrittura latina of Armando Petrucci and in
Archeologia del manoscritto: metodi, problemi, bibliografia recente of Marilena Maniaci.
The lexicon adopted in the description is the one proposed in the Terminologia del libro
manoscritto of Marilena Maniaci, where for foglio is meant the set consisting of two joint carte 3 .
In the individual files the item named Specchio Rigato reports the dimensions detected on the
codices according to the framework proposed in the Guida a una descrizione uniforme dei
manoscritti already quoted 4 .
3
The texts quoted in the paragraph are: Guida a una descrizione uniforme dei manoscritti e al loro
censimento, edited by V. JEMOLO e M. MORELLI, Roma 1990; Norme per la descrizione uniforme dei
manoscritti in alfabeto latino, Roma 2000; E. CASAMASSIMA, Note sul metodo della descrizione dei codici,
in Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato, 23 (1963), pp. 181-205; A. PETRUCCI, La descrizione del manoscritto:
storia, problemi, modelli, Roma 2001 2 ; ID., Breve storia della scrittura latina, Roma 1989; M. MANIACI,
Archeologia del manoscritto: metodi, problemi, bibliografia recente, Roma 2002; EAD., Terminologia del
libro manoscritto, Roma 1996.
4
Cf. Guida a una descrizione uniforme dei manoscritti e al loro censimento, cit., pp. 30-32.
168

STATUTES OF ACUTO
Governed by condomini for some centuries, in 1179 the castrum of Acuto was bought the half
from the chapter of the cathedral of Anagni in the person of Bishop Asraele, while the other half
was owned by Loffredo di Vetulo, Archpriest Guido and Pietro d'Amato. The following century the
castle was given in emphyteusis to Ilderico di Giudice, noble of Anagni, who was, however,
expelled by Alexander III because of his despotism. Therefore the whole estate was placed, in 1258,
under the direct rule of the Anagni's Cathedral. The Conti of Segni took possession in 1430, but
exchanged it with another feud a few years later. Since that moment it was owned by the Bishop of
Anagni 1 .
A Statute already existed before 1532, when it was accurate et fideliter transcribed and signed
by the notary Prospero de Lutiis of Piglio, as we can read at the bottom of the first group of 189
rules of statutory compilation. In the following years other 8 chapters were added, while in 1563
the Constitutiones were introduced, that is 4 chapters about the grazing of farmed beasts. The
following subscriptions are pertinent to 1566 and 1710, the latter original and accompanied by
applied seal of bishop of Anagni. In the eighteenth century subscription is mentioned, among other
things, a fire which would destroy the Statute (combustione originalium Statutorum) in the early
eighteenth century, which would have led to the need for the administration to have another copy of
the text, accurate and approved by the bishop.
According to the documents that he found in the Archives of the Sacra Congregazione del Buon
Governo, the historian Mario Ticconi supposes that in 1704 there should be in the Town of Acuto
two copies of the Statutes. One would be destroyed by fire, while the second would be identified in
the one currently preserved at the local Municipal Historical Archive. The latter would be copied a
few years before, and then only approved by the bishop Bassi in 1710 2 .
Sandro Notari has advanced another hypothesis, believing that the bishop Giovanbattista Bassi
keeps with him, in Anagni, a copy of the Statute and the others are copied from this 3 .
From the manuscript of Municipal Historical Archive of Acuto would be derived, in 1856, the
specimen preserved in the State Archives of Rome with the signature 793/01. An indication of the
derivation can be traced in the final subscription, where the copyist of the Roman codex left out to
copy, leaving blank spaces, the same words which in the Acuto's codex had not been “ripassate”.
This action, as we read on the verso of the front guard-leaf of the Acuto manuscript, was made by
Filippo Pompili in 1821 because in many places the writing was not readable.
The other Roman copy, however, would be exemplified between the years 1758-1766, years of
the correspondence between the pontificate of Clemente XIII and the Bishop Domenico Monti
whose coats of arms, accompanied by the city's insignia, are painted at the beginning of the codex.
Below the frame which contains the emblems we read the date 1762, to this year we can attribute at
least the decoration. The realization of this manuscript would have been, according to Ticconi,
demanded by the Curia; however, the work would not be completed as planned, as it revealed by
the presence of three different hands of writing. The copy is perhaps interrupted in 1760, when
Bishop Monti, who had requested the codex, was moved to Urbino, until to end up into oblivion
from which it was recovered at later time. This was perhaps in 1856, coinciding with the Cardinal
Mertel's request to send a copy of the Local Statute for each community of the Papal States. The
1
Brief historical information can be read in E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed iconografico di
torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale, Roma 1933, 1,
pp. 43-44; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e
moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 90-91.
2
M. TICCONI, Acuto: la storia, lo "Statuto", gli usi e il costume, Acuto 2003, pp. 128-130.
3
This was stated by Prof. Notari during a conference on historical Statutes of Acuto on December 16, 2016 in Acuto.
169

specimen would be completed using the codex of Acuto as antigraph. The codex, from the most
elegant appearance, was then sent to Rome with a copy made for the occasion in 1856 4 .
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF MANUSCRIPT: Acuto, Municipal Historical Archive, Pre-unification, b.
1, reg. 1.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: October 3, 1710 (dating expressed in c. 39v).
ORIGIN: Acuto.
MATERIAL: membranaceous; the guard-leaves are reused (traces of decoration); paper the
pastedown.
LEAVES: I, 44, II; pen pagination, contemporary to the writing, in the outer upper corner of each
page which starts from 1 at c. 1r and arrives to 86 at c. 43v; the c. 44 and the guard-leaves are not
numbered.
DIMENSION: mm 210 × 163 (c. 9).
FASCICULATION: I-XI 4 (cc. 1-44); all fascicules begin with flesh-side, Gregory's rule is respected
everywhere.
RULING: by ink, sometimes limited to lines for writing, faded in more points.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 9r) A 12, B 183, C 210, a 17, i 138, l 163 mm.
LINES: 30 lines for 30 writing lines, beginning above the first line (c. 9r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: everywhere present on both the recto and the verso of the leaves in the lower
right margin (except the cc. 9r, 38r-41v and 42v-43v).
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive writing with
brown ink; a second hand, later, has retouched the writing because faded and no longer readable,
imitating the letters below (operation made by Filippo Pompili in 1821, as we read on the verso of
the front guard-leaf).
DECORATION: remains of watercolour drawing of a cardinal's coat of arms (unidentifiable) at the
top of the parchment covering; traces of colour in the paper pastedown; pen doodle in the bas-depage
at c. 35r.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: applied seal covered with a paper sheet at c. 39v, bearing the
insignia of the bishop Giovanni Battista Bassi.
BINDING: 215 × 170 mm; reused parchment binding on pasteboard axes, sewing on 5 cords with
light cotton thread; on both covers the words “Statuto di Acuto” with brown ink; on the back the
remains of an inscription which could recite “Acutinę Comunitatis Statutum”; remains of writings
and of little readable numbers on the covers.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: Woodworm holes and scattered spots; the codex was trimmed in a
in an unspecified moment, maybe when the writing was retouched (remains of trimmed writings in
c. 39v); the cover risks the detachment from codex block.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription in c. 39v recites “Datum Acuti ex
Palatio Baronali / hac die 3 Octobris 1710 / Jo(hanne) Baptista Episcopus Anagnię et Domi(nu)s
Acuti”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: marginal addendum of the copyist's hand in c. 22r e 41r; maniculae and
doodle spread in the text.
VARIA: in the verso of the front guard-leaf the mention “Vetus Acutinę Com(uni)tatis / Statutum /
Presentibus abrogatum legibus / anno salutis 1821 / mediocriter restitutum / ut grati animi
memoria / Posteris remaneat / Per opera di Filippo Pompili riassunse / la scrittura sull’originale /
non più legibile”.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
4
M. TICCONI, Acuto: la storia, lo "Statuto", gli usi e il costume, cit., pp. 132-135.
170

The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Capitula et Statuta Antiqua et alia reformata / noviter facta”.
The text of the Statute is in Latin and the 197 rubrics contained in this are marked with Roman and
Arabic numbers at the same time.
The statutory rules are included between the cc. 1r-37v; in c. 38r-v there are four chapters of
“Constitutiones de novo edite per / Universitatem Castri Acuti / super bestiis armenticiis”. The
approvals of the Bishops of Anagni follow partly in Italian and partly in Latin, relating to the years
1563, 1566 and 1710. The last part of the manuscript is occupied by the “Tabula omnium
contentorum” in cc. 40r-43v, in which the chapters are marked with Arabic numerals and with the
indication of the sheet in which they are in the antigraph.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Ststutes Collection, segn. STAT.
939.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: second half of XVIII century (the bishop of Anagni Domenico Monti, whose coat of
arms is painted in c. 1r, kept the office from 1750 to 1766)
ORIGIN: perhaps Acuto.
MATERIAL: membranaceous (paper guard-leaves).
WATERMARK: present in the guard-leaves, a lily inscribed in a circle (similar to Briquet 7098).
LEAVES: I, 50, II; pen pagination, contemporary to the writing, in the upper outer corner of each
page which starts from 1 at c. 2r and arrives to 71 at c. 37r; the rest of the leaves is not numered.
DIMENSION: mm 273 × 195 (c. 2).
FASCICULATION: I-V 8 (cc. 1-40), VI 6 (cc. 41-46), VII 4 (cc. 47-50); the first fascicule begins with
the flesh side, but the Gregory's rule is not respected.
RULING: with pencil, only the justification lines; from c. 23r there is a justification double line on
the left; the lines for writing are sporadically drawn.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 21r) A 20, B 250, C 270, in 34, i 175, l 195 mm; (c. 29r) A 15, B 255, C 270, in
15, i 183, l 195 mm.
LINES: in the leaves which have the lines for writing, the writing lines are 30 lines of 30 (c. 19r); in
the other cases up to 34 lines of writing (c. 29r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCH-WORDS: irregularly present, both on the recto and on the verso of the leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by three different hands, showing a very laid cursive
(cc. 2r-21v l. 22), rigid and compact the second (21v l. 22-25), more inclined and current the third
(cc. 22r-40r); the ink varies from brown to black.
DECORATION: c. 1r richly decorated with coloured coats of arms of the pope Clemente XIII
(largest), of the bishop of Anagni lord of Acuto (probably of Domenico Monti) and of the town of
Acuto.
BINDING: 285 × 210 mm; full parchment binding on pasteboard axes, sewing on 4 cords with light
cotton thread; on front cover “STATUTO / ACUTINO” in capital letters and a black ink paraph;
remains of unreadable on the front and back covers.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored, usually discreetly preserved.
VARIA: attached to the codex, a printed Notification of the town of Acuto about grazing of the goat
cattle on July 22, 1860.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in this manuscript at c. 2r is “Liber statutorum / Acuti”. The text of the Statute is in Latin,
while the rubrics are not numbered, except for the first three marked with Roman numerals. The
statutory rules occupy cc. 2r-35v; at c. 36r begin the “Constitutiones de novo edite / per
Universitatem Castri Acuti super / bestiis armenticiis”, 4 chapters ending at c. 37r with the
171

approval of the Bishop Michele Torelli of Anagni on August 23, 1566. The manuscript is closed, in
cc. 38r-40r, by the incomplete index of the rubrics (only 93) marked with Arabic numerals and with
occasional indication of the sheet in which they are in the antigraph.
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Statutes Collection, segn. STAT.
793/01
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Statute of Acuto is tied with other manuscripts in a composite
volume; some parchment lateral tongues allow us to identify the various texts according to the order
given in the beggining of the volume.
DATING: July 10, 1856 (dating expressed in c. 77v).
ORIGIN: probably Acuto.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 77 leaves; pen pagination, contemporary to the writing, in the upper outer corner of the
cc. 1r-2r; from c. 2v the pagination continues but with pencil and with modern hand, which arrives
to 154 in c. 77v.
DIMENSION: mm 205 × 140 (c. 7).
FASCICULATION: I-II 12 (cc. 1-24), III-IV 4 (cc. 25-32), V-VI 6 (cc. 33-44), VII 12 (cc. 45-56), VIII 6
(cc. 57-62), IX 12 (cc. 63-74), X 4-1 (cc. 75-77, c. 75 no comparison); generally the checking of the
fasciculation is complex because of the strong presence of guards to which the leaves are glued.
RULING: with pencil, very irregular, often limited to only lines of justification; in some leaves the
line of justification is double, without apparent reason.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 7r) A 12, B 200, C 205, a 24, i 130, l 140 mm.
LINES: in the leaves which present the lines for writing, the writing lines are 23 of 23 lines (c. 1r);
in the other cases it varies from 27 (c. 13r) to 31 (c. 2r) writing lines.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATHWORDS: everywhere present in lower inner margin of the verso of every leaf of the copyist's
hand (except the c. 28v where it misses and c. 45v where it has been removed by trimming).
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive writing, brown
ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: round stamp in black ink of the Priore della Communita’ di Acuto
containing the papal tiara and the crossed keys at c. 77v, placed close to the subscription of the prior
Giuseppe Anagni.
BINDING: 235 × 175 mm; half parchment binding on pasteboard axescovered with marbled sheet
in orange, red and black tones; corner-piece in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with light cotton
thread; the back is decorated with a coat of arms embossed in gold of Pius IX and a brown leather
box with the inscription STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored. The edges of the cover are
very consumed; the pastedowns are at risk of detachment as many fascicules within the volume; the
edges of the leaves are very creased.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription at c. 77v recites “Finis / Laudes Deo /
10 Luglio 1856 / Per Copia Conforme / al Suo Originale / Il Priore / Giuseppe Anagni”.
REVIEWS AND NOTEA: numerous erasures of portions of the text on which the same copyist
rewrites the correct reading; manicula at c. 30r.
VARIA: the numbers 20 and 1592 written with pencil in the upper margin of c. 1r.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in this manuscript to c. 1r is “Acuto / Capitula, et Statuta Antiqua reforma/ta, et alia
noviter facta”. The text of the Statute, between the cc. 1r-68r l.16, is in Latin and the 197 rubrics
contained in this are marked with Roman numerals. At c. 68r L.17 begins the “Constitutiones de
172

novo edite per / Universitatem Castri Acuti / super bestiis armenticiis”, ending at c. 70r. It
continues with approvals and confirmations by the bishops of Anagni partly in Italian and partly in
Latin, for the years 1563, 1566 and 1710. The last section of the manuscript is occupied by “Tabula
omnium contentorum” to cc. 71v-77v, in which the chapters are marked with Arabic and Roman
numerals (according to a non-uniform criterion) and with the indication of the sheet in which they
are in the antigraph.
.
173

STATUTES OF ALATRI
Episcopal seat at least since the VI century A.D., the hernican city was mainly governed as free
municipality. In 1245 its inhabitants attacked Ferentino, but they were driven out of it; the assault
cost the city the requisition of the castle of Tecchiena and of Trivigliano by Innocence IV. During
the XIII century Alatri lived a period of cultural and economic splendor, thanks also to the figure of
Gottifredo of Raynaldo, cardinal deacon of S. Giorgio al Velabro, to whom the city gave birth and
that he ruled as podestà since 1286 to 1287. In 1323 Alatri was conquered by Francesco di Ceccano;
during the Avignon period it remained faithful to the Papacy, but it suffered the vexations of the
Caetani, a circumstance that led to the capture of the city by the Conti of Segni, to whom it was
later removed in 1390 to be governed directly by the Papal State by means of a Vicar. At the
beginning of the XV century the city was invaded by the troops of Ladislao di Durazzo in the ascent
to Rome; the next century saw the Spanish domination and the accentuation of the economic
decline of the city 1 .
The first draft of a Statute by Alatri could be traced back to the 13th century, according to
documentary evidence.
A testimony of the antiquity of the norms can be found in the second section of Book I, which
punishes heretics and patarins and, in general, the rebels of the Church. The citizen podestà is
invested with the task of watching over that this happens, otherwise he will be submitted “ad
penam iuris et X librarum”. This disposition, which seems anachronistic for the times (the oldest
codex that we have is of the mid-sixteenth century), actually derives from a letter sent by Innocent
III on 23 September 1207 to the municipalities of the Papal State. In fact, we read a strong
condemnation against the promoters of heretics and patarins, over whom the podestà is called to
watch; it also ordered to insert a specific norm in the Statutes, and it is precisely what happens in
the case of Alatri 2 .
Another testimony of an ancient statutory codex is found in a letter sent by the Town to Gregory
IX shortly after the promulgation of the Egidian Constitutions. With the letter it asked to the pope to
revoke the rules that contrasted with the traditional freedom of the hernic city, accompanying the
request with the reference to the bull Romana Mater of September 28, 1295 of Boniface VIII, with
which privileges and autonomy were accorded. To reward Alatri for its fidelity to the Church,
Gregory XI in 1376 gave the community to use his own statutes, subject to the approval of the
Rector 3 .
The oldest existing evidence of the Sttatute of Alatri is a codex preserved in the Molella Library,
copied in 1549 by Filippo di Mastro Cola, who was commissioned by the Municipality and paid
with 5 scudi 4 . The copy, which required a work of six months, became necessary because, due to
the consumption of the ancient copy, the pages were no longer readable. Moreover, the possibility
of consulting the text was guaranteed to citizens by the provisions of the first section of Book I,
which prescribed that two copies of the Statute should be made: one to be kept in the City safe - to
guarantee the authenticity of the text - and the other made available to the people.
1
The bibliography about the history of Alatri is very broad, starting with the classic A. SACCHETTI SASSSETTI,
Storia di Alatri, Alatri 1967; the brief historical summary presented here is based on what is reported
in G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medievale e moderna sino
all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 65-67. We also recommend the site www.visitalatri.it, rich in information,
bibliography and updates about city cultural events.
2
The full text of the letter is published in G. FLORIDI, La Romana mater di Bonifacio VIII e le libertà
comunali nel Basso Lazio, Guarcino 1985, pp. 16-17 with the relative notes.
3
See ibidem, pp 59-60; Gli statuti medioevali del Comune di Alatri, edited by M. D'ALATRI and C. CAROSI,
Alatri 1976, p. 68, with the reference cited in note in A. SACCHETTI SASSSETTI, Storia di Alatri, cit.
4
Cf. Gli statuti medioevali del Comune di Alatri, cit., pp. 7 and 82.
174

The deterioration of the ancient codex is perhaps the reason why the heading 25 of the Book V,
entitled “De pena mulieris sequentis cadavera” has been entirely omitted, as it is missing in all the
preserved manuscripts 5 .
In 1585 the Town commissioned a new copy of the statute, since the existing one was old and
useless. Probably the codex copied 36 years before had become part of the Molella family's
collection, so it was no longer available. The copy work was entrusted to the master Angelo di
Paolo di Montemilone, who completed the work the following year. The manuscript must have been
consulted frequently and for a long time, according to how it looked before the restoration 6 . Being
the official use copy of the Municipality, the manuscript was integrated with new norms and copies
of documents relating to statutory matters up to the early 18th century. Carosi-D'Alatri, in their
critical edition, claim that this codex was exemplified by the same fourteenth-century antigraph
(deperdito) of the Molella codex. Of different opinion is Notari, who instead sees the signs of a
direct copy of the municipal one from that of 1549 7 . In any case, the volume in question was kept in
the Municipality until 1919, when the mayor lawyer Giuseppe Di Fabio decided to deposit the
Statute and some of parchments in the library of the Liceo Conti-Gentili. The delivery was not
carried out with an official act: the first citizen simply stamped and signed the intended pieces. The
manuscript has been returned to the Town in recent times and is now kept at the Civic Museum.
The specimen kept at the Giovardiana Library of Veroli was taken from the volume copied by
Angelo di Montemilone. The codex was made in 1689 by Nicolao Antonio de Victoriis, who used,
according to Carosi-D'Alatri, also the manuscript currently conserved at the State Archives of
Rome, by virtue of some corrections faithfully transcribed 8 . The volume belonged to Tommaso de'
Latini, canon of the church of S. Erasmo of Veroli, who in 1835 gave it to the Giovardiana.
In the XVII century also the aforementioned codex of the State Archives of Rome was also
realized. The manuscript, however, was sent to Rome after the entry of the region into the Kingdom
of Italy, as from this copy some of the subsequent copies would derive, of which the last example in
1866. The copyist also consulted the Alatri manuscript, from which he would copy the addictions
after 1560. The Roman copy, according to the authors of the critical edition, derives from the
deperdito statute of the Fourteenth century 9 .
In the XVIII century we can ascribe the copy belonging to Giovanni Francesco Liberati, canon
of the Chapter of the Cathedral of Alatri, that he exemplified for personal use on the one the sent to
Rome. The volume later merged into collection of the Marquis Campanari of Veroli, until they
became related to the Molella of Alatri, whose library is still preserved today 10 .
The aforementioned library preserves another example of the Statute of Alatri, considered the
work of Giovanni Battista Tagnani of Frosinone who would have exemplified it in 1866, as stated
in the opening of the book. The writer’s opinion, however, is that this codex is the work of the noble
of Alatri, Valerio Molella. Comparing the writing of this small volume containing the Statute of
Tecchiena, copied by himself for personal use, we can confidently conclude that the writing is
identical, although in the second case we can grasp the less firmness of the hand perhaps due to the
advanced age. This makes it possible to exclude that the manuscript in question is that of Tagnani,
which, however, was taken as antigraph.
5
In ibidem the authors decided to include in the Latin text the norm from the homonymous title found in the
Statute of Ferentino (heading 32 of Book V), where there is also a gap, but limited to one or two words.
6
An accurate and detailed analysis of this manuscript, as well as the edition of the rubricario, can be read in
S. NOTARI, Rubricario degli statuti comunali di Alatri e Patrica (secoli XVI-XVIII): per un rubricario degli
statuti della provincia storica di Campagna, in Latium. Rivista di studi storici, 14 (1997), pp. 141-222, in
part. pp. 152-202.
7
Cf. Gli statuti medioevali del Comune di Alatri, cit., pp. 83 and 89, where there are the stemma codicum; S.
NOTARI, Rubricario degli statuti comunali di Alatri e Patrica (secoli XVI-XVIII), cit., pp. 160-162.
8
Cf. Gli statuti medioevali del Comune di Alatri, cit., p. 86.
9
Ibidem, pp. 85 and 89.
10
Ibidem, pp. 87-89.
175

According to our theory, the Tagnani copy would be the one reported in the inventory of the
Municipal Historical Archive of Alatri and reappeared after a long oblivion following the
rearrangement of the leaves made in the ‘80s of the XX century. In the inventory there is “una copia
ottocentesca esemplata dallo statuto confermato nel 1560, ritrovata tra le carte sciolte abbandonate
nei solai del Comune. Lo statuto riportato è articolato in 5 libri (Libro I- rubriche 1-48; L.II – rub.
1-90; L. III –rub. 1-28; L. IV – rub. 1-41; L. V – rub. 1-93); ai ff. 146-147 sono riportate le
Adductiones ad statuta del 1586; ai ff. 147-157 gli indici. Inoltre, al f. 108 v. è trascritta una lettera
del Governatore Generale alla Comunità del 28 agosto 1742”; there is also a mention of a “Statuto
cartaceo, 315x211, di ff. 157, esemplato nel sec.XIX” 11 .
In his work Memorie del pontificato di San Sisto I Papa e Martire, the historian of Alatri Luigi
De Persii mentions a copy commissioned by the Town in the mid-nineteenth century and which, at
the time of writing in 1884, would have been untraceable 12 . It would be just this, according to the
theory above, the copy found in the Municipal Historical Archives. However, the lack of the title
page, lost due to the bad preservation of the artefact, and of any signature, which would have
removed any doubt about the merits, must be recorded. We therefore remain in the field of
hypotheses, supported by valid arguments, in the hope that sooner or later other details will emerge
to ascertain how much sustained.
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Alatri, Molella Library 13 .
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed of bound fascicules.
DATING: 1549 (dating in pencil by modern hand on the c. Ir).
ORIGIN: probably Alatri.
MATERIAL: parchment, the last fascicule and the guard-leaves are papery.
WATERMARK: of two types, an anchor with two arms, inscribed in a round similar to Briquet 490
and a bird on three hills inscribed in a round surmounted by a star, similar to Briquet 12251.
LEAVES: I-III, 115, IV; pen numbering contemporary to the writing of the codex in the upper outer
corner of the recto, starts from 7 at c. 1r and arrives to 104 at c. 97r; from c. 98r it starts numbering
again from 137 to get to 145 at c. 106r; the c.23r has a double numbering; the other leaves are not
numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 276x 207(c. 21).
FASCICULATION: I 8 (cc. 1-8), II 12-1 (cc. 9-19, c. 16 beyond comparison), III 6 (cc. 20-25), IV-V 10
(cc. 26-45), VI 10-1 (cc. 46-54, c. 52 beyond comparison), VII 8-1 (cc. 55-61), VIII 12-2 (cc. 62-71), IX-
X 10 (cc. 72-91), XI 2 (cc. 92-93), XII 4 (cc. 94-97), XIII 2 (cc. 98-99), XIV 8-4 (cc. 100-103), XV- XVI 6
11
The inventory of the municipal historical archive of Alatri is available online at:
http://archivicomunali.lazio.beniculturali.it/ProgettoRinasco/inventarionline/html/frosinone/Alatri1e2.html. Despite the
difficult logistical conditions in which the archive currently stand, I have to thank the director Antonio Agostini for the
fundamental help in finding the manuscript.
12
This is how De Persiis expresses himself: “[…] Da questa copia (that of 1585-86, editor’s note) si cavarono poche
altre in tempi a noi vicini. La più antica sembra quella fatta con molta diligenza nella metà del secolo scorso dal can.
Francesco Liberati, segretario e archivista del Capitolo della cattedrale nostra. Quella copia,come sopra fu detto, oggi è
conservata dal sig. Marchese Domenico Campanari, erede dei Liberati. Il Comune, circa trent’anni or sono, commise
una nuova copia, ma la ottenne piena zeppa di errori: assai più fedele è quella che tiene il sig. ValerioMolella, sebbene
ancor essa in più luoghi bisognosa di correzione. Ci dissero cheun’altra copia si trova nella biblioteca del Seminario di
Veroli, ma noi finora non potemmo conoscere se ciò siavero […]”, in L.DE PERSIIS, Del pontificato di S.Sisto I papa e
martire,della traslazione delle sue reliquie da Roma in Alatri e del culto che vi ricevettero dal secolo XII sino a’ giorni
nostri:memorie, Alatri 1884, pp. 691-692.
13
I am very grateful to the Mrs Flavia Pelloni Molella for allowing me with great generosity and availability to consult
the statutory manuscripts present in her Library.
176

(cc. 104-115); the fascicules I and II starts with hair side, from III to XV with flesh side, the XVI is
papery.
RULING: with brown ink.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 21r) A 26, B 248, C 276, a 30, i 176, 1 207 mm.
LINES: 33 lines for 33 writing lines, starting over the first line (c.21r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a humanist cursive
minuscule for the text, semi gothic for the headings, light brown ink.
DECORATION: at guard-leaf c. IIr coat of arms composed of various elements (bull, snake, hand,
wind rose, Greek cross) of uncertain attribution stands, perhaps a cadet branch of the Borgias,
simple and watermarked initials scattered in the text.
SEALS AND STAMPS: lost seal in applied red wax of the governor Giovanni Battista Doria at c.
94v; red wax applied seal of the governor Giovanni Battista Bracellius, almost completely detached.
BINDING: 282 x 210 mm; limp binding in parchment; sewn head-bands; sewing on 5 cords with
light cotton thread; on the back the inscription “Statu/to” in the 1° compartment, “Alatrino” in the
2°, a paraph in the 3°, black ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the initial and final leaves of the codex are browned by time, few
holes of woodworm; generally discrete conditions.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: numerous maniculae scattered in the text; the writing was rewritten in
more points with pen by a later hand, where it was unreadable.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title is not present in the manuscript but on the back and reads “Statuto / Alatrino”. The rules
are in Latin, while the copied documents, the approvals and the confirmations are written partly in
Latin, partly in Italian. The rubrics are not numbered, except for cases in which there is a pen
Arabic numeral of a later hand. The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 1r-22v: Officiorum e Officialium 14 , 48 headings containing the rules for the election of
administrators and their duties;
- cc. 23r – 47v: De modo procedendi in criminalibus, 90 headings of criminal law;
- cc. 49r-58v: Causarum civilium, 28 headings of civil law;
- cc. 59r-69v: Super damnis datis, 38 headings about the danno dato;
- cc. 71v-93v: Extraordinariorum, 93 headings about various subjects;
- cc. 93v-97v: confirmations and approvals relating to different years;
- cc.99r-104v: Tabula sive Repertorium, that is the list of the headings with the indication of
the sheet in which they are located in the antigraph, marked with Arabic numerals;
- cc. 106r-109v: Tabulae taxationum, the fees to be paid for the various services of podestà,
chancellor, civil notaries, riders and agents;
- cc. 111r-115v: confirmations and approvals relating to different years.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Alatri, Civic Museum (formely Library of Liceo
Conti-Gentili of Alatri).
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed of bound fascicules.
DATE: 1585-1586 (dating expressed with Roman numerals at cc.1r and 124r).
ORIGINS: probably Alatri.
MATERIAL: parchment, the last fascicule and the guard-leaves are papery.
14
The word “Officiorum et Officialium” there isn’t in the manuscript, but it was attributed to it by the authors of Gli
statuti medioevali del Comune di Alatri, cit., p. 93. We have decided to keep it as an effective summary of the contents
of the book.
177

WATERMARK: present at cc. 156 and 158 (lily inscribed in a double round, similar to Briquet
7121); at c. 157 (anchor with two arms inscribed in a round similar to Briquet 534 but with the letter
S added under the round); at c. 159 it is not identifiable.
LEAVES: I-II, 159, III-IV (cc. I-IV guard-leaves restored in XX century); various numberings with
pencil of modern hand and older pen, which increase by one or two units, stop or skip a leaf. In all
cases the numerals are Arabic and are located in the upper outer corner of the leaves, always on the
recto, occasionally on the verso; not numbered guard-leaves.
DIMENSIONS: mm 279 × 204 (c. 55).
FASCICULATION: I 6 (cc. 1-6), II-VII 4 (cc. 7-30), VIII 4-1 (cc. 31-33, fall the joint of c. 32), IX-
XIX 4 (cc. 34-77), XX 2 (cc. 78-79), XXI-XXIV 4 (cc. 80-95), XXV 2 (cc. 96-97), XXVI-XXXII 4 (cc.
98-125), XXXIII 6 (cc. 126-131), XXXIV-XXXV 4 (cc. 132-139), XXXVI 2 (cc. 140-141), XXXVII-
XXXIX 4 (cc. 141-153), XL 2 (cc. 154-155), XLI 4 (cc. 156-159).
RULING: with ink.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 55r) A 27, B 238, C 279, a 21, i 169, 1 204 mm.
LINES:24 lines for 24 writing lines, which begins over the first line (c. 55r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing two writings, the first of
which is an Italic with brown ink used to copy the text, while the titles of the headings and the
initial pages of the individual books are in gothic of imitation, brown, red and golden ink; the
additions at the end of the books, the approvals, the final confirmations of the Statute present
different hands and writings, among which surely that of the first copyist.
DECORATION: numerous filigree initials in red, brown and gold; large initials adorned with the
beginning of every book and many headings, decorated with cadels in the same colours.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: red wax applied seal covered by a paper sheet at c. 130r,
unidentifiable symbol.
BINDING: 294 × 215 mm; binding of restoration in full brown leather on wooden planks; sewing
on 4 cords with light cotton thread; head-bands of restoration sewn in red and yellow silk. The
previous binding (except the back), made up of cardboard boards covered with brown leather, is
also kept aside; covers decorated with frames impressed dry, very deteriorated.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript was restored, at the end of the years ’90 of the XX
century; the parchments has been mended in more points, above all in the initial and final leaves of
the volume; replaced the covering and added new guard-leaves.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the copyist subscribes in more points; at c. 1r
“Exe(m)plata / per me A(n)gelum Pauli de / Mo(n)te Milonis iussu co/(mun)itatis civitatis
sup(radic)tae te(m)po/re regiminis M.D. Iuliani de / Amatis Sy(n)dici de a(n)no do(mi)ni /
MDLXXXV in(c)eptae et te(m)pore / regiminis M.D. Pauli Ursini Syn/dici, de a(n)no MDLXXXVI
Po(n)t(ificatu)s / vero Sanctissimi in Cristo P(at)ris et D(omini) N(ostri) Sixti Divina Pro/videntia
Papae / Quinti / exe(m)plata et absoluta “; at c. 77r “Angelus Pauli de Monte Milonis scibebat”; at
c. 124r “Finis quinti libri Angelus Pauli de Monte / Milonis scribebat M.DLXXXVI”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: numerous additions, revisions and annotations, mostly later, both in
Latin and in Italian; very numerous maniculae scattered throughout the text.
VARIA: the codex is kept in a wooden box of mm. 335 x 300 x 110 decorated with the coat of arms
of Alatri, inside which is also found, in a cardboard bag, the previous binding; on a side of the
wooden box there is the numeral 1786; in 1919 the mayor of Alatri, lawyer Giuseppe Di Fazio,
stamped and signed the volume at c. 1r on the occasion of the delivery to the Library of the local
Liceo Conti-Gentili.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title present in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Constitutiones / Sive Statuta Civi/tatis Alatri”. The
Statute is written in Latin, while the copied documents, the approvals and the confirmations are
written part in Latin, part in Italian. The headings are not numbered.
The text is divided as follows:
178

- cc. 3r-33v: Officiorum et Officialium 15 , 48 headings containing the rules for the election of
the administrators and their duties;
- cc. 34r-65v: De modo procedendi in criminalibus, 90 headings of criminal law;
- cc. 66r-79v: Causarum civilium, 28 headings of civil law;
- cc. 80r-97v: Super damnis datis, 38 headings about the danno dato;
- cc.98r-124r: Extraordinariorum, 93 headings about various subjects.
At c. 124v confirmations begin, starting with that of Urbano, bishop of Senigallia of October 31,
1560 to continue with various approvals, additiones and copies of documents of the years 1560-
1714 of different hands up to c. 141v.
At cc. 142r-150r the Tabula sive Repertorium is placed, that is the list of the headings, marked with
Arabic numerals, divided into single books. The volume (cc. 151r-154v) is closed by theTabulae
taxationum, that is the rates to be paid for the various services of podestà, chancellor, civil notaries,
knights and agents. The cc. 155-159 are write-free.
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Veroli, Giovardiana Library, sign. MS 42.2.16.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed of bound fascicules.
DATE: March 25, 1689 (dating expressed at c. 152r).
ORIGIN: Alatri (topical date expressed at c. 152r).
MATERIAL: papery.
WATERMARK: occasionally detectable, anchor with two arms inscribed in a round similar to
Briquet 490.
LEAVES: I, 200, II; at c. 3r a pen pagination, contemporary to the writing, begins, Arabic numerals
in the outer upper corner of each page, which reaches 300 at c. 152v, from c. 153r begins a
numbering of the same hand, which, this time, counts the leaves and goes from 301 to 309 at cc.
153r-161r; c. 134r has a double numbering (263 and 239); c. 162 is not numbered; the same hand
starts again to number from 1 to 38 at cc. 163-200.
DIMENSION: mm 260 × 190 (c. 79).
FASCICOLATION: I-III 12 (cc. 1-36), IV 10 (cc. 37-46), V-VI 12 (cc. 59-70), VII 6 (cc. 71-76), VIII 14
(cc. 77-90), IX 18 (cc. 91-108), X 2 (cc. 109-110), XI 12 (cc. 111-122), XII 10 (cc. 123-132), XIII 16 (cc.
133-148), XIV 4 (cc. 149-152), XV 10-1 (cc. 153-161, the joint of c. 160 is fallen), XVI 18 (cc. 162-
179), XVII 6 (cc. 180-185), XVIII 4 (cc. 186-189), XIX 6 (cc. 190-195), XX 4+1 (196-200, a leave has
been added).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 79r) A 20, B 240, C 260, a 45, i 145, l 190 mm.
LINES: 35 writing lines (c. 79r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: wherever present in the lower inner corner of the verso of each leave,
occasionally also present on the recto.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive, brown ink.
DECORATION: at c. 1v an image of S. Sisto I patron of Alatri. At c. 2r a glued frame with little
angels holding an oval with the title of the volume inside, date and name of the copyist; on the top
of the oval a Madonna with a blessing Child; at the foot of the oval the coat of arms of Alatri.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: at cc. 2r, 14r, 107r, 152r, 153r, 170r and 200r the red ink stamp of
the “Bibliotheca / Seminarii / Vervlani” stands.
BINDING: 270 x 190 mm; binding in full parchment on wooden planks; sewing on 4 cords of light
cotton thread; on the back the inscription “Statu. / Alatrii / m.s.” in brown ink, at the bottom the
number 16 in pencil.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the acidity of the ink has pierced the paper in different points;
worm holes; in general, the state of conservation is discreet.
15
See note 14.
179

COPYISTS AND OTHERS CRAFTSMEN: at c. 15v “LAUS DEO”; at c. 152r “[…] In quorum
fidem etc. Datum / Alatrii ex nostra solita residentia hac die 25 / martii 1689. / Nicolaus de
Victoriis Syndicus”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: numerous additions to the text, corrections and deletions of the copyist’s
hand.
VARIA: the copy was taken from the exemplar printed in the years 1585-1586 by Angelo Paoli di
Montemilone, kept in the Civic Museum of Alatri.
OWNERS AND ORIGIN: ex dono present at c. 2v that states “Ex dono Thomę de Latinis
can(oni)ci curati Ecclesię / S(ancti) Erasmi Verularum anno d(omi)ni 1835 / Francesco Can(oni)co
Mazzoli bibli(otheca) custode”
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 2r is “Statuta / Civitatis Alatrii”. The Statute is written in Latin,
while the copied documents, approvals and confirmations are written partly in Latin, partly in
Italian.
The headings are numbered with Roman numerals and are accompanied by the indication of the
sheet in which they are located in the antigraph.
The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 3r-36v: Officiorum et officialium 16 48 headings containing the rules for the election of the
aministrators and their duties;
- c. 37r-75v: De modo procedendi in criminalibus, 90 headings of criminal law;
- cc. 76r-89v; Causarum civilium, 28 headings of the civil law;
- cc. 90r-111v: Super damnis dati, 38 headings about the danno dato;
- cc. 112v-150v: Extraordinariorum, 93 headings about various subjects.
The cc. 150v-152v host the confirmations, while at the cc. 153r-160v there is the Tabula sive
repertorium, that is, the index of the headings. The cc. 162r-200r are finally occupied by
“Constitutiones, et ordination/nes varię, litterę superiorum, decreta, et / bannimenta etc”, including
their own Tabula.
CODEX 4
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Roma, State Archives of Rome, Collection Statutes,
segn. STAT. 842.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed of bound fascicules.
DATING: XVII century.
ORIGIN: probably Alatri.
MATERIAL: papery.
WATERMARK: occasionally detectable, anchor with two arms inscribed in a round similar to
Briquet 490.
LEAVES: I, 127; pagination that varies from the contemporary one to pen writing, in the upper
outer corner, to a modern hand pencil pagination, both characterized by irregular frequency and
variations in position.
DIMENSIONS: mm 275 × 195 (c. 27).
FASCICOLATION: I 16-1 (cc. I-14, c. 14 is joint with the paste-down glued to the inside of the front
cover), II 12 (cc. 15-26), III 16 (cc. 27-42), IV 20 (cc. 43-62), V 12-2 (cc. 63-72, the joints of the cc. 65 and
67 survive only in tight rim), VI 12 (cc. 73-84), VII 10 (cc. 85-94), VIII 6 (cc. 95-100), IX 28-1 (cc. 101-
127, c. 101 is joint with the paste-down glued to the inside of the back cover).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 27r) A 20, B 260, C 275, a 45, 1 195 mm.
LINES: the number of the writing lines ranges from the 40 of c. 50r to 46 of c. 116r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
16
See note 14.
180

CATCHWORDS: irregularly present in the lower edge of the leaves, often on the verso,
occasionally on the recto; at c. 30v there is not a really catchword, but the first words of the next
page; in all the cases the catchword is written horizontally and by copyist’s hand.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand which exhibites a cursive in dark
brown ink; the additions at the end of the books, approvals and final confirmations of the Statute
present different hands and writings.
DECORATION: pen paraph in the bas-de-page of the cc. 24r, 47r, 53v, 120v, 124r and 127v.
BINDING: 280 × 200 mm; binding in full parchment on wooden board; sewing on 5 cords with
light cotton thread; lower headband sewn in purple and golden silk; remains of not readable
writings on the front cover.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored; the covering risks breaking
away from the body of the codex; numerous woodworm holes and spots of various kinds; the edges
of the leaves are worn on all sides; the acidity of the ink has pierced the paper in several places.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: deleted word at c. 7v; asterisks within the text and in the margin, which,
however, do not involve the addition of the text by the copyist; marginal additions of copyist’s hand
at cc. 54v, 63v, 67r, 68r and v, 69r (of different hand), 73v, 74r, 75r, 105v and 121r;
at cc. 22r and 79v the copyist omits to write respectively the heading 46 of Book I and heading 25
of Book V, leaving only the Item lemma and a long series of dots in their place; numerous
maniculae along the whole text.
VARIA: dashes of red pencil next to some headings at the c. 99r-100r.
OWNERS AND PROVENANCE: the manuscript was preserved, since 1919 until few years ago, in
the Library of the Liceo Ginnasio Conti Gentili of Alatri.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title is not present in the manuscript but is derived from the text. The Statute is written in Latin
while the copied documents, approvals and confirmations are written partly in Latin, partly in
Italian. The headings are accompanied by their number and by the indication of the sheet in which
they are found in the antigraph (except in Book V), all in Arabic numerals.
The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 1r-22v: Officiorum et Officialium 17 , 48 headings containing the rules for the election of
the administrators and their duties;
- cc. 23r-47v: De modo procedendi in criminalibus, 90 headings of criminal law;
- cc. 48r-56v: Causarum civilium, 28 headings of civil law;
- cc. 57r-68r: Super damnis datis, 38 headings about the danno dato;
- c. 69r: Prohibition of entertainment, August 28, 1742;
- cc. 69v-72v are white;
- cc. 73r-92v: Extraordinariorum, 93 headings about various subjects;
- cc. 93r-v: Confirmatio and Additiones;
- cc. 94r-100v: Tabula sive Repertorium, that is, the list of the headings with the indication of
the sheet in which they are located in the antigraph, marked with Arabic numerals;
- cc. 102r-121r: Approbationes, Confirmationes and copies of documents of different years; it
is to report the Constitutio Aldobrandina at the cc. 118r-119v;
- cc. 122v-125v: Tabulae taxationum, the fees to be paid for the various services of podestà,
chancellor, civil notaries, riders and agents;
- cc. 126r-127v: index of approbationes, confirmationes etc.
CODEX 5
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF MANUSCRIPT: Alatri, Molella Library.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed of bound fascicules.
17
See note 14.
181

DATING: XVIII century.
ORIGIN: probably Alatri.
MATERIAL: papery.
WATERMARK: a bird on three hills inscribed in a round surmounted by a star, similar to Briquet
12251 but with capital letters inside and outside the round.
LEAVES: I-III, 134, IV-VI; ink pagination contemporary to the writing in the upper outer corner of
the leaves, starting from 1 at c. 1r and arrives to 182 at c. 91v; other pagination starting from 1 at c.
95r and arrives to 47 at c. 118r; another pagination starting from 1 at c. 121r and arrives to 27 at c.
134r. The guard-leaves are not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 195 (c. 32).
FASCICOLATION: I-XI 12 (cc. II-130), XII 6 (cc. 131-V).
RULING: dry, limited to the limit lines and the through line.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 32r) A 20, B 250, C 270, a 9, i 163, l 195 mm.
LINES: 30 lines for 30 lines of writing, starting over the first line (c. 32r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: wherever present in the lower right corner both on the recto and on the verso of
the leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: a single hand showing a cursive, brown ink up to c. 118v; from c. 121r
the hand is the same but the tip is thinner and the ink is black until the l. 15 of c. 132v, where it
takes the brown ink and the previous tip and uses them until the end of the text at c.134r.
BINDING: 280 × 200 mm; binding in brown leather on wooden boards; sewing on 5 cords with
yellow silk thread; on the back the compartments are decorated with gold impression, in the second
a brown leather panel with the inscription printed “Statut / Alatrii / cum / antiqit” in golden capital
letters; sewn headbands consisting of a bundle of yellow and green silk threads; the edge decorated
in red on all sides.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript has never been restored; good state of conservation.
REVIEWES AND NOTES: pencil corrections of modern hand at c. 65r; suspension points at c. 66r.
VARIA: sheets of paper with various notes are glued on the initial guard-leaves.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title, present in the manuscript at c. IIr is “Statuti Alatrini”. The rules are written in Latin,
while the copied documents, approvals and confirmations are written partly in Latin, partly in
Italian. The headings are numbered with Arabic numerals and are accompanied by the indication of
the sheet in which they are located in the antigraph.
The text was divided as follows:
- cc. 1r-22r: Officiorum et Officialium 18 , 48 headings containing the rules for the election of
the administrators and their duties;
- cc. 22v-44v: De modo procedendi in criminalibus, headings of criminal law;
- cc. 45r-53r: Causarum civilium, headings of civil law;
- cc. 53v-64v: Super damnis datis, headings about the danno dato;
- c. 65r: Prohibition of entertainment, August 28, 1742;
- cc. 65v-85r: Extraordinariorum, headings about various subjects;
At c. 85v and up to l. 3 of c. 86r there are the additiones, to which follows the Tabula divided into
books up to c. 91r, to continue with the Adnotationes seu correctiones in aliquibus locis statutorum
at c. 91v. The cc. 92-94 are white.
It resumes at c. 95r with the confirmations and copies of the documents relating to several years that
continue, including the Tabulae taxationum, up to c. 118r. The cc. 119-120 are white.
The “Spiegazione di alcuni marmi esistenti nella città di Alatri” between the cc. 121r-134r closes
the volume.
18
See note 14.
182

CODEX 6
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Alatri, Library Molella, I, 5.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed of bound fascicules.
DATING: second half of the Nineteenth century, after 1866 19 .
ORIGIN: probably Alatri.
MATERIAL: papery.
WATERMARK: present in the back pastedown, a bird on three hills inscribed in a round
surmounted by a star, similar to Briquet 12251.
LEAVES: I-IV, 222, V; ink pagination contemporary to the writing in the outer upper corner of the
leaves, starting from 1 at c. 1r and arrives to 335 at 168r; the pagination continues, with pencil of
modern hand, an goes to 340 at c. 170r.
DIMENSION: mm 270 × 200 (c. 51).
FASCICULATION: I-IV 12 (cc. 1-72), VII-X 10 (cc. 73-112), XI 14 (cc. 113-126), XII 10 (cc. 127-136),
XIII 12 (cc. 137-148), XIV 10 (cc.149-158), XV 12-1 (cc.159-169, c. 160 beyond comparison), XVI 10
(cc. 170-179), XVII-XVIII 12 (cc. 180-203), XIX 10 (cc. 204-213), XX 10-1 (cc. 214-222, c. 222 is glued
to the fascicule).
RULING: ruled with pencil every single leaf; often only the single lines of justification,
occasionally also the lines for writing.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 51r) A 18, B 255, C 270, a 34, i 184, I 200 mm.
LINES: 26 lines of writing (c. 51r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand (probably that of Valerio Molella 20 )
which shows a cursive, brown ink; the c. IIIr containing the title of the work was entirely written in
red ink, as well as the headings titles; equally in red the beginning and the end of the various books
are reported.
DECORATION: red ink paraphs at the end of the books I (c. 40v), II (c. 84v), IV (c. 126v) and V
(c. 166v), as well as at c.222r.
BINDING: 280 × 205 mm; binding in half brown leather on wooden boards covered with marbled
multicolour paper; corner piece in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with light cotton thread; the
headbands in cloth; the back is decorated with vegetable shoots etched in gold, a brown leather box
with the inscription printed on it “Municipii / Alatrini / Statutum” in golden capital letters and one
of black leather with the inscription “Circiter / annum / 1400”.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored; good state of conservation
despite the slightly worn margins.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: annotations of the copyist’s hand scattered throughout the text, both in
ink and in pencil.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title present in the manuscript at c. IIIr reads “Statutorum / illustris ac vetustissimae Civitatis
Alatri”. The rules are written in Latin, while the copied documents, the approvals and the
confirmations are written partly in Latin, partly in Italian. The headings are numbered with Arabic
numerals.
The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 1r-40v: Officiorum et Officialium 21 , 48 headings containing the rules for the election of
the administrators and their duties;
- cc. 41r-84v: De modo procedendi in criminalibus, 90 headings of criminal law;
- cc. 85r-102r: Causarum civilium, 28 headings of civil law;
19
The date expressed in c. IIIr is to be considered, in the opinion of the writer, copied from the antigraph, despite what
is expressed in the rich bibliography on the Alatri’s Statutes.
20
Compare the writing of this manuscript with that of the Tecchiena codex, kept in the same library with the signature I,
4 , and the relative card within this volume.
21
See note 14.
183

- cc. 103r-126v: Super damnis datis, 41 headings about the danno dato;
- c. 127r: Prohibition of entertainment, August 28, 1742;
- cc. 128r-166v: Extraordinariorum, 93 headings about various subjects;
At cc. 167r-168r the additiones are reported, followed by the Tabula divided into books occupying
the cc. 169r-177r. It continues with the confirmations and the copies of the documents relating to
several years being between the cc. 178r-218r, while the indices are present at cc.219r-222r.
CODEX 7
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Alatri, Municipal historical archive.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed of bound fascicules.
DATING: second half of the Nineteenth century, probably1866.
ORIGIN: probably Alatri.
MATERIAL: papery.
LEAVES: I-II, 159, II-IV (guard leaves of restoration of XX century); pencil numbering of modern
hand in the upper outer corner of the recto of the leaves, affixed perhaps during the restoration; the
c. 142 is signed 141bis, offsetting of a unit the correct numbering.
DIMENSION: mm 317 × 213 (c. 13).
FASCICULATION: I-XIII 12 (cc. 1-156), XIV 3 (cc. 157-159 the three leaves are glued to the body
of the codex); rim without feedback between the c. 144-145.
SIGNATURE OF THE FASCICULES: the fascicules were signed during the restoration, with
pencil, in the lower inner corner, both on the last leaf of the previous one and on the first of the next
one, two Arabic numerals indicate the number of the fascicule that ends and that of the file that
begins; signature 1 of contemporary hand in the lower inner corner of c. 1r; signature 3 of different
hand in the upper inner corner of c. 25r and 4 in the same position at c. 37r.
RULING: ruled with pencil every single leaf; there is only the left line of justification; in the final
Tabula irregular ruling but the line of justification is often drawn only on the left, double horizontal
ink ruling to mark the end of the Book and the beginning of the next.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 13r) A 23, B 306, C 317, a 50, 1 213 mm.
LINES: 31 lines of writing, very regular (c. 13r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORD: anywhere in the lower inner corner of the verso of the all leaves, except for c.
148v.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand (probably that of Giovanni Battista
Tagnani of Frosinone) which shows an elegant and calligraphic cursive, with a very laid ductus
dark, brown ink.
BINDING: 330 × 225 mm; binding in brown leather on wooden boards; sewing on 5 cords with
light cotton thread; sewn headbands (of restoration); the manuscript is kept in a cardboard case
covered with brown leather, without writing or decoration like the covers.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript was restored in the 80’s of the XX century; the
intervention involved the substitution of the covering, the addition of new guard-leaves and
headbands, a slight trimming of the volume and the mending of the damaged leaves.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: showy correction of later hand at l. 5 of c. 132r (praepositus onquę
positus).
VARIA: c.1r is browned; the cc. 3v-4r are dirty; stain in the bas-de-page of c. 18r; sign executed
with blue pencil at c. 147r; numerous gaps reported with dots of suspension where the copyist could
not read the antigraph; the work was done by the same hand several times because the colour of the
ink varies from dark brown to black.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title is not present in the manuscript, there was probably a frontispiece that was not preserved.
The rules are in Latin, while the copied documents, the approvals and the confirmations are written
184

partly in Latin, partly in Italian. The headings are numbered with Arabic numerals, and, up to c.
108r, are accompanied by the indication of the sheet where they are in the antigraph.
The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 1r-34r: Officiorum et Officialium 22 , 48 headings containing the rules for the election of
the administrators and their duties;
- cc. 35r-72v: De modo procedendi in criminalibus, 90 headings of criminal law;
- cc. 73r-87r: Causarum civilium, 28 headings of civil law;
- cc. 88r-108r: Super damnis datis, 41 headings about the danno dato;
- c. 108v: Prohibition of entertainment, August 28, 1742;
- cc. 109r-146v: Extraordinariorum, 93 headings about various subjects;
At the bottom of the text only the Confirmatio Statutorum of 1560 is present.
At cc. 147r-148r the Additiones of 1586 are reported, followed by the Tabula sive Repertorium
divided into books occupying the cc. 148r-157r. Finally, at the cc. 157v-158r the Adnotationes seu
corrections are copied.
22
See note 14.
185

STATUTES OF ANAGNI
Founded by Hernics, during the fights between the Papacy and the Empire the city of Anagni
became one of the main papal fortress, and the starting point for combating the illustrious rebelling
families of the Campagna. In November 1176 Alexander III and the messengers of Federico
Barbarossa met here for the peace negotiations after the imperial defeat suffered at Legnano,
awaiting the final signing of the so-called Peace of Constance of 1183. Anagni gave the birth to four
popes, the last of whom was Benedetto Caetani, who rose to the seat as Boniface VIII. In 1303 there
was the famous outrage to the latter by the men sent by Filippo il Bello, king of France, led by
Guillame de Nogaret, Sciarra Colonna and Rinaldo di Supino. Since 1358 Anagni was given as feud
to the Caetani, to whom it was finally removed in 1399. It has been governed since then as a free
Town 1 .
According to scholar of Anagni Raffaele Ambrosi de Magistris, the appearance of a Statute in
Anagni can be traced back to 1164, the year in which a potestas, a concilium and a populus
anagninus existed already in city 2 .
The oldest witness which is kept of the statutory compilation of Anagni is composed by a
membranaceous sheet preserved at the State Archives of Rome. It is a fragment dated between the
end of XIII and the beginning of the XIV century, composed by two joint leaves, containing norms
of criminal law extracted from what should be the second book “De maleficiis”. The artefact, which
was found among the leaves of the Reverenda Camera Apostolica, has been used in XV century by
the canon Alfonso Garcia di Toledo as covering of a book of accounts relating the years 1418-1426 3 .
Another fragment of the Statute was preserved, according to Ambrosi De Magistris, in the
Historical Municipal Archive of Anagni. It was restricted to a miniated frontispiece of a codex
dated 1312, seen the last time by the historical of Anagni in 1867, but in 1880 no longer available 4 .
At the same place, according to the scholar, there was a third “meschino frammento” of the late
XV – early XVI century 5 . It was a single membranaceous reusable leaf, containing excerpts of the
3 rd and 4 th chapter of the Book IV about the danno dato, with the current title of the book at the
centre of the upper margin of the sheet and rubricated initials. It was about 295 x 210 mm and it
was in a bad state of conservation, presenting erasures, corrections, various writings and damages
caused by the ink acidity. Before the 1985 the artefact was consulted by the notary Giuliano Floridi,
but despite the researches carried out in the Archive of Anagni, there is no evidence of this 6 .
Another exemplar recently disappeared is composed by the first complete witness which had
come to our days. It was a membranaceous codex of about 320 x 230 mm, preserved at the
1
For an historical synthesis, in addition to the many publications of Anagni history, see G. SILVESTRELLI,
Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800,
Roma 1993, 1, pp. 82-90.
2
See R. AMBROSI DE MAGISTRIS, Lo statuto di Anagni, Roma 1979, pp. 7-10 and the relating notes which
indicate the documents brought to support his thesis.
3
The fragment is edited in Statuti della Provincia romana: S. Andrea in Selci, Subiaco, Viterbo, Roviano,
Anagni, Saccomuro, Aspra Sabina, edited by R. MORGHEN et alii, a cura di V. FEDERICI, Roma 1930, pp. 337-
350 (with facsimilar reproduction). Informations about the artifact can be read in: R. AMBROSI DE MAGISTRIS,
Lo statuto di Anagni, cit., pp. 19-20; G. FLORIDI, La Romana mater di Bonifacio VIII e le libertà comunali
nel Basso Lazio, Guarcino 1985, p. 79; S. NOTARI, Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli
statuti comunali della provincia storica di Campagna, in Rivista Storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 22,
Le comunità rurali e i loro statuti (secolo XII-XV), Atti dell’VIII Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli
studi e le edizione delle fonti normative, Viterbo 30 maggio – 1 giugno 2002, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F.
VIOLA, pp. 79-80.
4
Cf. R. AMBROSI DE MAGISTRIS, Lo statuto di Anagni, cit., p. 10 e nota.
5
Ibidem e pp. 17-18.
6
The scholar Sandro Notari has long been tryed to track the manuscript but without success, as he writes in
Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli statuti comunali della provincia storica di
Campagna, cit., p. 79.
174 186

Historical Municipal Archive of Anagni and copied in 1517 at the request od Orazio Clelio,
commissioner of the governor of Anagni Bernardino di Carvajal. The manuscript presented a richly
miniated frontispiece with the coats of arms of Monsignor Vincenzo Portici, governor of Campagna
e Marittima in that year, of pope Sisto V and of the City of Anagni; the binding was in full brown
leather on wooden board, decorated with brass corner-piece and metal clips. Ambrosi De Magistris
refers that the binding and the frontispiece were added in 1587, this date appears to be on the latter.
Eight non numbered leaves followed, containing the index of the five Books written with red ink,
while on the verso of the eighth leaf there was a proemio about the reasons, modalities and times of
the copy 7 .
On June 25, 1545 an excerptum from the Statute was extracted, a fragment which is currently
preserved at the State Archives of Rome. The rules, contained in the chapters 43 and 50 of the Book
I and the chapters 61 and 83 of V, were copied by the notary Candidoro Parisio da Arpino at the
request of the Apostolic Commissioner Roberto de Paulis.
A complete specimen of the Statute, dated August 20, 1663, was recently found in the Chapter
Archive of Anagni, where it is preserved. The codex, not reported in any cited work, was probably
copied from the lost of the Municipal Archive of Anagni. On the frontispiece appears the name of
the copyist, the canonical Carlo Magno de Anzellotti, while in the cc. 110v-111r there is the
subscription of the notary Sebastiano Contestabile of Anagni.
Another complete copy is the one kept in the Senate Library of Rome, dating back to the XVII
century. One of the peculiarities of this manuscript is the presence, before the statutory text which
opens with its Tabula, of an Italian vernacular Index which lists the rules in alphabetical order.
Author of this summary is Marco Gigli, who signs up to c. 1r, also declaring that he had bound the
codex in 1710, while the Index was composed in 1703. The antigraph of this manuscript is to be
found in the copy of 1517.
From the same specimen, or from another one near it, was extracted the Statute, which was
complete, dated 1783 and signed by the notary of Anagni Andrea Gisci, as well as by the
Conservators of the city. Compared to the previous one, this copy presents the Tabula at the end of
the text and it is a part of the collection of the State Archives of Rome.
The same place preserved the last known specimen, written in the middle of XIX century. It is an
incomplete, not-signed or dated codex which could have been a part of a wider project of copying
of the whole codex, but which stopped shortly after the beginning. The extract contains in fact only
the rubricario, the proemio and the first six chapters of the Book I. The decorative look of the
frontispiece, as well as the contents, confirm that the copy was extracted from the lost specimen of
the Historical Municipal Archive of Anagni.
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives of Rome, Collection Statutes,
segn. STAT. 444
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: fragment of two leaves.
DATING: late XIII-XIV century.
ORIGIN: probably Anagni.
MATERIAL: membranaceous.
LEAVES: 2 joint leaves, parts of a single parchment sheet with the flesh side outside and the hair
side inside.
DIMENSIONS: mm 295 × 220 (c. 1).
RULING: ruled with ink only on the flesh side.
7
A rich description of the lost Statute, the integral text of the proemio and the edition of the rubricario can be
read in R. AMBROSI DE MAGISTRIS, Lo statuto di Anagni, cit., pp. 10-53.
175 187

LIMIT LINES: (c. 1r) A 28, B 290, C 295, a 30, d 110, f 125, i 200, l 220 mm.
LINES: 46 lines for 45 lines of writing, beginning under the first line (c. 1r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on two columns.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a Gothic writing, very
faded black ink for the text, red for the titles of the rubrics.
DECORATION: large red ink calligraphic initials at the incipit of each rubric; lettres rehaussées
loose in the text; current title at the centre of the upper margin of each page.
BINDING: the fragment is sewn into a modern binding of 310 × 235 mm; covered with decorated
paper on pasteboard axes with two modern paper guard-leaves on each side.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the parchment is stained and dashed in more spots, this with the
ink fading makes difficult the reading; the pages margins are worn and there are crevices in c. 2.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: integrations out of text of the copyist's hand next to the rubric 77 of c. 1r;
the remains of other writings of later hands at c. 1r in the upper margin and 1v in the lower margin;
maniculae in c. 2v indicating the rubrics 87, 93 e 96.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The fragment contains the rubrics 76-97 (the first and the last are incomplete) of the second book of
the Statute of Anagni, containing the rules of criminal law. The text is in Latin and the rubrics are
marked by Roman numbers.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives of Rome, Collection Statutes,,
segn. STAT. 172/12
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: fragment.
DATE: June 25, 1545 (expressed dating in c. 2r).
ORIGINS: Anagni (seal with city coat of arms in c. 2r).
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: present but not identifiable in c. 1; lily inscribed in a round similar to Briquet
7121 in c. II
LEAVES: I, 2, II; absence of numbering of the leaves.
DIMENSIONS: mm 280 × 210 (c. 1).
FASCICULATION: I 2 (cc. 1-2).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 1r) A 20, B 240, C 280, a 50, l 210 mm.
LINES: the writing lines range from the 25 of c. 1r to the 27 of c. 1v.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, with the left margin which has the number of the rubric.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: signum tabellionis of the notary Candidoro Parisio and applied
seal covered by a paper sheet with the coat of arms of Anagni, both at c. 2r
BINDING: 285 × 215 mm; covering in purple paper decorated with floral pattern embossed on
pasteboard; on the front cover was affixed a green paper lozenge containing the signature and the
inscription “Statuti / del Comune di / Anagni / Quattro rubriche copiate in / forma autentica nel /
1545”; the fascicule is sewn on the cover with a black cotton thread.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the fragment was restored, probably in the XIX century; the leaves
were partially repaired, also the guard leaves and the cover are added; numerous holes due to the
ink acidity, the edges are very worn, so the angles have fallen.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription of c. 2r recites “Et ego notarius
Candidoro Parisio de arpino puplicus nota[rius] / et ad presens cancellarius Communis Anagniae de
comissione Mag[nificorum] / officialium eiusdem Communis dictam copiam extraxi, et copiavi de /
verbo ad berbum ex suo vero, et proprio originali nil addendo […] / minuendo nisi forsan silabam
licteram vel … et calamj di[…] / su non quod versum substantie mutet sub anno domini 1545
176 188

Pontifi-/ catus sanctissimi in Cristo patris et Domini Nostri Domini Pauli divine providen[tie] / Pape
tertij anno eius XI° indictione tertia mensis junii die vero XXV. / Et ad fidem robbur et testimonium
premissorum per me ut premi[…] / descriptorum signum nomenque meum hic apposui consuetj, et
pro / maiorj cautela ac firmitatj Commissorum omnium et […] / fini hic appositum et inpressum de
Comissione predictorum / officialium sigillum eiusdem Civitatis Anagnie.”
VARIA: the guard leaves have different arranged vertical lines; in the upper outer corner of the
guard Ir there is the pencil numeral 343, modern handwriting.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The fragment contains only the Chapters 43 and 50 of the Book I and the chapters 61 and 83 of the
V, marked with Arabic numerals; Latin text.
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Anagni, Chapter Archive.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: omogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATE: August 20, 1663 (dating expressed at c. 110v).
ORIGIN: probably Anagni.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: present but not identifiable.
LEAVES: 111 leaves; pen numbering, contemporary to the writing, in the upper outer corner of the
recto, it starts from 9 at c. 1r and arrives to 102 at c. 110r.
DIMENSION: mm 257 × 185 (c. 18).
FASCICOLATION: I 6 (cc. 1-6), II 20 (cc. 7-26), III 22 (cc. 27-48), IV 24 (cc. 49-72), V 22 (cc. 73-94),
VI 18-1 (cc. 95-111, the joint of c. 96 survives in a narrow stub with writing marks).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 18r) A 22, B 235, C 257, a 30, i 170, l 185 mm.
LINES: 45 writing lines (c. 18r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: irregularly present in the lower right corner of the recto or the verso of the
leaves, copyist's hand.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive, brown ink.
DECORATION: large initial decorated with brown ink at c. 1r and in the incipit of various books;
current title at the centre of the upper margin of each page.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: brown ink book-stamp of the notary Sebastiano Contestabile of
Anagni signing the copy at c. 110v.
BINDING: 263 × 190 mm; parchment binding on pasteboard; partially detached headbands; sewing
on 5 cords with light cotton thread.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the fascicules composing the codex are partially detached; the
binding is in general very damaged; the acidity of the ink drilled the paper in multiple points;
woodworms holes and stains of various nature scattered throughout the manuscript.
COPYISTS AND OTHERS CRAFTSMEN: the subscription of c. 110r-v says “Quas copias
Statutorum Anagniae et aliorum ordinationum, et decretorum in pede… / existens ex propriis
originalibus aliena manu mihi fidata ex/tracta Ego Sebastianus Contestabilis Anagninus publicus
Dei gratia et Apostolica Auctoritate / notarius in Archivum Romanae Curiae … … … dictae
civitatis Anagniae / Archivista fatta collatione de Verbo ad Verbum … facet concordare / [c. 110v]
inveni salva semper etc. Id est hic me subscripsi / et publicavi solitoque meo signo signavi
requisitus / hac die 20 mense Augusti 1663.”
REVIWS AND NOTES: many underlining and catchwords; out of text addendum of the copyist;
maniculae at cc. 4v, 5v, 6r, 22v, 45r, 74v, 78r, 87v, 109r.
VARIA: remains of Arabic numeral at c. 78v.
177 189

INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Magnificę Civitatis Anagnię statutorum Volumen”. The
Statute is written in Latin, while the copied documents, approvals and confirmations are written
part in Latin, part in Italian. The chapters are marked with Arabic numerals.
The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 2r-7v: Tabula of the chapters contained in the volume;
- c. 8r-v: Proemio
- cc. 9r-29v Book I, 51 chapters containing the rules for election of the directors and their
tasks;
- cc. 30r-40v: Book II, 46 chapters of Criminal Law;
- cc. 40v-73v: Book III, 122 chapters od civil law;
- cc. 74r-81v: Book IV, 31 chapters about the danno dato;
- cc. 82r-106v: Book V, 102 chapters about various subject;
- cc. 107r-110v: addenda and copies of various documents.
CODEX 4
EXTRERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Roma, Senate Library “Giovanni Spadolini”,
Collection Statutes, segn. STATUTI MSS 169.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: omogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: XVII century.
ORIGIN: probably Anagni.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: occasionally detectable, of different types: 1) six-rays sun inscribed in round
overlaid by a cross, vaguely resembling to Briquet 13926; 2) an anchor with two arms inscribed in a
round surmounted by a cross, similar to Briquet 490; 3) a bird on three hills inscribed in a round
surmounted by a star, similar to Briquet 12251.
LEAVES: I, 193, II (guard-leaves of restoration); among the cc. 1-193 there are two concordant
numberings, one of these in the upper middle margin, with pencil of modern hand, and the other in
the lower outer margin with black ink executed with meccanic numerator; they are accompanied by
other often erroneous numberings and paginations.
DIMENSIONS: mm 267 × 192 (c. 82).
FASCICOLATION: I 2 (cc. 1-2), II 8+(8+14)+8 (cc. 3-40), III 16 (cc. 41-56), IV 10-1 (cc. 57-65, c. 65
without feedback), V-VII 24 (cc. 66-137), VIII 22 (cc. 138-159), IX 24-1 (cc. 160-182), X 12-1 (cc. 183-
193, c. 183 without comparison).
LIMIT LINES: (first hand, c. 82r) A 30, B 245, C 267, a 16, i 167, l 192 mm; (second hand, c.
139r) A 30, B 245, C 267, a 45, l 192 mm.
LINES: the first hand ranges from the 26 lines of writing of c. 71r to the 29 of c. 95r; the second
hand differs little from the 37 lines of writing of c. 128r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on two columns among the cc. 2r-57v, 182r-189v e 191r-193r; on a column for
the rest of the codex.
CATCHWORDS: present in the lower right margin of each page between the cc. 66v-119v, then
only on the verso of the leaves until c. 180v; omitted by the copyist at c. 152v.
WRITING AND HANDS: two hands, the first until to c. 119r and again from c. 181v to the end,
including the addenda outside the text (except the cc. 158r, 159v e 168r) and the number which
accompanies each rubric, the second one among the cc. 119v-181v; both cursive, brown ink.
BINDING: 282 × 200 mm; binding of restoration in full parchment on wooden board; sewing on 4
cords with light cotton thread; headband of restoration glued in red and yellow silk; on the back in
the 2 nd compartment the black ink legend “Statuti / di / Anagni” .
190 178

STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript has been restored by the Gabinetto di Restauri
bibliografici of the Monumental Badia of S. Maria of Grottaferrata, but the age is not indicated;
many leaves has been glued with rice paper to reinforce them, this procedure has made the text
below not easy to read; the ink acidity drilled the paper in multiple points; stains of various colors
scattered along the text.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: maniculae at the cc. 90v, 95r, 99r and 178r.
VARIA: a crosslet in the outer margin of c. 90v.
OWNES AND PROVENANCE: note of possess at c. 1r says: “Fatto ligare li 26 Ap(ril)e 1710 /
coll’Indice volgare fattoli / da me l’an(no) 1703, con molti de[…] / nel fine. / M(arco) Gigli, che
principalm(ent)e / risolvo di non darlo fuori della mia / abitaz(ion)e, e così ordino a’ miei
successori”.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 2r is “Statuto di Anagni”. The Statute is written in Latin, while the
copied documents, the approvals and the confirmations are written part in Latin, part in Italian. The
chapters are marked with Roman numeral.
The text is divided:
- cc. 2r-57r: Indice delle parole, e Materie dello Statuto di Anagni, an alphabetical list by
topic containing the indication of the book and the chapter in which it is located;
- cc. 58r-65v: Repertorium seu Tabbula of sequential chapters, divided by books;
- cc. 66r-88r: Book I, rules for the election of the directors and thir duties;
- cc. 88r-101r: Book II, Criminal Law;
- cc. 101v-140r: Book III, civil law;
- cc. 140v-149v: Book IV, danno dato;
- cc. 149v-177v: Book V, various subjects;
- cc. 177v-193v: additions and copies of various documents from 1519 (incorrectly 1517) to
1726.
CODEX 5
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statute, segn. STAT. 640
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: April 8 1783 (dating expressed at c. 190v).
ORIGIN: Anagni (local dating expressed at c. 190v).
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: a bird on three hills inscribed in a round surmounted by a crown, similar to
Briquet 12250.
LEAVES: I-II, 193, III-IV (guard-leaves of restoration). The leaves 1r e 2r are incorrectly
numbered I and II; from c. 3r a pagination contemporary to the writting in Arabic numeral starts in
the upper outer corner of each page, starting from 1 at c. 3r and arrives to 350 at c. 177v; at c. 178r
a pencil numeration of modern hand starts in the upper outer corner of each leaf which marks 350 at
c. 178r and arrives to 364 at c. 191r; the leaves 192, 193 and the guards are not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 190 (c. 120).
FASCICOLATION: I 2 (cc. 1-2), II-III 24 (cc. 3-50), IV 22 (cc. 51-72), V-VII 24 (cc. 73-144), VIII 24-1
(cc. 145-167, c. 155 without feedback), IX 12 (cc. 168-179), X 2 (cc. 180-181), XI 12 (cc. 182-193).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 120r) A 30, B 250, C 270, a 20, i 160, l 190 mm.
LINES: the number of the writing lines ranges from 24 of c. 130r to 26 of c. 148r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: irregularly present in the lower inner corner of the verso of the leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive, different hand
from that of the notary who subscribes the copy; brown ink.
191 179

DECORATION: pen paraphs at cc. 2v, 37v, 50v, 97v, 113v, 121r, 151v, 166v, 175v, 176v, 179v;
current title at the centre of the upper margin of each page.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink book-stamp of the notary Andrea Gisci at c. 190r;
applied seal in wax covered with a paper sheet at c. 190v, not recognizable.
BINDING: 275 × 205 mm; binding of restoration in full parchment on pasteboard; sewing on 8
cords with light cotton thread; headband of restoration glued in green and yellow silk; the edge is
decorated in red on all sides.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript was restored in 1972 by the Lombardi laboratory;
the binding and the guard-leaves were replaced, the fascicules were resewn, new headbands were
attached, some leaves were renforced. There are still visible woodworms holes in the leaves closest
to the covers; the ink acidity drilled the papers in multiple points.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription of c. 190r-v recites “Fidem facimus
verboque veritatis testamur suprascri-/ptum D. Andream Gisci de pręmissis rogatum esse /
Notarium publicum, Ill(ustrissi)ma Communitatis Anagnię / Secretarium, et Archivistam, Legalem,
Authenticum, / ac fide dignum scripturisque suis tam publicis, / quam similibus in judicio, et extra
semper adhibitam / [c. 190v] fuisse, et de pręsenti quoque plenam adhiberi / fidem. In quorum etc.
Datum Anagnię ex N(ost)ra / Residentia Conserv(atora)li hac die 8 Mensis Ap(ri)lis / Anni 1783.
Indictione I Sedente Pio Papa / VI anno ejus Nono. / Antonius Colacicchi … Conservator / Carolus
Magni Secundus Conservator / Vincentius Ambrosetti Tertius Conservator / Vincentius Ciccotti
Quartus Conservator”.
REVIWES AND NOTES: numerous underlining, corrections and interlinear addenda of copyist's
hand.
VARIA: extended ink stain at c. 52r.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title, present in the manuscript at c. 1r is “S[t]atutum inclytae, ac pervetustae Civitatis /
Anagniae”. The Statute is written in Latin, while the copied document, approvals and confirmations
are written part in Latin, part in Italian. The chapters are marked with Roman numerals.
The text was divided as follows:
- c. 2r-v: Proemio;
- cc. 3r-29r: Book I, 51 chapters containning the rules for the elections od directors and their
duties;
- cc. 29r-44v: Book II, 46 chapters of Criminal Law;
- cc. 45r-97v: Book III, 122 chapters od civil law;
- cc. 98r-113v: Book IV, 31 chapters about the danno dato;
- cc. 114r-167r: Book V, 102 chapters about various subjects;
- cc. 168r-177r: additions and copies of various documents from 1519 to 1707;
- cc. 177v-179v: white leafs;
- cc. 180r-189v: Repertorium, seu Tabula rubricarum diviso per libri.
At c. 190r-v there are the subscriptions of the notary Gisci and the Conservatori of Anagni, while
the cc. 191-193 are blank.
CODEX 6
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statutes, segn.
STAT. 816/12
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Statute of Anagni is linked with other manuscripts in a
composite volume; some parchment tongues allow to locate various texts according to the order
attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: probably 1856 (1853 according to Ambrosi De Magistris 8 )
8
Cf. R. AMBROSI DE MAGISTRIS, Lo statuto di Anagni, cit., pp. 11-12 in note.
192 180

ORIGIN: probably Anagni.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: I, 15, II-III; the leaves are not numbered.
DIMENSION: mm 305 × 205 (c. 15).
FASCICULATION: I 2 (cc. I-1), II 10 (cc. 2-11), III 6 (cc. 12-III).
RULING: ruled with pencil every single leaf; a single line of justification on the left, while the line
for writing has doubled in headline of the rubrics to contain the body of the letters.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 15r) A 12, B 292, C 305, a 15, l 205 mm.
LINES: 29 lines for 29 lines of writing, beginning above the first line (c. 15r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, which occupies almost the entire page, except for a narrow
passageway to the left.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand featuring a cursive, dark brown ink.
DECORATION: the frontispiece of c. 1r is decorated with a shell frame, made with faded black
ink.
BINDING: 340 × 230 mm; binding in half parchment on pasteboard covered with marbled paper in
the tones of orange, red and black; corner piece in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with light cotton
thread; the back is decorated with two gold plated coats of arms of Pius IX and a brown leather box
with the inscription STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters. On the front cover,
in the upper right margin we can read the numeral 1° written in brown ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored. The back and the front cover
are detached from the volume, as well as the first fascicule; the margins are in general very worn
out.
VARIA: in the upper outer margin of the leaf 1r there is the pencil numeral 343, of modern hand;
horizontal pencil linking stroke, locates in corrispondence of some chapters, at c. 6r.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The manuscript contains only the index of the chapters contained in the five books with the
indication of the leaf, in which they are in antigraph, indicated with Arabic numeral; a proemio and
the first six chapters of the Book I follow. The Statute is written in Latin, the chapters are not
numbered.
193 181

STATUTES OF BOVILLE ERNICA
The Community of Bauco, currently Boville Ernica, was governed by condòmini since XII
century. After the repelling of an attack by the army of Sora, in virtue of the proved value, in 1204
Innocent III granted a Statute. The town was involved in the wars between the Papacy and the
Colonna's family in XV and XVI centuries; after a short republican parenthesis, in 1582 it turned
under the direct dominion of the Pontiff 1 .
The only existing traces of a Bauco's Statute concern only the rules about the danno dato. It is a
corpus of 16 chapters focusing on the protection of cultivated fields and trees, with particular
attention to olive trees. This is not surprising, if we consider that the olive cultivation for centuries
has been one of the main sources of livelihood of the territory, such as Boville Ernica, with a strong
agricultural vocation. The safeguarding from the damage caused by men and animals, as well as the
fight against the frauds and thefts, therefore occupies a considerable space within the local law. So
much as 11 chapters deal with olives and olive trees, while the 13 th concerns the protection of
mulberry trees, due to the implementation of the silk industry in the area.
A specimen of statutory rules of Bauco consists of a chirograph of Pius VI, preserved in two
copies in the Statutes Collection of the State Archives of Rome. The first of these reports a text by
printed tipography of the Reverenda Camera Apostolica, dated 1875, which however contains the
chapters proposed by the Public Council of Bauco on November 2 1781 and approved by the
Pontiff on March 26 1783 2 . The second is a handwritten copy of the same chirograph, which was
made to be sent to Rome in 1856 following the request of Cardinal Mertel mentioned above.
Another specimen, or rather more than one, is preserved equally in the State Archives of Rome,
in the fond Camerale III. Several copies of the statutory chapters of Bauco are attached to a dossier
focusing up the changes to the rules between 1781 and 1782 3 . Actually there are not rests of a
complete book of the Statute. However, what is said in the above mentioned fascicule would
suggest that, in any case, in 1781 it was not applied or lost. In the dossier there are, in fact, an
authentic statement which says:
“Depongo io infrascritto publico Segretario di questa Comunità per la pura verità
richiesto non esser’in questa nostra Patria verun Statuto di sorte alcuna. In fede di che ne
ho munita la presente col solito segno Comunitativo. Bauco 16 Luglio 1781. Rocco de
Paulis Segretario”.
The absence of a reference normative may have been the mainsprings which went off the need to
draw up a Statute to regulate the danno dato.
Comparing the two texts preserved, we can notice slight differences between the editorial of
November 1781 and what is approved by Pius VI in 1783. It is likely that there have been several
proposal in that time, as in the cited dossier we can read some chapters rejected by the Lieutenant
with the relevant motives.
N.B.: In the dossier of the Camerale III there are several loose fascicules with the text of the
Statute. It is here decided to procedeed only with codicological filling with fewer interventions of
revisions, almost the “bella copia”.
1
For a historical summary see E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed iconografico di
torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale, Roma 1933, 1,
p. 84; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna
sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 57-59.
2
The text of the chirograph is published in G. FLORIDI, La Romana mater di Bonifacio VIII e le
libertà comunali nel Basso Lazio, Guarcino 1985, pp. 126-129.
3
On the covering of the fascicule it is written “1782 / Bauco / Statuto comunale”.
194 182

EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Camerale III, Bauco, b. 349.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: loose fascicule .
DATING: 1782 (dating is expressed on the covering of the dossier).
ORIGIN: probably Bauco
MATERIAL: paper
WATERMARK: a bird on three hills inscribed in a round surmounted by the letter F similar to
Briquet 12251.
LEAVES: 6 leaves, not numbered
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 200 (c. 4)
FASCICOLATION: I 6 (cc. 1-6)
RULING: not ruled but bent halfway vertically to get two symmetrical column.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 4r) A 20, B 250, C 270, a 100, l 200 mm.
LINES: 24 writing lines (c. 4r)
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: everywhere present in the lower inner corner of the verso of each leaf.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, brown ink.
BINDING: the fascicule have not a binding; the leaves are tied together with light cotton thread.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the leaves may be separated because of the thread dissolution that
binds the fascicule: the ink acidity drilled the paper in multiple points.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: the copyist has erased and rewritten in many points, in others he has
deleted text portions.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title present in the fascicule is “Capitoli nuovamente / Riformati”, while at c. 6v there is
“Statuti di Bauco”. The 16 rules are written in Italian and are distinguished by Arabic numeral.
195 183

STATUTES OF CASTRO DEI VOLSCI
Castro Castri, today Castro dei Volsci 1 , was for centuries under the direct dominion of the Holy
See. In 1216 it was destroyed by Ruggero dell'Aquila, but the neighboring counts de' Ceccano
pushed him back. In XIII and XIV centuries it was entrusted as castellania to several families, until
in 1410 the Castro and Ripi feud was granted to Lorenzo and Giordano Colonna in condominium. It
was taken Colonna away and reassigned several times, until in 1562 they had their final possess 2 .
The oldest specimen of the Castro dei Volsci's Statute dates back to XVI century, but the genesis
of the text contained in it can be anticipated on the basis of the considerations expressed by Paolo
Scaccia Scarafoni in the critical edition of the compilation of Castro. He emphasizes, in fact, that,
within the text, there is a clear reference to the Domini Columnenses: the time span is thus placed
between the beginning of the Colonna lordship and the addition of the Capitoli novi approved in
1510. Moreover, reading the beginning of the Statute we understand how the relations between the
community and the feudatories were at this point firm, this observation would take up the writing
date of the text to about 1420. On the other hand, the rules added in 1510, which essentially concern
the danno dato, could lead to the conclusion that the chapters about this subject may have been in
force for some ten years, before being modified, moving the limit to about 1490. We can further
tighten the field considering that the reference to the Colonna lordship is always to a plurality of
people, so we can believe that the text resumes at time of the condominio of two lords. This
happened in two moments, first of which is between the beginning of the domination and 1427,
beginning year of a “dominio singolo”, so the probability period would fall between 1420 and 1427.
The second moment occurred in about 1464, when the feud was assigned to Fabrizio Colonna and
his brothers, thus narrowing the field to the period between 1464 and about 1490 3 .
The dating of the copy preserved at the Municipal Historical Archives of Castro dei Volsci is,
however, assigned by Scaccia Scarafoni to 1589. On February 18 of that year, in fact, Felice
Colonna Orsini signed manu propria the manuscript, approving the chapters. Since the same hand
writes all the statutory text, the Capitoli novi of 1510 and the signing of Marcantonio II Colonna of
February 23 1561, stopping himself just before the signature of the “sconsolatissima”, it is plausible
that the copyist, a trusted collaborator, did the job shortly before that the latter applied her
subscription. The letter enclosed to the manuscript – in the codicological file indicated as Unit 3 –
clearly talks about an approval requested to Felice Colonna Orsini, who would also receive the copy
of the Statute with the original subscription of Marcantonio II. It is in this moment that the Lady
would have made the copy which is currently preserved in Castro, anche that she signed in own his
hand before returning to the Castro community 4 .
Also the subscription of Marcantonio IV Colonna is original, although the seal is lost. The dating
of signature was abraded, but it can be assigned without problems to 1610, when it was enclosed in
other Statutes of the castra of Colonna the rule of the prohibition of selling to foreigners, which in
the manuscript is identical to that of other countries 5 .
The text has some gaps, perhaps due to the little intelligibility of the antigraph. Gaps reported,
with other approximate errors, in the nineteenth century codex kept at the State Archives of Rome.
1
The city of volscan origin took its name after the Unit of Italy.
2
Cf. E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed iconografico di torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti
della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale, Roma 1933, 1, p. 161; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città
castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma
1993, 1, pp. 135-136.
3
Cf. P. SCACCIA SCARAFONI, Gli statuti di Castro (oggi Castro dei Volsci), Anagni 1989 (Biblioteca di
Latium, 8), pp. 25-27.
4
Cf. ibidem, pp. 23-24.
5
We can mention, by way of example, the Statutes of Morolo, Pofi, Palino, Supino; cf. infra the relating
paragraphs.
196

The chapters about the danno dato came into force until 1795, when they were separated from
the rest of the Statute and reformed. The rules were transcribed and sent to Rome, probably after the
aforementioned request of Cardinal Mertel of 1856.
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Castro dei Volsci, Municipal Historical Archive.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: organized composite manuscript, composed by linked fascicule
with the addition of singletons and sawn to the rest of the codex .
BINDING: 200 × 150 mm; maroon limp binding in parchment of XVII century; sewing on 4 cords
with light cotton; upper sewn headband, partially shrouded the lower one; on the front cover the
inscription “Statuto / Castro” with black ink; the codex was trimmed.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the cover is damaged at corners; the guard leaves, as well as some
leaves inside the codex, are likely to detach; various spots and woodworms holes scattered throught
the text; cut in the parchment at c. VIII; the ink is often faded and unreadable.
UNIT 1
DATING: XVI century.
ORIGIN: Castro dei Volsci or, more likely, Rome.
MATERIAL: membranaceous, membranaceous and paper guards.
WATERMARK: present in the paper documents sewn at centre of the codex, lily inscribed in a
round similar to Briquet 7106.
LEAVES: I-II (paper guards), III-VII (membranaceous guards), 37, VIII (paper guards), IX-X
(paper guards); pen numbering, contemporary to writing, in the upper outer corner of the recto of
eac leaf: the c. 1r is numbered 7, so the effective numbering is 6 units less than the one in the
codex; the guard-leaves III-VII are numbered 2-6, the guard VIII is numbered 44, the guards IX-X
are not numbered. Between the cc. II-III [2], as well as between the cc. 22-23 [28-29], letters were
included, folded and sewn to the body of the codex.
DIMENSIONS: mm 200 × 150 (c. 10).
FASCICOLATION: I 4-1 (cc. III-V), II 4 (cc. VI-2), III-X 4 (cc. 3-VIII); all fascicules begins with the
flesh side, the Gregory's rule is everywhere respected.
RULING: ink, very thin.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 12r) A 15, B 175, C 200, a 11, i 128, l 150 mm.
LINES: 25 lines for 25 lines of writing, beginning above the first line (c. 12r).
TEXT LAYOUT: full page.
WRITING AND HAND: the text was copied by a single hand showing an Italic writing, brown ink;
the titles of the rubric, written in semigothic, and the initials are written with red ink. In many
places, the writing are rewritten with blue ink because faded and not readable.
DECORATION: small floral decorations made with a red ink stamp next to the titles of some
rubrics; in more points, there are filling lines made up of brown ink plant shoots.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: applied seal in red wax, lost, next to the subscription of the
“sconsolatissima” Felice Colonna Orsini at c. 22 [28]r; idem on the verso of the same leaf, where
this fate belongs to the signing of Marcantonio IV Colonna. At c. 23 [29]r applied seal covered with
a paper sheet with the Colonna emblems.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: numerous addenda to the text of later hands, also in the final Tabula;
maniculae scattered in the codex.
VARIA: pen-trials between the cc. 2r-3v, as well as in the guard VIII.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript on the front cover of the covering is “Statuto / Castro”. The Statute is
written in Latin, while the copied documents, approvals and confirmations are written part in Latin,
197

part in Italian. The one hundred thirty-nine rubrics are not numbered and the text is not subdivided
in books as in the Statutes of many neighbouring towns. Nevertheless, we can notice that the rules
are grouped into four major groups of subjects within the text, that is the administration and the
civil law, the criminal law, the danno dato and vaious matters 6 .
The text opens with a proemio to c. 1r, followed on the verso of the leaf by the beginning of the
statutory text. At c. 21 [27]r there is the “Copia di capitoli noui sopra danni dati, et sopra li
guardiani / mandati scritti in una patente confirmata dall’Illustrissima Signora” 7 , which are
followed by the approvals and confirmations by the members of the Colonna's family until at c. 23
[29]r. The cc. 23 [29]v-33 [39]v are ruled but without writing. The text closes with the Tabula, that
is the list of the rubrics according to the alphabetical order accompanied by the number of the page
where they are located, which occupy the cc. 34 [40]r- 37 [43]r.
The letter sewn between the cc. II-III [2], dated March 24, 1671, contains the request of the
community of Castro dei Volsci to the Prince Filippo Colonna to be able to grind the olives at the
Vallecorsa mill, when the local one could not satisfy the great demands. The Prince approves and
puts his signature. With the letter sewn between the cc. 22-23 [28-29], dated September 7, 1639, the
community of Castro instead calls for the Prince Colonna commands to the auditors and governors
to respect the Statute, “senza cavillationi e sotterfugi”. Even in this case the request is accepted and
the Cardinal Girolamo Colonna approves and subscribes.
UNIT 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
DATING: November 27, 1586.
ORIGIN: Genazzano.
MATERIAL: paper .
WATERMARK: anchors with two arms inscribed in an oval, not illustrated in the repertories.
LEAVES: 6 leaves; numbering contemporary to the writing in the upper outer corner of the recto of
the leaves.
DIMENSIONS: mm 280 × 210 (c. 1).
FASCICOLATION: I 6 (cc. 1-6).
TEXT LAYOUT: full page, with variable limit lines and number of the lines.
WRITING AND HANDS: written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The document contains a list of “ordinationi et capitoli” that the Castro's administratiors are
required to observe, subjected to the approval of the lieutenant of the Colonna, Giovanni Iacopo
Capotio, who puts sign and seal (lost).
UNIT 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
DATING: February 17, 1589.
ORIGIN: Roma.
MATERIAL: paper .
LEAVES: 4 not numbered leaves.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 200 (c. 1).
FASCICOLATION: I 4 (cc. 1-4).
TEXT LAYOUT: full page, with variable limit lines and number of the lines.
WRITING AND HANDS: written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
6
This substantial partition, compared with other statutes of the province, leads Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni to
believe that in the antigraph of the manuscript, or in another previous, the division into four books was
present but was not rewritten: cf. Gli statuti di Castro oggi Castro dei Volsci, cit., pp. 27-28.
7
The approval which is in the following leaf is of Agnese da Montefeltro, wife of Fabrizio I Colonna.
198

INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The document is composed by a letter which the Major and administrators of Castro dei Volsci send
to Felice Orsini Colonna to request the confirmation of some rules already observed at the time of
her deceased husband. The Lady approves and subscribes in her own hand, in addition to the seal
(lost).
UNIT 4
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
DATING: October 18, 1703.
ORIGIN: Rome.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: anchor with two arms inscribed in a round surmounted by a star, similar to
Briquet 490.
LEAVES: 2 not numbered leaves.
DIMENSIONS: mm 275 × 192 (c. 1).
FASCICOLATION: I 2 (cc. 1-2).
TEXT LAYOUT: full page, with variable limit lines and number of the lines.
WRITING AND HANDS: written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The document contains a letter of the Castro's community with which it asks to take actions against
the damage caused by pigs and their owners. The prince Filippo Colonna grants and subscribes.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICACTION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statutes, segn.
STAT. 502/08
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: XIX century, after 1870 8
ORIGIN: perhaps Castro dei Volsci.
MATERIAL: paper (protocol leaves).
LEAVES: I, 30, II; modern pencil numbering in the upper outer corner of the recto of each leaf,
unnumbered guards.
DIMENSIONS: mm 297 × 204 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I 12 (cc. 1-12), II 8 (cc. 13-20), III 10 (cc. 21-30).
RULING: standard of the protocol leaves.
RULED LIMIT LINES: (c. 2r) A 26, B 261, C 297, a 26, i 157, l 204 mm.
LINES: 25 lines for 25 lines of writing, starting over the first line (c. 12r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS; the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive writing, dark
brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: blue ink book-stamp of the Secretariat of the Town Hall of Castro
dei Volsci at c. 27v.
BINDING: 310 × 215 mm; the manuscript is covered by a portfolio in blue paper, bearing on the
front cover the current signature, the coat of arms of Castro dei Volsci and the printed inscription
“Comune / di / Castro dei Volsci / Oggetto”, and handwritten “Antico Statuto / Comunale”, all
8
The stamp attached at c. 27v and the subscription of the city secretary bear the inscription “Castro dei
Volsci”, name which the Town acquires after the Unification of Italy: the manuscript was then copied after
that date. A dating in 1875 is proposed in Statuti cittadini, rurali e castrensi del Lazio: repertorio secoli XI-
XIX, ricerca diretta da P. UNGARI, Roma 1993, pp. 56-57.
199

enclosed in a frame with geometric and floral elements; the block of the codex is tied to the cover
with light cotton thread.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: apparently never restored; the covering is creased at the corners,
the leaves are yellowed by time.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 27v states “Per copia conforme
all’originale e-/sistente nell’ufficio Comunale di Castro dei Volsci / rilasciata per uso
amministrativo. / Il Segretario / Eugenio Martini”.
VARIA: pencil Arabic numerals in various places: 30/21 at c. IIv, 949.1 at c. Ir, both located in the
upper outer corner of the leaves but of different hands.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title of the manuscriot on the front cover of the covering is “Antico Statuto / Comunale”, while
on the c. Ir it reads “Castro dei Volsci / Statuta / Terrae Castris”. The Statute is written in Latin,
while the approvals are written part in Latin, part in Italian. The one hundred thirty-one rubrics are
not numbered and the text is not subdivided into books. At c. 1r-v the text begins with a proemio,
followed by the rubrics until at c. 26v. In the same leaf at l. 3 there is the “Copia di capitoli nuovi
sopra danni dati e sopra i / guardiani mandati scritti in una patente confermata / dall’Illustrissima
Comunità” 9 . The manuscript is closed by the Tabula, containing the rubrics in alphabetical orders
of subject, but without the corresponding page indication, which occupies the 28r-30v.
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statutes, segn.
STAT. 815/07
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the agricultural Statute of Castro dei Volsci is linked with other
manuscripts in a composite volume; some parchment lateral tongues allow to locate the various
texts according to the order attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: probably 1856 (at c. 10v the date 1796 is corrected over the one below 1856), however
before 1870 as the book-stamp of c. 10v brings the papal insignia.
ORIGIN: probably Castro dei Volsci.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 12 unnumbered leaves.
DIMENSIONS: mm 310 × 214 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 12 (cc. 1-12).
RULING: the leaves were folded up in 4 vertically in order to create a lateral left column to
accomodate the number and the title of the rubrics.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 15, B 300, C 310, a 54, l 214 mm.
LINES: 30 writing lines (c. 3r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a single column.
CATCHWORDS: the last word of c. 8v is repeated at the beginning of c. 9r, as it happens between
the cc. 9v e 10r.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text is copied by a single hand showing a cursive writing, dark
brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: brown ink oval stamp of the Castro's Magistrate containing the
papal tiara and the decussed keys at c. 10v, put next to the subscription of the Prior Carlo Palatta.
BINDING: 340 × 230 mm; binding in half parchment on pasteboard axes covered with marbled
paper in the tones of orange, red and black; parchment corner-pieces; sewing on 6 cords with light
cotton thread; the back-spine is decorated with two gold impressed coat of arms of Pius IX ( the
lowner one partially covered by the label with the signature) and a brown leather box with the
9
Signora in place of Comunità in the castrense manuscript.
200

inscription STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters, lower the equally golden
letter C-C and traces of red ink writing. On the front cover, in the upper right margin, it reads the
numeral 6°, written with brown ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored. The back-spine is almost
completely detached from the volume; the pastedown has detached themselves from the inside of
the covers; the bottom corner-piece of the front cover has fallen; the margins of the axes are
weakened and shrunk; the paper covering the axes is faded in more points.
COPYISTS AND CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 10v recites “Per Copia Conforme / Il
Priore / Carlo Palatta”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: handwritten corrections of the copyist scattered in the text; at c. 7r l. 15
the entire line was erased from it to rewrite it above before proceeding with the copy.
VARIA: Arabic numerals in various points: 1753 at c. 1r, 3121/ at c. 12v, both placed in the upper
outer corner of the leaves but of different hands; “Copia” in the upper inner corner of c. 2r.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r recites “Castro / Copia / dello statuto agrario del Comune / di /
Castro / nella / Delegazione Apostolica / di / Frosinone”. The text is in Italian; the rubrics are
numbered with Arabic numerals placed next to the title. The rules are divided into two parts:
“Danni dati con Bestie”, 20 chapters included in the cc. 2r-5r 10 , and “Danni manuali”, 29 chapters
included in the cc. 5v-10v. The text is closed by the subscriptions of the administrators (copy of
notary act of 1796) and that of the Prior.
CODEX 4
At the Municipal Historical Archives there was another manuscript containing the Agricultural
Statute of Castro dei Volsci, which it was unavailable at the time of this research.
From the descriptions found in the bibliographic sources read, we learn that it was a little codex of
10 leaves, of about 310 × 210 mm, undated but subscribed by the Municipal Secretary Eugenio
Martini, the same who signed the complete specimen of the Statute kept at the State Archives of
Rome 11 .
Therefore we can apply the considerations already set out in connection with the dating, which can
be assigned after the 1870 by virtue of the presence, in the Castro's Agricultural Statute, of a bookstamp
with Savoy emblems 12 .
10
At the bottom of the last chapter, the mention “Castro questo dì 14. Decembre 1795”.
11
See the relative description under the title Codex 2.
12
The description of this manuscript is in Gli statuti di Castro oggi Castro dei Volsci, cit., p. 32; minimum
information also in Statuti cittadini, rurali e castrensi del Lazio: repertorio secoli XI-XIX, cit., p. 57.
201

STATUTES OF FERENTINO
Ruled as a free Town, bishopric at least since the fifth century A.D., since the XIII century
Ferentino was also the residence of the Campagna e Marittima Rector. In 1245 the city was attacked
by the soldiers of Alatri, who were punished with the stealing of the Tecchiena castle. On May 19,
1296, Celestino V died in Fumone, Boniface VIII ordered that the remains were inhumed in the St.
Antonio of the Celestines church, place from which they were subsequently removed to be
definitively transferred to L'Aquila. In 1341, Benedetto Caetani occupied the city, then punished
with the obligation of the restitution by Benedetto XII. Under the rule of Ladislaus of Durazzo, the
Hernic town lived a relative stability, because he confirmed the privileges granted earlier. With the
Spanish occupation of the Duke of Alba, however, the population suffered for the oppression of the
troops 1 .
Certainly a Statute in Ferentino had to exist before 1425, year in which Martino V approved and
confirmed the existing compilation.
The oldest existing copy of the Statute is kept at the Senate Library. About this, it has been much
debated, especially as regard the dating of the rules contained. The various theories have been very
well summarized by Marco Venditelli, author of the critical edition of the text, in the introduction of
it. Unlike his colleagues, Venditelli bases his hypothesis on the testimonies found at the Municipal
historical Archive of Ferentino, more specifically in the Libri camerariatus. They, in fact, recorded
the community's income and expenses, including the ones relating to the salary of the
administrators, of which the duration of the mandate was specified in accordance with the
provisions of the Statute. The registers for the years 1464-1466 are particularly interesting, because
they allow to establish that the passage from four to eight officers is fixed just in that period, as
correctly provided by the relative statutory rule in the preserved drafting. The field can be further
narrowed to 1465 on the basis of a confirmation of the chapters made by Paul II on February 10 of
the same year. All the elements would then converge the dating of text to a period between
February 1465 and May 1466 2 . In the case of the manuscript in question, and on the basis of the
codicological evaluations, Venditelli believes that the date of the text may also coincide with the
one of the copy 3 .
Over the years, the codex was repeatedly subjected to approvals and confirmations, which are
proved by the autograph subscriptions at the bottom of the volume. In particular, in 1791 the
manuscript was sent to Rome to the Cardinal Carandini, prefect of the Sacra Congregazione del
Buon Governo, who sent it back with his seal on the recto of all the leaves. The sending of the
Statute was necessary to resolve a legal question at the Court of Sacra Rota concerning some
persons from Ferentino 4 . The specimen kept in Ferentino until the '30s of the XX century, when it
was loaned to a student of the Senator Pietro Fedele, who not returned it, but he donated it to the
collection of the Senate.
In the 1782 the administration received the invitation of the Buon Governo to deliver a copy of the
town's Statute, this circumstance led to the formation of a first nucleus, greatly expanded in the
middle on the following century thanks to the care of the Cardinal Mertel, of the Collection of
Statutes of the State Archives of Rome. The wish expressed by Roma was realized in the sending of
the copy which is currently preserved here, made by the notary Marco Cavalli on the basis of the
fifteenth century, but we do not know the year of expedition. Already in that time, in any case, the
1
There are many publications dealing with the history of Ferentino: the short summary presented here was
taken from the most general G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia
medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 80-82.
2
Cf. Statuta civitatis Ferentini: edizione critica dal ms. 89 della Biblioteca del Senato della Repubblica, a
cura di M. VENDITTELLI, Roma 1988, pp. XII-XXIII.
3
Ibidem, pp. XXXII-XXXIII.
4
Ibidem, pp. XLIII-XLV.
202

old codex had to be in bad state of conservation if the copyist could not read the writing in many
points and cut some missing rubrics because of the fall of some leaves.
The Municipality of Ferentino tried to retrieve the codex given to the Buon Governo in 1875,
asking the Subprefect to intercede with the Ministry of the Interior, attaching an instance in this
regard. The draft of the letter is kept in the Municipal Historical Archive of Ferentino, unfortunately
not accompanied by the response of the respondents. With it, however, it preserves the original
letter of March 30, 1856 with which the cardinal Mertel had asked to send a copy of the City
Statute 5 .
As we well know, the Municipal Historical Statutes were abolished in 1816 with Motu proprio
of Pius VII, who left in force only the rules relatives to the danno dato. There are three specimens
of these compilations, of which one kept in the archive of Ferentino, one in the section of Guarcino
of the State Archive of Frosinone and the other one in the State Archives of Rome.
The copy of the City was probably copied shortly after February 1, 1672, date of the Decree with
which the Chapters were reformed. In the following years the provisions were further reformed,
giving rise to modifications and integrations which are reflected in other two testimonies.
The Roman copy contains the text as reformed in 1725, while the one of Guarcino reports the
provisions contained in the specimen of Ferentino with the registration of further modifications, all
validated by the subscription signed by the notary Alessandro Cianfroni in 1729 6 .
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, Senate Library “Giovanni Spadolini”,
Collection Statutes, segn. STATUTI MSS 89.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: perhaps between February 1465 and May 1466.
ORIGIN: perhaps Ferentino.
MATERIAL: membranaceous the cc. 1-52, paper the guards and the cc. 53-57.
WATERMARK: of two types, an anchor with two arms inscribed in a round similar to Briquet 466
(guards) and a bird on three hills inscribed in a round surmounted by a star, similar to Briquet
12251 (c. 54).
LEAVES: I, 57, II; pencil modern hand numbering in the upper outer corner of the recto of each
leaf which follows the correct sequence; several oldest other numbering with pen which differ by
one or two units from the correct numeral; in the upper outer corner of the guard Ir the letter B, in
the guard IIr the letter C, with pencil, of modern hand.
DIMENSIONS: mm 318 × 238 (c. 11)
5
Ferentino, Municipal Historical Archive, Post-unification, b. 188 fasc. 333. The dossier is kept in a folder
with the inscription Statuto della città di Ferentino; the draft of the letter of the Major recites “Ferentino 27
marzo 1875. Dietro l’Ordine circolare dei 30 marzo 1856 emanato da Sua Eminenza Monsignor Mertel il
mio Comune consegnò alla pontificia Segreteria per gli affari interni l’unica copia del suo Statuto
municipale, legato in pelle rossa, dorato, ed avente l’intestazione Statutum Civitatis Ferentini in Ernicis. Ora
siccome questo Statuto è indispensabile al mio Comune tanto per conservarne le sue preziose memorie,
quanto per risolvere la questione promossa dalla Regia Sottoprefettura sul diritto di pascolo, perciò io
vivamente prego l’Eccellenza Vostra a volerne ordinare la restituzione. Io spero che l’Eccellenza Vostra si
degnerà condiscendere alla mia dimanda; molto più perché credo fermamente, che quello Statuto non sia ora
più necessario per lo scopo, che nel 1856 erasi prefisso il sunnominato Monsignor Mertel”.
6
About the manuscripts containing the rules of the danno dato of Ferentino, see G. FLORIDI, La Romana
mater di Bonifacio VIII e le libertà comunali nel Basso Lazio, Guarcino 1985, pp. 169-170; ID., Il notariato
negli statuti del basso Lazio: profilo del notaio comunitario figure di alcuni notai e cronotassi (secc. IX-
XXI), Frosinone 2005, p. 124.
203

FASCICOLATION: I 1 (c. 1, half of the leaf), II 10-3 (cc. 2-8, lost the first leaf and the central sheet),
III-IV 10 (cc. 9-28), V 10-2 (cc. 29-36, fallen the external sheet of the fascicule), VI 10-2 (cc. 37-44, fallen
the joint of the cc. 37 e 38), VII 4-1 (cc. 45-47, fallen the joint of the c. 45), VIII 4 (cc. 48-51), IX 1 (c.
52, other half of c. 1); the cc. 53-57 were glued individually at the bottom of the volume; the
fascicules begin with the flesh side, except the IV and the VIII beginning with the hair side.
RULING: lead graphite, apparently made on the single leaves, where sometimes it is limited to the
lines of writing.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 11r) A 25, B 278, C 318, a 29, d 100, f 123, i 195, l 238 mm.
LINES: 64 lines for 63 lines of writing, which begins under the first line (c. 11r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on two columns.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a semigothic writing, light
brown ink, while the titles of the rubrics and the running titles at theupper margin of each leaf are in
red.
DECORATION: many rubricated initials; abundant presence of red paragraph mark.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: applied wax seal, covered with paper sheet, in the bas-de-page of
therecto of each leaf, bearing the insignia of the Cardinal Carandini, prefect of the Sacra
Congregazione del Buon Governo, put in 1791 7 ; mark of a applied red wax seal at c. 46r; applied
wax seal covered with a sheet at c. 49v; mark of an applied red wax seal at c. 51v; applied red wax
seal at c. 53r.
BINDING: 355 × 250 mm; binding in full parchment on cardboard axes forming a kind of box,
having raise margins; sewing with cotton thread, undefined the number of the cords; edge decorated
with dots and red scribbles on all sides.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: despite the codex was restored in a not too recent age, the state of
conservation is not good; the pages were repaired with parchment; the writing can not be read in
many leaves; scattered woodworms holes; the ligature is consumed in the many points.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: many maniculae and marginal integrations of different hands throughout
the text.
VARIA: the cc. 1 and 52 were originally joined to form a single sheet containing the reforms
approved by the governor of Campagna e Marittima Panfilo Strassoldo on September 27, 1518; the
c. 2r-v presents a plurality of drawings and different writings; geometric drawing at c. 37v; at the
bottom of the volume an uncertain attribution fragment of paper was added; the lower outer corner
of the leaves is very worn, testimony of the prolonged use of the codex.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title is not in the manuscript but we can deduce it from the text, incomplete because of the loss
of several leaves. The rules are in Latin, while the copied documents, the approvals and the
confirmations are written part in Latin, part in Italian. The rubrics are numbered on the side with red
Roman numerals.
The text is so divided:
- c. 1r-v: text reforms approved on September 27, 1518 by Panfilo Strassoldo, of which the
second half is at c. 52, being the two leaves originally joint in a single sheet;
- c. 3r l. 44 col. a: Proem;
- cc. 3r l. 45 col. a-9r: Book I, De officiis, 57 rubrics containing the rules for the election of
the administrators and their duties;
- cc. 9v-26r: Book II, De criminalibus et maleficiis, 150 rubrics of criminal law preceded by
the index;
- cc. 26v-34v: Book III Causarum Civilium, 78 rubrics of civil law preceded by the index;
- cc. 35v-37r: Book IV Damnorum Datorum, 49 rubrics on the danno dato preceded by the
index;
- cc. 38r-45v: Book V Extraordinariorum, 147 rubrics on various subjects;
7
This reads in Statuta civitatis Ferentini: edizione critica dal ms. 89 della Biblioteca del Senato della
Repubblica, cit., p. XXX.
204

- cc. 46r-51v: copies of various documents and confirmations;
- c. 52: the second half of c. 1.
On the c. 53r a paper sheet had been glued containing the description and the dating of the codex
made by canon Pierluigi Galletti in 1763, while the cc. 54-57 contain documents concerning the
delivery of the Statute to the Buon Governo in 1791 and the rules of the danno dato.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statutes, segn.
STAT. 532
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: October 22, 1782 (dating expressed at c. 3r and at c. 138r).
ORIGIN: Ferentino (local dating displayed at c. 3r).
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: presents in the guards, represents the coats of arm of Carlo III Borbone
LEAVES: I, 140, II; modern hand pencil numbering in the lower outer corner starting from 1 at c.
1r to 7 at c. 3r, then 8 at c. 5r, 9 at c. 6r and so to 32 at c. 17v; at c. 18r a pen pagination starts,
contemporary to the writing, in the upper outer corner of the leaves starting from 1 at c. 18r and
arrives to 241 at c. 138r; the leaves 139-140, as well as the guard II, are not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 368 × 240 (c. 28).
FASCICOLATION: I 10-5 (cc. 1-5, the leaves was glued at the beginning of the volume after the
front guard-leaf), II 22 (cc. 6-27), III 26 (cc. 28-53), IV 22 (cc. 54-75), V 26 (cc. 76-101), VI 18-1 (cc. 102-
118, c. 102 beyond comparison), VII 24-2 (cc. 119-140, cc. 119 and 120 beyond comparison).
RULING: with pencil, traced the through line and the justification lines, which have doubled.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 28r) A 22, B 352, C 368, a 17, i 211, l 240 mm.
LINES: the number of the writing lines varies from 30 of c. 8r to 35 of c. 28r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a single column.
CATCHWORDS: anywhere in the lower inner corner of the recto of the leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a slightly tilted to the right
minuscule, dark brown ink.
DECORATION: numerous rubricated initials and decorated with brown and red ink paraph and
cadels; at c. 1r distinctive writing in brown and red, with the coat of arms of the Cardinal Antonio
Casali of Ferentino in the same colours; at c. 5r a frame encloses the coat of arms of the City of
Ferentino with the decussed keys, surmounted by a crown, brown ink; great paraph at the cc. 33v
and 110v; vase with flower at c. 102v; great lily of Ferentino at c. 138v; brown ink paraph scattered
all over the text.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink book-stamp of the notary Marco Cavalli at the cc. 3r and
138r.
BINDING: 380 × 245 mm; brown leather binding on wooden boards; sewing on 5 cords with light
cotton thread; upper sewing headband; covers decorated with a floral frame embossed in gold,
containing the coat of arms ot the cardinal Antonio Casali equally in gold; on the back there is a
brown leather square with impressed words “Statutum / civitatis / Ferentini / in / Hernicis” in
capital letters, golden in the 2 nd compartment, gold trimmings enbossed in gold in the other
compartments; the edge is decorated with red on all sides.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the covering is very worn and risks the detaching from the book
block; the headcap is very damaged.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the colophon recites: “In Dei Nomine Amen / Presenti
publico exemplationis, seu transumptationis, et extractionis / Instrumento Cunctis ubique pateat
evidenter, notumque sit, qualiter Anno / Incarnationis Dominicę Millesimo Septingentesimo,
205

Octogesimo / Secundo, Sedente Sanctissimo in Cristo Patre, et Domino Nostro Domino Divina
Providentia Papa Pio / VI Anno sui Pontificatus VIII, Indictione Romana XV, Die vero 22 Mensis /
Octobris. Ego Notarius Publicus Infrascriptus Presentem Statutariarum San-/ ctionum Copiam
Paginarum biscentum quadraginta unius, omniaque / et singula a principio ad finem in ea contenta,
et expressa, de ordine, / et Mandato Illustrissimi Domini Bernardi Advocati de Angelis Delegati
Apostolici / fideliter, ac de verbo ad verbum extraxi, copiavi, et exemplavi, prout / jaceat, ex
originali Statuto Civitatis Ferentini in Hernicis, bene com-/ pacto, colligato, et carthulato, cartaque
Pergamena cooperto, et in Conserva-/ toriali Secretaria asservato, mihi etc. per Illustrissimos
Dominos Conservatores accommo-/ dato, ad effectum exemplandi, transumptandi, et extraendi, et
proinde / transmittendi ad Sacram Congregationem Boni Regiminis, nullo penes me relicto /
transumpto, seu exemplari, nil addito, vel diminuto etc., quod facti sub-/ stantiam quodammodo
variare possit, et valeat, quin imo facta cum dictum / originali diligenti collatione, concordare
inveni, salvo semper etc. / In quorum fidem etc., hic me scripsi, subscripsi, et publicavi,
signumque / mei Tabellionatus, quo in similibus utor, apposui requisitus, atque roga-/ tus etc., salvo
semper etc. / Ita est Marcus Cavalli Publicus Dei Gratia, et Apostolica au-/ ctoritate Ferentini
Notarius in Archivio Romane Curie de-/ scriptus, et matriculatus, et ad hunc effectum specialiter
as-/ sumptus, et deputatus, salvo semper etc.”
REVIEWS AND NOTES; small pencil corrections scattered along the text.
VARIA: the pencil numeral 1023 in the upper margin of c. 1r; there are numerous dots where the
copyist can not read the antigraph.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
Th title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Statutum civitatis Fe-/ rentini in Hernicis”. The rules are in
Latin, while the copied documents, the approvals and the confirmations are written part in Latin,
part in Italian. The rubrics are numbered with Arabic numerals.
The text is so divided:
- c. 1r: first frontispiece;
- cc. 2r-3r: proem with the subscription of the notary Marco Cavalli;
- c. 5r: second frontispiece;
- cc. 6r-16v: Tabula of the chapters contained in the volume, subdivided in Books.;
- cc. 16v-17v: notary brief and apostolic letters;
- cc. 17v-18r l. 15: introduction;
- cc. 18r l. 16-33v: Book I De Officiis, 57 chapters containing the rules for the election of the
administratos and their duties;
- cc. 34r-79v: Book II De Criminalibus et Maleficiis, 150 chapters of the criminal law;
- cc. 80r-102r: Book III Causarum Civilium, 78 chapters of the civil law;
- cc. 103r-110v: Book IV Damnorum Datorum, 49 chapters about the danno dato;
- cc. 111r-134r: Book V Extraordinariorum, 147 chapters about various subjects;
- cc. 134r-137v: copies of documents and various confirmations;
- c. 138r: subscription of the notary Marco Cavalli.
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Ferentino, Historical Municipal Archive, Preunification,
b. 139 f. 378.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: composed, organized, assembled and restored by the notary
Giuliano Floridi on the second half of the XX century, as expressed in the second frontispiece of the
volume, accompanied by the coat of arms of the Floridi family. The first frontispiece contains the
title of the work and the coat of arms of the City of Ferentino.
BINDING: 280 × 205 mm; modern brown leather binding on wooden boards; sewing on 5 cords
with light cotton thread. On the front cover a blind impressed frame and the inscription “Statuto di
206

Ferentino / libro / dei danni dati” in golden capital letters, on the back cover only the frame; on the
spine “Statuto / di / Ferentino” in capital letteres in the 2 nd compartiment, blind impressed and
golden friezes in the other compartments.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume was restored in the second half of the XX century; the
leaves are redressed and bound; added 5 initial leaves and 2 final guard-leaves; the leaves in the
second unit of the codex have been trimmed.
UNIT 1
DATING: between 1672 and 1717.
ORIGIN: perhaps Ferentino.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: two harms anchor inscribed in a round similar to Briquet 466.
LEAVES: I, 66, II; irregular pen numbering , contemporary to the writing, in the upper outer corner
of the recto of the leaves; a second pen numbering, of later hand, compensates for the lack of the
first, sometimes coexisting with it.
DIMENSIONS: mm 267 × 193 (c. 16).
FASCICOLATION: I 26-2 (cc. I-23, cc. I and 1 beyond comparison), II-III 22 (cc. 24-II).
RULING: blind, sometimes limited to the left justification line; occasionally dotted with ink.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 16r) A 13, B 250, C 267, a 22, l 193 mm.
LINES: the number of the writing lines varies from the 20 of c. 16r to the 18 of c. 39r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: anywhere in the lower inner corner of the recto of the leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive (cc. 1r-64r l. 4),
the documents, sequentially copied, are of different hands, cursive writing, dark brown ink.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: numerous maniculae and catchwords throughout the text; hand
integrations of the copyist.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Ferentino / Danno dato”. The text and the copied documents
are in Italian, the rules are variously numbered with Arabic numerals. The provisions occupy the cc.
1r-64r; the Index follows at the cc. 64v-65r. The cc. 65v-66r host the changes introduced after
1718, while at c. 66v there is a copy of the document dated on February 1, 1672 with which the
Chapters of the Ferentino's Community are approved.
UNIT 2
DATING: XVIII century (the documents range from 1717 to 1791).
ORIGIN: perhaps Ferentino.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: rampant crowned lion type Briquet 10571; sun with six rays inscribed in a round
surmounted by a Latin cross, type Briquet 13928 but with the cross in place of the letter; bird on
three hills inscribed in a round surmounted by a star, similar to Briquet 12251; two arms anchor
inscribed in a round similar to Briquet 490.
LEAVES: I, 18, II; irregular pen numbering of later hand in the upper outer corner of the recto of
the leaves, where it lacks a pencil numbering of modern hand replaces.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 200 (c. 5).
FASCICOLATION: not ascertainable, the leaves are differently inserted into each other.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 5r) A 15, B 260, C 270, a 50, l 200 mm.
LINES: the number of the writing lines is variable.
TEXT LAYOUT: mostly on a column.
CATCHWORDS: occasionally present in the lower outer corner of the leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: different hands, cursive writing, dark brown ink.
DECORATION: brown ink paraph at c. 10v.
207

REVIEWS AND NOTES: many maniculae, of which one in red (oxidized ink) at c. 9r.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The unit is composed by numerous documents relating to the Danno dato from 1717 to 1792, which
allow to reconstruct the evolution of the rules.
CODEX 4
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statutes, segn.
STAT. 385.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: 1725 or shortly before (cf. c. 57v).
ORIGIN: perhaps Ferentino.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: at c. I lily inscribed in a round, surmounted by a crown, with the letter B below,
type Briquet 7112; in the rest of the codex a six rays sun inscribed in a round surmounted by a Latin
cross, type Briquet 13928 but with the cross in place of the letter.
LEAVES: I-III, 59, IV-V; pen numbering, contemporary to the writing, in the upper outer corner of
the recto of the leaves, which has irregularities because at c. 21r it restarts from 30, without evident
lacuna in the text, ending at c. 56r with the number 65; the cc. 57-59 and the guards are not
numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 265 × 198 (c. 10).
FASCICOLATION: I 46 (cc. II-44), II 18-2 (cc. 45-IV, cc. 45 e 46 beyond comparaison).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 10r) A 20, B 248, C 265, a 33, l 198 mm.
LINES: the number of the writing lines varies from 24 of c. 33r to 17 of c. 22r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: everywhere present in the lower inner corner of the verso of the leaves, except at
c. 52v where it is missing; at c. 10r it is present also on the recto.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive (cc. 1r-56v); the
Index and the documents, copied in sequence, are of a different hand, cursive writing, dark brown
ink.
DECORATION: watermarked initials in the incipit of the chapters.
BINDING: 280 × 205 mm; binding in full parchment on cardboard axes; sewing on 6 cords with
light cotton thread; on the front cover “385 Statuti” with a pen modern hand.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript does not seem to have been restored; everywhere
woodworms holes; the cover is likely to detach from the codex block.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: integration of the copyist's hand.
VARIA: on the c. IIIv the words “obbligo di fare reg. XX”; the pencil numeral 26/19/ in the upper
outer corner of c. Vv.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title present in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Capitoli della Communità della Città di Ferentino /
Danno dato”. The text and the copied documents are in Italian, the rules are variously numbered
with Arabic numerals. The provisions occupy the cc. 1r-56v; the Index follows at the c. 57r-v, at the
end of which the approval of the rules by the Buon Governo of 1725 is copied. Finally, the cc. 58r-
59r host the changes introduced after 1718.
CODEX 5
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Frosinone, State Archive, section of Anagni-
Guarcino, Collection Statutes n. 12
208

MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: February 21, 1729 (dating expressed at c. 69r).
ORIGIN: Ferentino (local dating expressed at c. 69r).
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: of two types, six rays sun inscribed in a round surmounted by a Latin cross, type
Briquet 13928 but a cross in place of the letter, and anchor with two arms inscribed in a round
similar to Briquet 490.
LEAVES: I-III, 69, IV-XVI (original guards III and IV-XIV, I-II e XV-XVI guards of the XX
century restoration); a modern hand numbers with pencil the c. IIIr, 2r, 3r, 4r, 5r e 6r respectly with
1, 4, 5, 7, 8 e 9, all in the upper outer corner; a pen numeration, contemporary to the writing, begins
to number from 1 at c. 7r and arrives to 63 at c. 69r, in the upper outer corner of the leaves; the
guards, except c. III, are not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 245 × 172 (c. 31).
FASCICOLATION: I 6 (cc. III-5), II 14 (cc. 6-19), III 10 (cc. 20-29), IV 14 (cc. 30-43), V 8 (cc. 44-51),
VI 18 (cc. 52-69), VII 12-1 (cc. IV-XIV, c. IV beyond comparison).
RULING: with pencil, only between the cc. 1-3.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 31r) A 35, B 200, C 245, a 22, i 118, l 172 mm.
LINES: 28 lines of writing, very regular despite the lack of ruling.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: everywhere present in the lower inner corner of the verso of the leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive, the ink varies
from the dark brown to the black faded.
DECORATION: 2 of the 3 frontispieces which precede the text are decorated, respectly, with the
coat of arms of the City of Ferentino with brown ink (c. 1r) and with the coat of arms of the Floridi
family with the rampant lion, the tree and three mountains, also with brown ink (c. 2r); numerous
pen paraphs; decorative waves to fill the lines througout the text; cul-de-lampe writing at the cc.
25r, 26v, 36r, 40v e 63r.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink book-stamp of the notary Alessandro Ciafroni at c. 69r.
BINDING: 265 × 190 mm; modern binding with dark green leather restoration on wooden boards;
restored sewn headbands; sewing on 5 cords with light cotton thread. Cover decorated with gold
impressed plant trimmings; on the front cover “Statuto di Ferentino / Libro / dei danni dati” in
golden capital lettere; on the spine “Statuto / di / Ferentino” in golden capital letters; edges
decorated with red ink splashes.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the codex was restored in the second half of th XX century for the
initiative of the notary Giuliano Floridi; added a new covering and new guard-leaves.
COPYISTS ANF OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the colophon of c. 69r recites “Presens supradicta copia
descripta et adnotata in presenti / Libro folii 63 extracta, et exemplata fuit per me / infrascriptum
notarium ex capitulis originalibus existentis / in Secreteria Prioralis civitatis Ferentini licet / aliena
manu mihi fide digna, facta dili-/ genti collatione cum suis originalibus con-/ cordare inveni, salva
semper etc. et in premissis / fidem hic me subscripsi, signavi, et publicavi / hac die 21 Februarii
1729 / Ita est Alexander Antonius Ciafronus Notarius Publicus / Ferentini rogatus.”
REVIEWS AND NOTES: many maniculae and catchwords throughout all the text; integrations out
of the text in pencil, of modern hand, at the cc. 28r, 58r and v.
VARIA: the word “Ferentino” with pencil, of modern hand, at c. 1r; CODEX at c. 4r; a c. 6v traces
of pen and pencil Arabic numerals; blue lapis dots at c. 69v.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Statuto di Ferentino / Libro / dei danni dati / 1729”. The text
and the copied documents are in Italian, the rules are variously numbered with Arabic numerals.
The provisions occupy the cc. 7r-68r, followed by the subscription of the notary. The Index occupy
the c. 69v, containing the list of the rules with the reference page.
209

STATUTES DI FIUGGI
The town of Anticoli di Campagna, called Fiuggi in 1911, during its history saw a substantial
alternation between periods of autonomy, under the direct dependence of the Papal State by a Vicar,
and periods of submission to several feudal lords.
Between 1478 and 1483 the town was given as feud to the cardinal d’Estouteville, while between
1492 and 1503, and again in 1505, it was under the lordship of the Sforza family. In 1517 Prospero
Colonna bought the castle, which was considered in emphiteusis from the Pope; in the following
years there were confiscations and restitutions, until in 1562 the Colonna had Anticoli in feud
permanently 1 .
The manuscript kept in the Senate Library in Rome can be identified in the paper mentioned by
the notary Giuliano Floridi in his various work and, unfortunately untraceable at the moment of his
study 2 . Floridi, citing the researches of De Rossi, Ambrosi De Magistris and Stevenson 3 , talks about
two handwritten copies of the statutory compilation, of which one membranaceous (currently lost)
and paper the other, dating back to the period between the end of XVI century and the middle of
XVII century and kept in the Historical Municipal Archives. The presence of two copies in the
Anticoli's archive at least until 1955 is confirmed also by Chelazzi 4 , but it is rejected by Floridi on
the basis of his personal experience.
The membranaceous codex, with the editing just before the paper one, is described as mutilated
in the beginning, that is missing all the Book I contained in 9 leaves, and in the end. The text
subdivided in the canonical partition in five books, however, contained only three confirmations of
the Statutes, namely the one of Giovanni de Pierdeboni from Montepulciano of 1410, Stefano
Nardini of 1454 and Stefano Porcari, of which the date is not given because of the fall of the last
leaves of the specimen. These probably contained the further subscriptions, which instead are in the
paper specimen, to which the text corrisponded to the rest of the specimen.
The second manuscript, i.e. the paper, was found by Floridi in the private library of Verghetti
family of Guarcino, who in 1967 had given the municipal archive a gift; unfortunately the codex,
because of alternate events, was later lost. A more probable hypothesis is that this copy had joined
in the Statutes Collection of the Senate Library where it still kept, following unknown paths 5 . In
support of this thesis there is, first of all, the correspondence between the descriptions of the
manuscript performed by the aforementioned scholars and the analysis of the volume as it is today:
the format, the number of the leaves, the writing, the language and the time of the artefacts
coincide. We also found full conformity in the subscription of Felice Orsini Colonna, which
confirms the Tabula mercedis put before the Book I, as indicated by Ambrosi de Magistris 6 . In both
cases, this is also a simple copy, i.e. missing of the classic elements of the Statutes of roboration, as
the autograph sign of the notary or the local Lord accompanied by the relevant seal or book-stamp.
1
Cf. G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e
moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 75-76.
2
Cf. G. FLORIDI, Storia di Fiuggi (Anticoli di Campagna): con documenti inediti e notizie sugli
statuti anticolani, Guarcino 1979, pp. 374-376; ID., La Romana mater di Bonifacio VIII e le libertà comunali
nel Basso Lazio, Guarcino 1985, pp. 89-95 with relative notes and the rich cited bibliography.
3
Ibidem.
4
The information is in Catalogo della raccolta di statuti: consuetudini, leggi, decreti, ordini e
privilegi dei comuni, delle associazioni e degli enti locali italiani dal Medioevo alla fine del secolo XVIII, a
cura di C. CHELAZZI, Roma 1955, 2, p. 170.
5
The entry dating of the manuscript in the Senate Library could be January 26, 1972, date fixed on
the verso of the final guard-leaf of the codex.
6
See G. FLORIDI, La Romana mater di Bonifacio VIII e le libertà comunali nel Basso Lazio, cit., pp.
93-94 n. 32.
210 188

The two manuscripts, the one membranaceous and the paper, would be copies of another
specimen of 1410, which would survive the fire which in XV century destroyed most of the
documents of the historical archive of Anticoli. This Statute was confirmed on June 12, 1419 by
pope Martin V, who directly addressed the letter to the Anticoli's community, highlighting the not
subjection of it to other lords, at that moment. In the same letter it was also recognised to the
Anticoli's inhabitants the power to propose two candidates to the office of vicar, the supreme
magistrate of that Town, among which the rector of Campagna e Marittima then would have chosen
the most suitable 7 . There were important concessions also under the pontificate of Julius II, who in
1505 confirmed the Statutes and granted the free election of the vicar; also his successor, Leo X, in
1513 confirmed the statutory text.
If the Statute of 1410 is in turn a copy of the previous compilations, the first nucleus of which
was probably collected in the second half of XIII century and renewed several times, the
acknoledgments and confirmations contained in the last part of the paper manuscript of XVI century
allowed instead to reconstruct the evolution through the ratification of the various rectors until the
one of Felice Orsini Colonna of 1564.
The second existing copy of the Statute of Anticoli di Campagna is preserved in the Section of
the State Archive of Guarcino, Collection Statutes. The codex, copied probably in the XIX century
and linked with other four documents concerning the danno dato, has only the rubrics titles, which,
however, do not coincide with those of the Senate manuscript. The rubricary was reconstructed and
published by Floridi, who also promoted the restoration of the volume of 1975 8 .
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, Senate Library “Giovanni Spadolini”,
Collection Statutes, segn. STATUTI MSS 742.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: manuscript homogeneous composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: XVII century.
ORIGIN: perhaps Fiuggi.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: occasionally noticeable, consisting of a bird on three hills in a round, similar to
Briquet 12251.
LEAVES: I-II, 207, III; there is a contemporary pen numbering, with Arabic numerals, in the upper
outer corner of the recto of each leaf, starting from 1 at c.2r and reaching to 206 at c. 207r; the
initial guards I and II are numbered [1] and [2], the c. 1r is numbered [3], while the final guard III is
numbered 207, these last four numerals written with modern handwriting pen.
DIMENSIONS: mm 190 × 130 (c. 114).
FASCICOLATION: I-XVII 12 (cc. II-203), XVIII 4 (cc. 204-207).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 114r) A 20, B 180, C 190, a 20, i 112, l 130 mm.
LINES: mostly 20 writing lines, with minimal variations.
TEST LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: everywhere in the lower inner corner of the verso of the last leaf of each
fascicule; irregularly present in the rest of the manuscript.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, colour ink
ranging from brown to black.
BINDING: 190 × 130 mm; limp binding in parchment; sewing on five cords with light white cotton
thread, headbands sewn to the codex; on the back the black ink words “Liber Statutor(um) Terrae
7
The text of the letter, both in original and in translation, is reported in ibidem, p. 96-97 and related
notes.
8
Cf. G. FLORIDI, Storia di Fiuggi (Anticoli di Campagna): con documenti inediti e notizie sugli
statuti anticolani, cit., pp. 418-440.
189 211

Ant[icoli]”, with the last letters covered by the title label with signature; rests of the Arabic
numerals, little readable, on both covers.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the codex does not seem to have been restored; the fascicule X is
close to detachment from codex block, other files run the same risk; the lower outer corner of the
first fascicules of the manuscript is very worn, so that the corners have fallen in many leaves;
abundant presence of woodworms holes and various spots.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: in the first half of the manuscript there are many integrations, both in the
margins and the unit of ruling, and also small corrections within the text, all of the same hand later
to the writing, which uses black ink and thin tip; at c. 78r dots instead words; at c. 82r the words
“Delle Taverne” of modern hand; at c. 161v marginal integration of two pencil lines, perpendicular
to the text, modern hand.
VARIA: blue ink doodling of modern hand in the bas-de-page of c. 19r; red ink doodling at c. 67r;
at the c. 8r and at the cc. 206v-207r some arrows drawn with pencil of modern hand; at c. 207v in
the bas-de-page there is the number 311926; at c. IIIr the date “26 gennaio 1972” was stamped.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. Ir is “Liber Statutorum / Terrae Anticoli”. The Statute is written
in Latin, as well as the approvals and the confirmations. The rubrics are numbered with Roman
numerals.
The text is subdivided as follows:
- cc. 1r-33r: Book I, 29 rubrics containing the rules for the elections of the administrators and
their duties, preceded by the Rubrica Primi Libri and by the Tabula mercedis approved by
Felice Orsini Colonna;
- cc. 33v-79r: Book II, 87 rubrics about the danno dato preceded by the Rubrica;
- cc. 80r-115v: Book III, 61 rubrics about various subjects preceded by the Rubrica ;
- cc. 116r-173r: Book IV, 68 rubrics of criminal law preceded by the Rubrica Quarti libri
Criminalium;
- cc. 174r-193r l. 4: Book V, 19 rubrics of civil law preceded by the Rubrica Quinti libri
Causarum Civilium.
At c. 193r in the l. 5 the confirmations begin by various civil and ecclesiastical personages who
occupy the last codex leaves. The first is of Giovanni de Pierdeboni from Montepulciano of 1410,
while the last is of Lorenzo de Tallianiis of 1466.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Frosinone, State Archives, section of Anagni-
Guarcino, Collection Statutes n. 6.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: organized composite manuscript, consisting of a fascicule and
documents attached, probably assembled by the notary Giuliano Floridi.
BINDING: 280 × 220 mm; modern restoration binding of dark blue leather on cardboard axes;
restored sewn headbands, composed by red and white silk threads; sewing on five cords with light
cotton thread. On the front cover “Anticoli di Campagna / Rubriche dello Statuto / con documenti
sul libro / dei danni dati” in golden capital letter; on the back “Rubriche / Statuti / Anticoli” in
golden capital letters in the 2 nd compartment, golden stamped friezes in the other five.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript was restored in 1975 for the iniziative of the notary
Giuliano Floridi, as it states on the frontispiece of c. 2r.
UNIT 1
DATING: XIX century.
ORIGIN: perhaps Fiuggi.
MATERIAL: paper.
212 190

WATERMARK: difficult to identify when it is placed in the fold; six-rays sun inscribed in a round
surmounted by a cross, vaguely resembling to Briquet 13926.
LEAVES: I, 14; pencil pagination of modern hand in the upper outer corner starting from 1 at c. 3r
and arriving to 15 at c. 10r.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 210 (c. 4).
FASCICOLATION: I 2 (cc. 1-2), II 12 (cc. 3-14).
RULING: modern, with pencil, among the cc. 4r-13r
LIMITE LINES: (c. 4r) A 35, B 237, C 270, a 36, b 54, i 176, l 210 mm; (c. 11r) A 30, B 239, C
270, a 25, b 43, i 179, l 210 mm.
LINES: the number of the writing lines varies from 31 of c. 4r to 25 of c. 11r; the writing begins
over the first lines.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, with the number of the rubric marked on the left.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive, dark black ink.
DECORATION: the first frontispiece (c. 1r) is decorated with crowned coat of arms of the town of
Fiuggi and the Colonna family, enclosed in a frame containing vegetables trimmings, all with
brown ink, while the text has simple initials in red ink; the second frontispiece (c. 2r) has the
crowned coat of arms of the Floridi family of Guarcino, brown ink; watermarked initials at the
incipit of each book.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Statutorum Terrae Anticoli / in Campanea apud Hernicos /
rubricarum compendium et / poenarum reformationes / de damno dato”. The rubrics of the Statute
are written in Italian and marked with Roman numbers.
The text is subdivided as follows:
- cc. 3r-4v: Book I, containing the rules about the nomination and the functions of the vicar
and the administrators;
- cc. 5r-6r: Book II, containing the rubrics about guardians and the danno dato;
- cc. 6v-8v: Book III, rubrics about the trade and varia;
- cc. 9r-11r: Book IV, rules about the witchcrafts and crimes;
- cc. 11v-13r: Book V, about civil cases.
UNIT 2
DATING: March 24, 1777.
ORIGIN: Anticoli di Campagna.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: hardly identifiable when it is placed on the fold; six rays sun inscribed in a round
surmounted by a cross, vaguely similar to Briquet 13926.
LEAVES: 6 leaves; pencil numeration of modern hand in the upper outer corner at the cc. 1r e 2r.
DIMENSIONS: mm 268 × 195 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 6 (cc. 1-6).
TEXT LAYOUT: full page, with variable limit lines and number of the lines.
WRITING AND HANDS: written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink book-stamp of the notary Biagio Ambrosi at c. 4v,
drawing three five-petals flowers with an arrow pointing upwards and a cartouche with unreadable
content.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Delibera Comunale con la quale i possidenti dei / terreni
avanzano lamentele al Governo Centrale / per i continui danni subiti dai proprietari / di bestiame per
nulla intimoriti dalle tenui / pene previste nel Libro dei / Danni dati del Locale Statuto”.
UNIT 3
DATING: March 24, 1777.
213 191

ORIGIN: Anticoli di Campagna.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: hardly identifiable when it is placed on the fold; six rays sun inscribed in a round
surmounted by a cross, vaguely similar to Briquet 13926.
LEAVES: 2 leaves not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 268 × 195 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I 2 (cc. 1-2).
TEXT LAYOUT: full page, with variable limit lines and number of lines.
WRITING AND HANDS: written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title at c. 1r is “Richiesta al Buongoverno in seguito alla / adottata delibera in pari data di
maggior / difesa degli interessi dei Possidenti di terreni / “dannificati” dai Proprietari di
bestiame / Si richiede anche una modifica delle / norme statutarie, libro dei “Danni dati” /
comportanti maggiori pene a carico dei / proprietari di bestiame”.
UNIT 4
DATING: April 17, 1777.
ORIGIN: Anticoli di Campagna.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 4 leaves not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 268 × 195 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I 4 (cc. 1-4).
TEXT LAYOUT: full page, with variable limit lines and number of lines.
WRITING AND HANDS: written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title at c. 1r is “Al Governo Colonnese di Genazzano / Angiolo Antonio Trovalli Governatore /
dei Colonna in Anticoli a seguito della / avanzata richiesta chiede facoltà di / modificare le norme
Statutarie au-/mentando le pene previste nel libro / dei “Danni Dati” a carico dei proprie-/tari di
bestiame che danneggiano i / terreni arativi e seminativi”.
UNIT 5
DATING: May 13, 1789.
ORIGIN: Anticoli di Campagna.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: present but not identifiable.
LEAVES: 6 leaves; pencil numeration of modern hand in the upper outer corner at c. 1r.
DIMENSIONS: mm 266 × 186 (c. 1).
FASCICOLATION: I 6 (cc. 1-6), 8 restoration white leaves follow.
TEXT LAYOUT: full page, with variable limit lines and number of lines.
WRITING AND HANDS: written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink book-stamp of the notary Michelangelo Verghetti at c.
6v, representing a bird in flight with the wings spread, admired by a group of birds on the ground, a
cartouche on the top recites “In suis non fallitur”.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title at c. 1r is “Capitolato / composto di XX articoli per l’affitto delle / Selve Comunali”.
214 192

STATUTES OF MOROLO
The history of the Town of Morolo is full of strokes and ownership passages. Burned in 1216 by
Giovanni of the counts de' Ceccano, it returned to the Lords of Supino, previous owners, during the
pontificate of Gregory IX. In 1385 the town passed, for dotal reasons, under the lordship of Fabrizio
Colonna. During all the XV century and the middle XVI century, Morolo was alternately stolen and
reassigned to the Colonna family, which acquired its permanent possession only in 1562 1 .
The statutory codex of Morolo, which is kept in the State Archives of Rome, was probably
copied in 1856. This was due to the request made in May of that year by the Minister for the
Interior of the Papal State, the cardinal Teodolfo Mertel, to send a copy of the City Statute to Rome.
The cardinal collection, first nucleus of what will become the Statute's Collection, is of indisputable
importance because, in some cases, the only surviving copies of the normative compilations can be
found. This is the case of the Town of Morolo, at whose historical Archive a statutory manuscript
was probably preserved, currently lost, and which, unfortunately, despite the hopes of the prof.
Gioacchino Giammaria, did not re-emerge during the course of the above mentioned Archives
order 2 . This manuscript, before the disappearance, in 1892 was consulted by the archpriest Don
Eusebio Canali, who completely transcribed it, furnishing it with other documents and historical
information from numerous archives and publications. Thanks to this transcription, some
hypotheses can be advanced and considerations can be made about the old Statute of Morolo,
though limited to the only two copies whose existence is proved.
Both the manuscripts contain the statutory text, as it was confirmed and approved by
Marcantonio IV Colonna on May 19, 1610, approval found in the Roman codex at c. 21v. The two
manuscripts differ only for some graphic variations, without modification of the general sense of
the contents 3 . Comparing the Roman manuscript with the Canali's transcription, we can also note
that the use of the capital letters is different in the two versions, also in this case, without
invalidating the comprehension of the text.
Another difference between the Roman manuscript and that lost is that in the first case the
chapters arrive to the number 205, while in the second to 206. As Giammaria points out, there are
not differences in the text and the dissimilarity is due only to the fact that the copyist of the first
specimen omits to number the chapter 141, thus creating a discrepancy in the final number of the
rubrics. 4
Continuing the study about the contents of the two codices and comparing the text of the
Memoria in the Roman manuscript with the archpriest transcription, we can note that the first
mentions the exact pages in which there are the provisions which no longer have to be respected,
while in the second there is no traces of these. Moreover, in the transcription we can read, again in
the Memoria, that “detta S. Ecc. non è più tenuta all’osservanza delli due Capitoli descritti nel libro
quarto dello Statuto […]”, while in the Roman copy there is “detta Sua Eccellenza non è più tenuta
all’osservanza delli Due Capitoli descritti nel Libro 4: del presente Statuto […]” 5 . And it is
precisely the presente lemma which allows us to advance the hypothesis that the antigraph of the
Roman codex is the one which contained the original deed of the notary Michele Tranquilli, who
probably wrote it in his own hand – we can imagine with signum tabellionis – on another specimen
kept in the Secretariat of the Priory of Morolo. The codex, kepts in the State Archives of Rome,
would not to be copied from the manuscript transcribed by Canali, but with which however it would
have in common the antigraph. A sign of this common example can also be found in an error
1
Historical information are derived from G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione
romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 154-155.
2
Cf. E. CANALI, Cenni storici della Terra di Morolo (con l'edizione dello Statuto del 1610), a cura di
G. GIAMMARIA, Anagni 1990 (Biblioteca di Latium, 12), pp. 17-18, n. 17.
3
Ibidem.
4
Ibidem.
5
Cf. ibidem pp. 88-89; in the manuscript of the ASRm the Memoria is at cc. 21v-22r .
215 193

contained in the chapter 170 (169 according the numeration of the manuscript of Rome), where the
“ad” preposition is mistakenly transcribed, in both witnesses, in the place of the correct “da” 6 .
We have not a description of the manuscript used by the archpriest and preserved probably, as
stated above, in the Historical Municipal Archive. For this reason we can not attribute the graphic
variations or the different use of the capital letters to a difficulty of interpretation of the writing by
the latter, always postulating the absolute fidelity of the transcription to the model.
What can, however, be hypothesized is that the antigraph from which it was copied the Roman
manuscript in 1856 was a codex of about 40-45 leaves, probably in small format, since, as we can
see in the above Memoria, the chapters 191 and 192 are on pag. 87 (equivalent about to the c. 44),
while in the Roman example there are at c. 20r, where the text ends to the c. 22r.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statutes, segn.
STAT. 802/06
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Statute of Morolo is linked with other manuscripts in a
composite volume; some lateral parchment tongues allows to find various texts according the order
attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: perhaps 1856.
ORIGIN: Morolo.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 24 leaves; modern pencil numeration in the upper outer corner of the recto of each leaf
following the overall numeration of the volume (the Statute of Morolo is at the cc. 436r-459v)
DIMENSIONS: mm 317 × 220 (c. 4).
FASCICOLATION: I 24 (cc. 1-24).
RULING: with pencil, made page for page.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 4r) A 15, B 304, C 317, a 25, i 200, l 220 mm.
LINES: 35 lines for 35 writing lines, starting over the first line (c. 4r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, brown ink.
DECORATION: the c. 1r is decorated with the coat of arms of the Colonna family, surmounted by
a mermaid holding a large crown, made with black ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: round brown ink book-stamp of the Municipal Secretary of
Morolo containing the papal tiara and decussed keys at the c. 22r, put next to the subscription of the
Prior Enrico Tranquilli.
BINDING: 330 × 225 mm; binding in half parchment on cardboards axes covered with marbled
paper in the tones of orange, red and black; corner-piece in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with light
cotton thread; the back is decorated with two coats of arms impressed in gold of Pius IX and a
brown leather box with the words STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters,
lower the equally golden letters M-M. On the front cover, on the upper right margin, we can read
the numeral 12° written with brown ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored. The back and the front cover
are detached from the volume, as the fascicule relating to the Morolo Statute; the parchment cornerpieces
of the back cover are detached and the corners are in general very worn out.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 22r recites “Per Copia Conforme /
Il Priore / Enrico Tranquilli”.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Statuta / Terrae Moroli extracta / ab originali existen(ti)
in / Priorali Sec(rete)ria dictae Terrae”, accompanied by the coat of arms of Colonna family 7 and
6
“Statuimo, et ordinamo, che chi averà Capre ad dodici in su etc.”: the same mistake are transcribed
individually by the two copyists.
216 194

the mention “Marcus Antonius Columna / 1513” 8 . The text of the Statute is in italian vulgar tongue
and the chapters are distinguished by Roman numerals.
The text is subdivided in four books, divided as follows:
- cc. 2r-11v, Book I, chapters 1-94 containing varied rules of administrative law, criminal
procedure, taxes and pasture;
- cc. 11v-15r, Book II, chapters 95-138 about the danno dato;
- cc. 15r-18r, Book III, chapters 139-167 about criminal law;
- cc. 18r-21v, Book IV, chapters 168-205, various rules about different subjects.
At the end of the chapter 205, at c. 21v, we can read the confirmation and the approval of the
Statutes by Marcantonio IV Colonna on May 19, 1610. At the cc. 21v-22r there is also the Memoria
della Concordia, that is the transcription of a compromise, drawn up on July 30, 1739, by the notary
Michele Tranquilli, between the Prince Fabrizio Colonna and the population od Morolo with which
the derogations are granted to the Statute from both parties.
7
The Colonna Family insignia is part of the so-called “armi parlanti”, because they contain elements
related to the name of the family. The its coat of arms is red, Lo stemma della casata è di rosso, with silver
column with golden capital and base, crowned in the ancient way of the same; the motto is “Mole sua stat”
(Eneide, X, v. 770).
8
The date of 1513 makes probably reference to some approval of the Statute; but of the information
we do not know the source because the date is not present in the manuscript.
217 195

STATUTES OF PALIANO
After some centuries of co-ownership among several castellans, in 1232-1233, Gregory IX came
into possession of Paliano. The town was later given as feud to various families including the dukes
of Bornone, the Conti and the Colonna, who governed it in my occasions. In 1556 Paul IV
confiscated several possessions, including Paliano, to the Colonna and instituted the homonymous
Duchy, granted by Pontiff to his nephew Giovanni Carafa. Years of bloody struggles followed
which saw the final reconquest by the Colonna family, as well as the erection of the Duchy to
Principate by Pius V in 1569 1 .
The first drafting of the Paliano's Statute can be dated back to before December 20, 1531, when a
new copy was subscribed after the existing one had been destroyed in a fire. According to what the
proem stated, the same Captains of the People, such Nicolao Colę Acciach and Ioanni Antonij
Marci, rewrote the text, invited by Duke Ascanio Colonna, to remedy the lack of statutory rules.
This is, in fact, what we can read in the manuscript of Subiaco at the c. 4r-v:
«[...] At nunc cum vestro consilio, ac spectabili viri Petri Antonij Abbatis de Nursia in
presentiam vestri Capitanei industria (post pene extremum huius Terre Paliani excidium)
Statutis, juribusque Municipalibus voraci igne absortis nobis inconsultis in resarciendis,
suscitandisque illis nostri scientia, ac solertia in tante molis onere nimium confisi [...] Cum
legum potius, ac jurium municipalium vigili jugo colla supponere velle, quam propria
voluntate libenter, vel minus juste vitam agere. Ea igitur, qua potuimus solertia, et ingenij
facultate, Statuta hec (non extero, non Palianensi Vulcano et cetera absumpta) sed nostris
vigilijs in pristinum redacta, Divi Principis Ascanij Columne auspicio, ac vestrorum
immortali industria fide, et opere absolvimus [...]».
In the following years, the text received many confirmations by various exponents of the
Colonna family, including the one of Marcantonio IV, who, in 1610, dedicated himself to review
the Statutes of many towns of his feud 2 .
In 1569, just few weeks before the erection to Principate, the Paliano's Statute was given to the
prints for the types of Fratelli Baldi, Stampatori Camerali. The printed original is not preserved,
while from that specimen two handwritten copies were drawn, which we can identify in the codex
kept at Subiaco in the Colonna Archive and in the one of the Historical Municipal Archives of
Paliano 3 .
In general we can state that the three manuscripts of the Paliano's Statute seem to belong to two
different branches. Comparing the texts, we can note, in fact, that the passages added to the end of
the statutory rules are different. The fragment of the Municipal Archives, even if limited to few
leaves, contains a Tavola which does not appear in Roman specimen. Instead, it appears in the
Subiaco's witness, with the copy of the subscription of c. 88r which suggests that the codices
preserved in Paliano and Subiaco have been copied, as mentioned, by the printed specimen of the
1569.
A copy of the Statute is preserved until the years of the Second World War in the Historical
Municipal Archive of Paliano, from which it suddenly disappeared. It was a membranaceous
example, with parchment binding enriched with metal studs, decorated with miniatures and coat of
1
About the historical vicissitudines of Paliano, compare E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio
storico ed iconografico di torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia
medioevale, Roma 1933, 2, pp. 127-130; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana:
ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 91-97.
2
Compare, for example the Statutes of Castro dei Volsci, Morolo, Pofi, Supino.
3
This last copy, acephalous and very deteriorated, was recovered during an operation of the Guardia
di Finanza and returned to the Town of Paliano in recent times.
218 196

arms of the Colonna family. To further enrich the artefact was the original subscription of
Marcantonio IV Colonna, of which however the date is unknown 4 .
From this lost copy was taken in 1856 the specimen preserved in the State Archives of Rome.
The manuscript does not contain the Istruzioni per Paliano confirmed by Filippo (I) Colonna; the
Tavola contained in the other two codices and the printing declaration do not appear. The Roman
copy, however, includes, unlike the others, a series of Notificazioni relating to the years 1829 and
1847, transcriptions of the print posters affixed on the walls of the city and containing the rules
about the danno dato.
CODEX 1
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St.
Scolastica, Colonna Archives, Paliano, III MC 2, n. 18
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: XVIII century (in any case before April 8, 1820, stamp date of the Ufficio del Bollo e
Registro of Roma at the c. 4v).
ORIGIN: perhaps Paliano.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: noticeable on every 2 leaves, at the centre of the page (a six rays sun inscribed in a
round, surmounted by the pontifical emblem with the tiara and the decussed keys, below the round
the word SUBIACO); also in an attached sheet (a bird on three hills inscribed in a round with the
letters M and S inside, the letter F outside, similar to Briquet 12250).
LEAVES: 89 leaves not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 190 (c. 7).
FASCICOLATION: I 12+2 (cc. 1-14, the cc. 2 and 3 have been sewn inside the fascicule between the
cc. 1 e 4), II 14 (cc. 15-28), III 14-1 (cc. 29-41, the c. 36 is composed by 2 cc. glued together), IV-V 12
(cc. 42-65), VI 16 (cc. 66-81), VII 8 (cc. 82-89).
FASCICULES SIGNATURE: the fascicules II, III and IV are marked with ink with Arabic
numerals in the upper inner corner of the recto of the first leaf, same hand of the copyist.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 7r) A 20, B 255, C 270, a 20, i 180, l 190 mm.
LINES: 22 writing lines (c. 7r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: everywhere in the text, placed in the lower inner corner of the verso of the
leaves; occasionally in the indexes and in the added texts.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a running cursive which is
bigger and more laid in the titles of the rubrics and in the indexes, black ink; the note of c. 4v of the
Ufficio del Registro and the sheet attached to the beggining of the volume are of other hands.
DECORATION: ink paraph at the cc. 52v e 88r.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink oval book-stamps of the Ufficio del Bollo e Registro di
Roma - Atti Privati, put at the cc. 4v and 53v next to the subscription of the official Pagnalini;
however, the date is different, being the first April 8, 1820, the second April 10, 1820.
BINDING: 280 × 210 mm; grey cardboard covering, to which the book block is sewn with orange
silk thread, probably later intervention; the fascicules are sewing together with a light cotton thread;
on the front cover there is the words “III MC 2 / n. 18 / Statuto / di Paliano / 1569”; on the back
cover there is a noticeable seam in the lower outer corner.
4
A description of the manuscript, accompanied by the photograph of the incipit of the I Book, can be
read in G. TUCCI SAVO e A. GIOVANNONI, Paliano dalle origini ai nostri giorni, Tivoli 1933, pp. 174-182.
The authors also translated part of the chapters of the Statute.
219 197

STATE OF CONSERVATION: the codex has woodworms holes and scattered spots; the covering
was replaced in an undefined time, because the woodworms holes abundantly consuming the lower
edge of c.1r do not find correspondence in the current covering.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: various corrections and an interlinear addition at c. 12r, all of copyist's
hand.
VARIA: at c. 84v there is a later hand subscription which reads “Guido Corti / 27-XII-1940”. The
manuscript is wrapped in a paper sheet to protect it, on which there are the signature and the words
“Statuto locale della Comunità / di Paliano”; little paper sheets with signature and a document
dated November 7, 1791 are attached to the volume.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Copia dei Capitoli del Statuto ch’ / esiste in questa
Cancellaria Ducale / di Paliano”. The text of the Statute is in Latin and the chapters are marked
with Arabic numerals. In the indexes, however, the chapters have Arabic and Roman numerals in a
dishomogeneous way.
At c 1r there is the copy of a notarial subscription, which, however, have not sign and seal; the cc.
2-3 contain only the manuscript title, while at c. 4r-v there is a Proem.
The statutory rules are subdivided into four books, divided as it follows:
- cc. 5r-20r: Book I, 56 chapters containing the varied provisions about administrative and
civil law, preceded by an index;
- cc. 20v-39r: Book II, 74 chapters about the criminal law (Maleficiorum) preceded by the
index;
- cc. 39v-50v: Book III, 46 chapters about danno dato (De damnis datis) preceded by the
index;
- cc. 51r-60v: Book IV, 33 chapters about various subjects (Extraordinariorum) preceded by
the index.
The cc. 60v-62r contain the confirmations of Ascanio Colonna (1533), of the Governor Pallacius
(1546), of Marcantonio II Colonna (1563), of Marcantonio IV Colonna (1610).
- cc. 62v-64r: De confinibus Territorij Paliani
- cc. 64v-70v: Istruzioni per Paliano, 16 capitoli aggiunti da Filippo Colonna
- cc. 71r-73r: De pęnis Damnorum Datorum
- cc. 73v-84r: Tavola da osservarsi nella Generale Audienza dell’Ill(ustrissi)mo, et
Ecc(ellentissi)mo Signor Don Marcantonio Colonna etc.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Paliano, Municipal Historical Archives, Preunification,
b. 1 reg. 1.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: fragment.
DATING: XVIII century.
ORIGIN: perhaps Paliano.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: I, 6; irregular numbering.
DIMENSIONS: mm 265 × 204 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I 8-1 (cc. I-6, c. 6 beyond comparison).
RULING: blind.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 2r) A 30, B 226, C 265, a 20, i 163, l 204 mm.
LINES: 30 lines for 30 writing lines, beginning over the first line (c. 2r); the last line hosts only the
catchword.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
220 198

CATCHWORDS: present in all the leaves both on the recto and on the verso.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand, showing a running cursive, which
is bigger and more laid in the titles of the rubrics, dark brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMP: blue ink book-stampof the Town of Paliano, put on the covering and
on the cc. Ir e 1r.
BINDING: 340 × 240 mm; re-employed paper covering on cardboard axe; on the cover, decoration
remains printed on paper with sun and winds personification, under this the words“Antonio Maria
Morari in Cremona”; sewing with cotton thread.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: only the covering front cover of the whole volume survives, whose
cardboard axe, covered by a re-employed paper sheet, crumbles; the pastedown is almost
completely detached from the board; the leaves are attached to each other by a guard (irregular
numbering but before the writing); massive presence of woodworms holes and of spots of various
nature.
VARIA: doodlings and various kinds of drawings in the front pastedown and on the c. Ir, among
which a sun, a hand and a moon; manicula at the c. 6v.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The cc. 1r-6v are occupied by the "Tavola da osservarsi nella Generale Audienza /
dell'Ill(ustrissi)mo et Ecc(ellentissi)mo Sig. Don Marc'Antonio Colonna / Duca di Paliano, / et
Gran Conte Stabile del Regno di Napoli / Nelli Stati del Latio, et Campagna di Roma".
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Collection Statutes, segn.
STAT. 805/06
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Statute of Paliano is linked with other manuscripts in a
composite volume; some parchment lateral tongues allow to find the various texts according to the
order attributed in the Index, placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: December 20, 1856 (dating expressed at the c. 44r).
ORIGIN: Paliano.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: watermarked word “Fabriano”.
LEAVES: I, 44, II-IV; pencil numbering of modern hand in the upper outer corner of the recto of
each leaf, numbering, however, the leaves of the whole codex, of which the Statute of Paliano
occupied the cc. 57-104. Other numberings: 339 partially erased with modern hand pencil, at c. Ir,
in the upper outer corne; 1643 in the same position, of a different hand with pencil, at c. 1r; 1546 in
the same position, with black ink, at c. 2r; 3221 in the same position, of modern hand with pencil, at
c. IVr.
DIMENSIONS: mm 320 × 220 (c. 5).
FASCICOLATION: I-IV 10 (cc. I-39), V 8 (cc. 40-IV).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 5r) A 23, B 303, C 320, a 18, i 205, l 220 mm.
LINES: the writing lines vary from the 27 of c. 5r to the 33 of c. 23r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand, showing a cursive; at the l. 21 of c.
12r the writing module changes, probably due to the change of the writing tool, thinner in the
second part; the ink varies between the light brown and the black.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMP: black ink oval book-stamp of the Town of Paliano containing the
city profile in silhouette, put at the c. 44r next to the subscription of the Prior Giuseppe Lucioli.
BINDING: 340 × 240 mm; modern binding in half parchment on cardboards axes covered by
marbled paper in green and black tones; parchment corner-pieces; sewing on 8 cords with light
221 199

cotton thread; lower head-band sewn and covered with parchment; on the back there is a brown
leather box with the words STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letter, below the
letters PA-RO.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: volume restored presumably in the second half of the 90s of the
XX century by the “Fabi e Fabi” company of Rome, as evidenced by the label glued in the lower
outer corner of the back pastedown of the book. The intervention has implicated the replacement of
the covering, which previously had two coats of arms of Pius IX impressed in gold on the back; the
volume was unbound and paper strips were glued in the fold of the sheets to reinforce them.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 44r recites “Visto per Copia
conforme agli Originali / Paliano, 20 Dicembre 1856 / Il Priore / Giuseppe Lucioli”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: at the l. 2 of c. 7v a word has been corrected on another, as at the l. 23 of
c. 19v, l. 10 of c. 29r and l. 26 of c. 32v.
VARIA: a blue ink stain in the bas-de-page of c. Ir; small pencil crosses of modern hand placed at
the c. 17r, next to the indication of the chapters LVI, LVIII and LIX; two lines underlined at the c.
18v; a small arrow is placed next to the l. 2 of c. 27r, in correspondence of the chapter XXXII.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Statuta Terrae Palliani”. The text of the Statute is in
Latin and the chapters are marked by Roman number.
The statutory norms are subdivided in four chapters, divided as follows:
- c. 2r-v: Proem;
- cc. 3r-15v: Book I, 56 chapters containing varied provisions about administrative and civil
law, preceded by an index;
- cc. 16r-26r: Book II, 74 chapters about the criminal law (maleficiis) preceded by an index;
- cc. 26v-32r: Book III, 46 chapters about danno dato (damnis datis) preceded by an index;
- cc. 32v-37r: Book IV, 33 chapters about various subjects (extraordinarijs), preceded by an
index.
At c. 37r a series of confirmations and approvals of Ascanio Colonna (1533), of the Governor
Pallacius (1546), of Marcantonio IV Colonna (1610) begins; De confinibus Territorij Paliani at the
c. 38r-v, and De pęnis Damnorum Datorum at the cc. 39r-40r follow. The cc. 40v-44r contain also
the Notificazioni, updates to the Statute written in Italian and containing rules about the danno dato
issued by the Presidenza della Comarca di Roma on December 22, 1829 ad by the Governor of
Paliano on October 26, 1847.
222 200

STATUTES OF PATRICA
For a long time feud of the counts de' Ceccano, during the period of the Schism of the West
Patrica passed to the Conti family, while there was the definitive formalization with the investiture
of Ildebrandino Conti in 1425 by Martino V. In 1495 the castrum was destroyed by the troops of
Carlo VIII. In 1599 Patrica was sold to the Santacroce; few years later, in 1625, Francesco
Santacroce resold it to Filippo Colonna. The baronial palace and some land were given in
emphyteusis to the counts Spezza in the eighteenth-century, who later became owners of it 1 .
As we read in the final subscriptions, none of which autograph, a Statute already existed before
1696, year in which it states to exemplify another copy because the existing was ruined. There is no
copy subscribed by Fabrizio Colonna in 1696, nor the previous one from which the specimen
approved by the Marquis was drawn.
The oldest copies of the five manuscripts, which hand down the Statute of Patrica, are the two
eighteenth-century specimens kept among the documents of the Sacra Congregazione del Buon
Governo of the State Archive of Rome. They are kept in a dossier concerning the sanctions for the
compensation of the damages caused to the crops by the most damaging animals such as sheep,
goats and, above all, the pigs so-called “neri” 2 .
In order of time, the third copy is the one of 1823, kept in the Historical Municipal Archive of
Patrica, found by Tommaso Cecilia during a research. According to Gioacchino Giammaria, author
of the critical edition, the specimen was drawn from a copy preserved in a private archive, in turn
copied from one of the two eighteenth-century copies of the Buon Governo 3 . This information is
confirmed by the incipit of the manuscript, in which we can read “[…] Estratta per mancanza
dell’originale bruciato / nella Rivoluzione Repubblicana da altra Copia fatta estrar-/ re nella
Segretaria della Sagra Congregazione del Buon / Governo dall’Illustrissimo Signor Francesco
Antonio Spezza presso / del quale esiste […]”.
The forth copy, dating back to 1856, is in the Statutes Collection of the State Archives of Rome
and was probably made following the request formulated by the cardinal Mertel already mentioned.
The fifth witness, undated but attributable to the Nineteenth-century, is kept in the Senate Library.
These two manuscripts would be part of another branch of the tradition, being probably taken from
another copy existing in the Town.
In addition to the five preserved specimens, Giammaria postulates the existence of other three
copies. The first would be the one, that he calls “copia Spezza”, from which the codex of Patrica
was copied, no longer traceable, according the scholar, already in the mid-nineteenth-century 4 . A
second copy was mentioned in a Councils Book kept in the Historical Municipal Archive of Patrica:
in 1805 it would be a copy read in Council but with an unknown fate. Finally, there are traces of a
third copy among the documents of the Delegazione Apostolica of the State Archive of Frosinone.
Here it would be chapters with a slightly different content than the published text.
1
Brief historical information can be read in E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed
iconografico di torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale,
Roma 1933, 2, p. 147; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia
medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 146-147.
2
Compare S. NOTARI, Rubricario degli statuti comunali di Alatri e Patrica (secoli XVI-XVIII): per un
rubricario degli statuti della provincia storica di Campagna, in Latium, 14(1997), pp. 141-222; in particular
pp. 203-222 contain accurate codicological descriptions of the two oldest specimens of the Patrica's Statute,
as well as of the copy in the Statutes Collection of the State Archives of Rome. The information is completed
with the Rubricary edition.
3
G. GIAMMARIA, Le Liberanze o Statuto di Patrica del 1696: edizione e studio storico, in Latium,
15(1998), pp. 5-66.
4
Ibidem, p. 17.
223 201

CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Roma, State Archives, S. Congregazione del Buon
Governo, II, b. 3347 (1775-1785).
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: loose fascicule inside a dossier in file folder with others.
DATING: XVIII century (a few years before 1781, according to Sandro Notari 5 ).
ORIGIN: maybe Patrica.
MATERIAL: paper.
WARTERMARK: occasionally detectable, consisting of a bird on three hills inscribed in a round
surmounted by a star, similar (but not identical) to Briquet 12251.
LEAVES: 25 leaves; there is a contemporary pen numbering, with Arabic numerals in the upper
outer corner of the recto of each leaf, starting from 2 at c.1r and arrives to 23 at c. 22r.
DIMENSION: mm 264 × 190 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I 30-5 (cc. 1-25, the first five leaves of the fascicule have fallen).
RULING: the leaves were bent vertically in four to create a lateral column on the left to host the
number and the title of the rubrics.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 15, B 250, C 264, a 45, l 190 mm.
LINES: the writing lines vary from 22 of c. 3r to 18 of c. 11r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, with the left margin holding the title and the number of the chapter.
CATCHWORDS: present at cc. 5 and 6 on the verso, at c. 7 on the recto, from c. 8 to c. 20 (except
16) on the verso, at c. 21 on the recto; they are always in the lower left margin, horizontally, with
the same hand and ink of the text.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand, showing a cursive, dark brown
ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript is in poor conditions: the first five leaves are
missing, others are torn; the too acidic ink has drilled the paper in multiple points; the cc. 19-23 are
completely detached from the book block, the cc. 24-25 are at risk of detachment; the paper is
darkened; various stains and holes of woodworm everywhere; the margins of the leaves are very
worn.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: in several points there are interlinear additions of copyist's hand, sign
that he revised the text after writing.
VARIA: the index of the chapters at c. 23r opens with the invocation, only partially legible, J.M.J;
at c. 3r two small paper strips have been glued on the underlying words, probably to correct; at c. 9
there is a paraph of difficult attribution both on the recto and on the verso, in the left margin; the c.
25v is a joke of doodling, probationes calami, numbers and more or less comprehensible words.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title is not in the manuscripts, probably because of the loss of the first leaves. The rules are
written in Italian, while the chapters are numbered with Roman numerals. The text contains only the
provisions concerning the danno dato, starting from the chapter V at c. 1r to end at chapter CI at c.
22r. The chapters are actually 102, the copyist omits the 99 th , so it is created a misalignment which
is not in the text.
At c. 22r the confirmation of the Statute made by Fabrizio Colonna on June 15, 1696 was copied, in
which it is apparent that the renewal became necessary for the bad material conditions of the
reference copy.
The leaves 23r-24v are finally occupied by the index of chapters, this time identified with Arabic
numerals.
5
207.
Compare S. NOTARI, Rubricario degli statuti comunali di Alatri e Patrica (secoli XVI-XVIII), cit., p.
224 202

CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
MANUSCRIPT IDENTIFICATION: Roma, State Archives, S. Congregazione del Buon Governo,
II, b. 3347 (1775-1785).
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: loose fascicule placed inside a dossier in file folder with others.
DATING: July 17, 1781 (dating expressed at c. 11v).
ORIGIN: Patrica (local dating expressed at c. 12r).
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: present in each sheet, in the individual leaves it is at the centre of the page; it is
composed by a bird on three hills inscribed in a round surmounted by a hearth, similar to Briquet
12251 (but with the heart in place of the star).
LEAVES: 20 leaves, unnumbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 274 × 200 (c. 1).
FASCICOLATION: I 20 (cc. 1-20).
RULING: the leaves were bent vertically in four in order to create a lateral column on the left to
host the title of the rubrics.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 10, B 265, C 274, a 50, l 200 mm.
LINES: the writing lines vary from 33 of c. 3r to 43 of c. 8r because of the change of hand.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, with the left margin hosting the title of the chapter.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by two different hands which both show a cursive,
the first very inclined (cc. 1r-5v l.17), the second smaller and laid (cc. 5v l.18-11v); brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMP: black ink book-stamp of the notary Lauretus Montini of Patrica,
who subscribes the copy at cc. 11v-12r .
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript is in good conditions of conservation, apparently
never restored.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription at the cc. 11v-12r recites “In Dei
No(min)e A(me)n. Anno D(omi)ni 1781 die 17 Julii / Prae(sen)s suprad(ict)a copia, licet aliena
manu, / mihi tamen fede digna, per me etc. extracta, / et copiata fuit e suo originali testali-/ter prout
iacet, nisi etc., quod etc., nisi forsan etc. / [c. 12r] Imo facta collatione concordare inve-/ni. In
quorum fide ne hic me subscri-/psi, et signum meum, quo in publici / utor apposui requisitus etc. /
Ita est Lauretus Montini Patricae notarius publicus rogatus etc.”
REVIEWSAND NOTES: a modern hand puts a Roman numeral with pencil in some chapters.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title is not in the manuscript, being a document attached to another dossier. The rules are
written in Italian, the chapters are not numbered except occasionally with Roman numerals, by
modern hand with pencil. The text contains 102 provisions concerning the danno dato at cc. 1r-11v,
followed at 11v by the confirmation of the Statute made by Fabrizio Colonna on June 15, 1696.
Absence of the index of the chapters.
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Patrica, Historical Municipal Archive, Preunification,
b. 1, reg. 1
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by linked fascicules.
DATING: July 12, 1823 (dating expressed at c. 14v).
225 203

ORIGIN: plausibly Patrica.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: present at the centre of the page in each sheet, made up of the Saint Peter
baldachin with the decussed keys.
LEAVES: I, 14, II, leaves and guard-leaves unnumbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 320 × 230 (c. 8).
FASCICOLATION: I 14 (cc. 1-14).
RULING: the leaves were bent vertically in four in order to create a lateral column on the left to
host the title of the rubrics.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 8r) A 10, B 310, C 320, a 55, l 230 mm.
LINES: the writing lines vary from 30 of c. 4r to 33 of c. 7r.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, with the left margin hosting the title of the chapter.
CATCH-WORD: present in all leaves (except c. 2v and 13v) at verso in the lower inner margin,
placed horizontally, of the same hand and ink of the writing.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: book-stamp with pontifical tiara and black ink decussed keys of
the Gonfaloniere of Patrica Filippo Persi, who subscribes the copy at c. 14v .
BINDING: 320 × 245 mm; blue cardboard covering; on front cover “Comune di Patrica / CARTE
DELL’ARCHIVIO / Categoria XVI / OGGETTO / Liberanze o Statuto Comunale”, black ink;
simple sewing without cords with light cotton thread.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the covering is damaged, especially in the back; numerous
woodworm holes; spots of humidity compromise further its conservation.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription of c. 14v recites “Ne’ Nome di Dio /
Per copia intera conforme, di cui sopra, estratta questo dì / 12 luglio 1823. In fede etc. / Filippo
Persi Gonf(alonier)e / Fran(cesc)o Ant(oni)o Abb(at)e Spezza / Giuseppe Valenti scrissi di
Com(mission)e”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: at c. 14v, in the bas-de-page and in the opposite direction to writing, a
later hand writes “Copia dell’antico statuto di Patrica / 15 Giugno 1696”; on the recto of each leaf,
in the inner margin and in vertical there is the subscription “Filippo Persi Gonf(alonier)e”, who
signes also the c. 2v, declaring it blank.
VARIA: at c. 13v a vertical sign made with red lapis is placed in correspondence of the chapter 101.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. Ir is “Liberanze o Statuto Comunale”. The rules are written in
Italian, the chapters are not numbered. The text contains the 102 provisions concerning the danno
dato at cc. 1r-13v, followed by the various confirmations of the Statute. The first (c. 13v) is the one
made by Fabrizio Colonna on June 15, 1696; the second, in the same leaf, is the one of the Notary
Lauretus Montini mentioned above; the third (c. 14r) is the confirmation of Lorenza Colonna on
July 5, 1777; part of correspondence between the cardinal Casali and the Sacra Congregazione del
Buon Governo in 1780 follows. Absence of the index of the chapters.
CODEX 4
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Roma, State Archives, Statutes Collection, segn.
STAT. 822/12.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Statute of Patrica is linked with other manuscripts in a
composite volume; some parchment lateral tongues allow to identify various texts according the
order attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: July 29, 1856 (dating expressed at c. 10v).
ORIGIN: maybe Patrica.
226 204

MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: I, 10, II, leaves unnumbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 318 × 225 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 12 (cc. I-II, with ten leaves of the text between the two guard-leaves).
RULING: with pencil, made for single pages.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 20, B 303, C 318, a 48, i 215, l 225 mm.
LINES: 34 lines for 34 writing lines, which starts over the first line (c. 3r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, with the left margin hosting the title and the number of the chapter.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, blue ink.
SEALS AND STAMP-BOOKS: brown ink oval stamp-book of the “Segreteria / Communale / di /
Patrica” placed at c. 10v next to the subscription of the Prior.
BINDING: 345 × 230 mm; binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered with marbled
paper in the tones of orange, red and black; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with
light cotton thread; the back is decorated by two coats of arms stamped with gold of Pius IX and a
brown leather box with the words STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters,
lower the equally golden letters P-P. On the front cover, in the upper right margin, we can read the
numeral 17° written with brown ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: The entire covering is detached from the codex block, as well as
the first and the last fascicule; the headcaps, the boards margins, as well as the ones of the leaves,
are chipped in the edge and ripped; the back is very worn, especially in the lower part.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription of c. 10r-v recites “Copia simile è stata
da me sott(oscritt)o Priore, da altra copia [c. 10v] esistente in questa Segreteria Co(mu)nale, e
collazionata si è trova/ta perfettamente conforme / Dalla Residenza Co(mu)nale di Patrica li 29
luglio 1856. Il Priore / Eusuperazio Monti Colombani”.
VARIA: the text opens with an invocation J.M.J
DESCRIZIONE INTERNA
The title in the manuscript at c. Ir is “Statuti della Comunità / di Patrica”. The rules are written in
Italian, while the chapters are numbered with Arabic numerals. The text contains 103 provisions
concerning the danno dato at cc. 1r-10r, followed by the transcription of the confirmation of the
Statute by Fabrizio Colonna on June 15, 1696.
CODEX 5
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Roma, Senate Library “Giovanni Spadolini”,
Statutes Collection, segn. STATUTI MSS 418.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by bound fascicules.
DATING: XIX century.
ORIGIN: maybe Patrica.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: I, 14, II-III; the cc. 2r-14r are numbered with pencil by modern hand in the upper outer
corner of the recto of each leaf; guards-leaves unnumbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 195 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 14 (cc. 1-14).
RULING: with pencil, only on the verso of the leaves from 3v to 11v, in which a justification
double line on the left appears; at c. 2v there is a single justification line; the leaves are bent in half
vertically.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 10, B 265, C 270, a 45, l 195 mm.
LINES: the writing lines, starting alway above the first line, vary from 32 of c. 3r to 31 of c. 6r
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column, with the left margin hosting the title and the number of the chapter.
227 205

WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive strongly inclined
to the right, black ink.
BINDING: 280 × 210 mm; binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered by marbled paper
in tones of olive-green and beige; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 2 cords with light cotton
thread; on the back the word PATRICA.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript does not seem to have been restored; the state of
conservation is good.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTSMEN: the subscription of c. 13v recites “Visto per Copia
Conforme / Il Segretario”, but the sign has not been put.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: text integrations of the copiyst at cc. 5r (pointed out by a little cross) and
9v.
VARIA: the text opens with an invocation J.M.J; dashes made with purple lapis at cc. 6v, 8v, 11r
and 13v; entry number of the manuscript (51215), made with a black ink stamp-book, in the bas-depage
of c. 13v.
ANCIENT FINDING-NUMBER: present at c. 1r and in the back pastedown, in both cases it is
93.VI.243.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Comune di Patrica / Statuti locali antichi”. The rules are
written in Italian, while the chapters are numbered with Arabic numerals. The text contains 103
provisions concerning the danno dato at cc. 2r-13v, followed by the confirmation of the Statute
made by Fabrizio Colonna on June 15, 1696.
228 206

STATUTES OF POFI
Until the entire Thirteenth century the town of Pofi was governed by various Lords of the
neigbourhood, until in 1379 the fief was granted to the Caetani. Some years later the estate was
allocated to the counts of Fondi, who kept it with relative continuity for almost of the Fourteenth. In
1523 the Colonna occupied the castrum, starting a series of skirmishes with the Papacy, which
ended with the definitive assignment to the “Eccellentissima Casa” by Pius IV in 1562 1 . It was the
capital of the State of Pofi until 1758, when the auditor was transferred to Ceccano.
According to the reconstruction of the Campoli, the Statute, in the form which is now kept at the
State Archives of Rome, would be granted to the Pofi's community on February 10, 1569 by
Marcantonio II Colonna 2 . This date is read in the proem, where actually Marcantonio II Colonna is
simply indicated ad “Illustrissimi et eccellentissimi Domini […] Ducis Tagliacozij et Paliani”, since
it is only in March 30, 1569 that the Duchy of Paliano was established as Princedom. Nevertheless,
it seems rather possible to assume that at that time we should ascribe the confirmation of the text by
Marcantonio, not the time of the manuscript, which reports, as first official subscription, the one of
Gian Giacomo Capozio, lieutenant of Marcantonio II, dated February 18, 1579. We could then
ascribe the copy of the manuscript to the latter date, having taken as the antigraph a codex approved
on February 10, 1569.
The text of Pofi's Statutes, as it is preserved, would only be the formalization of habits already
used in everyday life by the community, dating before. A mention to ancient statutory chapters, of
which we do not yet know the age, is in fact in the Inventory of the properties of Onorato II Caetani
d'Aragona, count of Fondi 3 , written in the years 1491-1493.
Several confirmations, all completed with autograph subscriptions, was fixed over the years on
the manuscript by various Colonna's exponents 4 . It was probably in 1610 that Marcantonio IV
added the rule about the prohibition to sell to the foreigners which is at the bottom of many Statutes
of the nearby communities, and which in the Pofi's codex was accompanied by the autograph
subscription of the Prince completed with applied seal perfectly preserved 5 .
The last intervention dated on the codex is a note put by the mayor in office in 1741, indicating
that at that time the manuscript was still in Pofi. Campoli affirms that on March 5, 1782 a copy of
the Statute of Pofi was sent to Rome at the request of the Sacra Congregazione della Consulta; the
research of this codex did not yield the fruits hoped for.
As stated in the c. Ir of the guard-leaf, the copy of the Statute which is currently kept at the State
Archives of Rome would be deposited in 1900 by then mayor of Pofi, Mr. Pesci.
1
See E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed iconografico di torri, rocche, castelli e
luoghi muniti della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale, Roma 1933, 2, p. 164; G.
SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino
all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 51-53.
2
Cf. F. M. CAMPOLI, Pofi: dalle origini all'inizio del secolo XX, Roma 1982, in part. le pp. 115-159.
3
«[…] In castro Pofarum […] have la ballia sopra li dampni dati et altre prohibitioni, con li soy
dependenti, secundo la antiqua consuetudene et statuti concessi per lo signore alli citadini de dicta terra
[…]»: è quanto si riporta in Inventarium Honorati Gaietani: l'inventario dei beni di Onorato II Gaetani
d'Aragona, 1491-1493, transcription of C. RAMADORI (1939), critical review, introduction and addition of S.
POLLASTRI, Roma 2006, p. 307.
4
Cf. S. NOTARI, Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli statuti comunali della
provincia storica di Campagna, in Rivista Storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 22, Le comunità rurali e i
loro statuti (secolo XII-XV), Atti dell’VIII Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli studi e le edizione delle
fonti normative, Viterbo 30 maggio – 1 giugno 2002, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F. VIOLA, pp. 25-92, in part.
le pp. 52-57; cf. also infra, Ripi and Morolo.
5
In the manuscript of the Castro dei Volsci's Statute, kept in the Local Historical Archive, there is
trace of the sign manu propria of Marcantonio IV Colonna, whlie the seal is lost; cf. infra, Castro dei Volsci.
229 207

EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Statutes Collection, segn.
STAT. 831.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by bound fascicules.
DATING: February 18, 1579.
ORIGIN: maybe Rome.
MATERIAL: membranaceous, paper guard-leaves.
LEAVES: I, 75, II (leaves I-II, modern paper guard-leaves, maybe added after a restoration).
Originally the leaves were numbered with Arabic numerals in the upper outer margin of the recto of
each leaf, hand and red ink of the text, but a heavy trimming lets see only traces of it (e.g. the cc. 1r,
40r, 41r, 45r, 47r, 49r, 54r, 71r, 74r); from c. 48r the ink is black and not red; at c. 69r to the usual
numbering another added in the upper inner margin, made by a different hand; a modern hand
pencil numbering is costant for all codex in the upper outer margin of the recto of each leaf. Guardleaves
are numbered with Roman numerals (I in both cases), modern hand pencil.
DIMENSIONS: mm 200 × 142 (c. 5).
FASCICOLATION: I-IV 8 (cc. 1-32), V 8-1 (cc. 33-39, fallen the joint of c. 51), VIII 8-3 (cc. 55-59,
fallen the joint of c. 56, 57 e 59), IX-X 8 (cc. 60-75). All the fascicules start with the flesh side;
Gregory's rule is respected everywhere.
RULING: made with thin brown ink pen, maybe on the single leaves.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 5r) A 13, B 186, C 200, a 18, h 123, i 130, l 142 mm.
LINES: 27 lines for 27 writing lines, starting over the first line (c. 5r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: only at cc. 6v, 9r-10r, 11r and 20r, placed horizontally in the lower right margin,
the same hand and ink of the text.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing an Italic writing with red
and brown ink; the approvals and confirmations of the Statute, as well as the various tables, have
hands different with each other.
DECORATION: large calligraphic initials in the incipit of each chapter, the S and the I with more
frequency; large initial I decorated with cadels at c. 16v, 20v, 21v; rubrics titles in red; running title
at the centre of the top margin of each page.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: trace of applied seal in red wax at c. 49r, belonging to Gian
Giacomo Capozio, lieutenant of Marcantonio II Colonna; applied seal in red wax covered with a
little sheet of paper at c. 49v of Marcantonio IV Colonna.
BINDING: 210 × 150 mm; binding in half brown leather on cardboard axes coverd with marbled
paper in brown tones; sewing on 4 cords with light cotton thread; the edge is decorated with red on
all sides.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: although the manuscript has been restored at an undefined time,
currently it is in poor conditions; numerous woodworm holes; the ink is faded and not readable in
many points; the edges of the covering and the back are very worn; the final leaves are stained.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: at c. 48v the words “LAUS DEO / FINIS” in red capital
letters.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: integration at c. 22v in the inner margin consisted by two lines in Italian,
vertically, of another hand; at c. 42r a different hand writes two lines in Italian accompanied by a
manicula, vertically in the outer margin, bright black ink; in many points some text portions are
underlined with the same ink of the writing.
VARIA: a little cross in the inner margin of c. 6r in correspondence of l. 15; at c. 14v l. 5; at c. 15r
l. 7; at c. 26r l. 20; remains of writings more or less readable at cc. 75 and II of guard-leaf.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r is “Statuta Terrae Popharum”. The Statute is written in Latin
(except for a substantial part of the chapt. 52 of the Book III which is in Italian), while the chapters
230 208

are numbered with Roman numerals (except the chapters 1-3 of the Book I and the chapt. 54 of the
Book III showing Arabic numerals). The text is divided as follows:
- c. 1r-v: Proem;
- cc. 2r-10r: Book I, 31 chapters containing various rules of administrative and civil law;
- cc. 10r-17r: Book II, 36 chapters of criminal law (maleficiorum);
- cc. 17r-28v: Book III, 57 chapters about the danno dato;
- cc. 29r-42v: Book IV, 70 chapters of various rules (extraordinariorum);
- cc. 43r-48v: Repertorium seu Tabula divided in books.
At c. 49r the confirmations begin, starting from the one of February 18, 1579 signed by Gian
Giacomo Capozi; at c. 49v rule of Marcantonio IV Colonna prohibiting the sale of real estate to
foreigners (1610, probably); at c. 50r confirmation of the Statute by Filippo I Colonna of December
22, 1620; at c. 50v the one of Girolamo Colonna of January 28, 1650; at c. 51r teh one of Filippo II
Colonna of December 20, 1667; at c. 51v the one of Lorenzo Onofrio Colonna of October 27, 1686.
At c. 53v there is an addition at chapt. 57 of the IV book, while the cc. 54r-69v are left in blank. At
c. 70r there is a Tariffa economica with the price of the bread; the volume is closed by the Tariffa
del valore della moneta antica copied from the Statute of Fiuggi on August 26, 1741 by the Mayor
Pietro Paolo della Valle (c. 73r-v).
231 209

STATUTES OF RIPI
The Town was governed by the Lords (condòmini) of Ripi until the second half of XIV century,
when the property came under the direct dominion of the Pope. In 1365 the castle was occupied by
Veroli's inhabitants and then returned to the Pontifical State; from that moment and for some years
the feud passed under the rule of various noble families, including the counts de' Ceccano. In 1410
the lands of Ripi and Castro were assigned by the antipope Giovanni XXIII to Lorenzo and
Giordano Colonna, but they were repeatedly confiscated and returned, until in 1562 the Colonna's
family acquired them permanently.
The first draft of the Statute granted to Ripi's inhabitants probably dates back to the beginning of
the XII century by Lando, Riccardo and Andrea Lords of Ripi 1 , who conceded to the population a
series of liberties based on customary norms. These prerogatives were confirmed in 1195 by
Celestino III, in 1200 by Innocent III and in 1291 by Niccolò IV, in a document in which the
“libertà e immunità” granted to the Ripi's inhabitants are mentioned expressly. This important
document has not come to our day, so the parchment preserved in the Colonna Archive, dated April
7, 1331, appears to be the oldest preserved testimony of the Statute of the Ripi's community.
The rules are listed in sequence and are not yet divided into books, as it will be typical of the
Statutes of the neighbouring communities in the following centuries. According to what is stated in
the document itself, and as Tomassetti points out, the rules would be mutually agreed between the
rector and the Ripi's population (rector et universitas supradicta at ll. 141-142) 2 .
Over the centuries, the text has probably been modified and confirmed several times. This is in
line with the Statutes of the neighbouring communities, which are also subjected over the centuries
to the Colonna family control. It is sufficient to recall the renewals and approvals of the statutory
texts made by the powerful Roman family in the years between 1531 and 1569, as well as the
confirmations of Marcantonio IV Colonna of 1610 3 .
At the State Archives of Rome it is kept a fascicule containing only the provisions about the
danno dato, probably written between the XVII and XIX centuries. They are accompanied, in a
specular manner, by the related Modificazioni, which instead can be traced back to a period between
1816 and 1856. This is because the municipal Statutes were abolished with motu proprio of Pius
VII on July 6, 1816, who preserved only the book of the danno dato. July 10, 1856 is, instead, the
date of the compilation of the fascicule 4 .
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
CODEX 1
1
The information can be read in G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana:
ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, p. 49; a wider space to this topic
in D. COLLEPARDI, Ripi e il suo statuto: dalle origini all'avvento dei Colonna, introductive note to the statute
of R. FERRANTE, Ripi 2005, pp. 74-77. An Italian translation of the text is also in Statuto di Ripi del 1331, a
cura di Legambiente circolo di Ripi, s. d.
2
Cf. Statuti della Provincia romana: Vicovaro, Cave, Roccantica, Ripi, Genazzano, Tivoli, Castel
Fiorentino, a cura di F. TOMASSETTI, V. FEDERICI e P. EGIDI, Torino 1970, p. 113.
3
About the so-called “attivismo statutario” of the Colonna family of the Paliano branch cf. S.
NOTARI, Per una geografia statutaria del Lazio: il rubricario degli statuti comunali della provincia storica
di Campagna, in Rivista Storica del Lazio, 13-14 (2005-2006), 22, Le comunità rurali e i loro statuti (secolo
XII-XV), Atti dell’VIII Convegno del Comitato italiano per gli studi e le edizione delle fonti normative,
Viterbo 30 maggio – 1 giugno 2002, a cura di A. CORTONESI e F. VIOLA, pp. 25-92, in part. le pp. 52-57.
4
Ibidem, p. 82.
232 210

IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of Saint
Scolastica, Colonna Archive, Ripi, III BB, Parch. XLVI, n. 125
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: bound parchment.
DATING: April 7, 1331 (dating expressed at l. 145-146).
ORIGIN: Ripi (in platea de Ripis at l. 145).
MATERIAL: membranaceous, with the text written on the flesh side.
LEAVES: only one parchment strip; to mm 986 from the upper margin another piece of parchment
was added by a horizontal seam with cotton thread, which is visible only on the verso of the same,
while on the recto the margins are merely folded.
DIMENSIONS: mm 1000 × 150.
LIMIT LINES: A 25, B 925, C 1000 mm.
LINES: 149 writing lines.
TEXT LAYOUT: full page.
WRITING AND HANDS: a single hand showing a chancery script, brown ink.
DECORATION: distinctive writing of the word IN at line 1; lettres rehaussées to mark the
beginning of the chapters; initial E painted in the background at l. 147.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: signum tabellionis of the notary Arduynus de Ripis, composed by
a Greek cross inscribed in a square surrounded by stamps.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the parchment was restored but we don't know the time and the
laboratory: the corner were redressed with parchment, as well as the hole in the bas-de-page. On the
right lateral margin of the upper half of the parchment the ink is heavily faded, particularly among
the ll. 13-16, 30-32 and 47-48, where the last letters of the line are almost unreadable. At the l. 8
there is a brown spot, as well as in the lower left margin of the document; on the verso of the
parchment the presence of stains is more pronounced.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMENS: the colophon at ll. 147-149 recites “et Ego Arduynus de
Ripis Alme Urbis p(re)fecti auc(torita)te Not(arius) p(redi)cta / Statuta scripsi et publicavi de
ma(n)dato dic(to)rum d(omi)norum Rectoris et / Univ(er)sitatis supradictor(um) et signu(m) feci
rogatus”
REVIEWS AND NOTES: maniculae at the ll. 72, 83 and 130 in the left margin, at the ll. 23 and 74
in the right margin; various writings, more o less readable, placed on the verso of the parchment.
VARIA: a little cross is visible at l. 75 in the left margin, where we can see also horizontal dashes
made with blue lapis at ll. 6, 15, 48, 65, 87, 95, 112 and 120.
ANCIENT FINDING NUMBERS: n. 50 and n. 195, both erased, on the verso of the parchment.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title on the verso of the parchment is “Instromento delli Sta/tuti in publica for/ma del Castello
di / Ripi / 1331”. The Latin text reports the 63 chapters, written below and not numbered, of the
Ripi's Statute. The provisions concern the civil, criminal and administrative law.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Statute Collection, segn.
STAT. 805/09
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Ripi's Statute is tied with other manuscripts in a composite
volume; some lateral little tongues in parchment allow to find the various texts according the order
attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: July 10, 1856 (dating expressed at c. 4v).
ORIGIN: Ripi.
MATERIAL: paper.
233 211

LEAVES: 4 leaves; modern numbering with pencil in the upper outer corner of the recto of each
leaf following the general numbering of the volume (Ripi's Statute is placed in cc. 121r-124v); other
two modern numbering with pencil are present in the cc. 1r and 4v.
DIMENSIONS: mm 320 × 215 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I 4 (cc. 1-4, corresponding to the cc. 121-124 of the whole volume).
RULING: ruled with pencil leaf for leaf; a second ruling is composed by two parallel and very close
vertical lines, dividing in half the page (same black ink of the text).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 2r) A 37, B 300, C 320, a 10, e' 109, e" 110, l 215 mm.
LINES: 24 lines for 24 writing lines, starting over the first line (c. 2r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on two column.
WRITING AND HANDS: a single hand showing a cursive strongly inclined to the right, black ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: oval book-stamp with dark brown ink of the “Priore della Comune
di Ripi” containing the papal tiara and the decussed keys at c. 4v, affixed next to the subscription of
the Prior Giovanni Battista Valenti.
BINDING: 340 × 240 mm; modern binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered with
marbled paper in green and black tones; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 8 cords with light
cotton thread; lower head-band sewn and covered with parchment; on the back there is a brown
leather box with the words STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters, lower the
letters PA-RO.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: volume restored presumably in the second half of the 90's of the
XX century by the “Fabi e Fabi” company of Rome, as evidenced by the label glued in the outer
lower corner of the back pastedown of the book. The intervention involved the replacement of the
covering, which previously had two coats of arms of Pius IX imprinted in gold on the back; the
volume has been unbound and paper strips have been glued in the fold of the sheets to reinforce
them.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 4v recites “Per copia conforme
all’Originale / Ripi dalla Seg(rete)ria Com(una)le li 10 Luglio 1856 / Il Priore / Gio(vanni)
B(attist)a Valenti”; we can observe that the copyist is not identifiable in the Prior because the
signature handwriting is different from the one of the text.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title expressed at c. 1r is “Ripi. Capitoli del danno dato”. The manuscript contains 10 chapters
written in Italian vulgar, organized on two columns: on the left the Leggi Primitive, on the right the
Modificazioni.
234 212

STATUTES OF SERRONE
Burned in 1183, the small community of Serrone, always linked to the one of Paliano, was
subjected to the Lordship of various families in the following years. In 1232 Gregorio IX decided
that the two castra were unalienable, placing under the control of his nephews, the Conti of Segni.
Years of confiscations and restitutions by the Papacy followed; Martino V in 1423 assigned Paliano
and Serrone to his nephews Antonio, Prospero and Edoardo Colonna. Even to them the feud was
revoked and reassigned several times, until in 1562 they had the permanent possession of it 1 .
We have no information about the moment of the appearance of a Statute of Serrone. What is
currently kept is loose fascicules concerning only the danno dato, of which the oldest specimen is
of 1601. A testimony of the use of the Statute is provided by a dossier found in the Colonna's
Archive deposited at Subiaco and dated 1694. The correspondence, collected in a portfolio with the
title “Sulla confisca degli animali neri, ritenuti dai Particolari del Serrone contro la forma dello
Statuto”, concerns the right of some citizens to retain a certain number of pigs, called “neri” in that
time, because of the colour of the skin. Beyond the content of the dossier, what is of fundamental
importance is to have copied, in one of the letters, the text of the chapter 24 of the Statute, relating
to the pigs 2 . Comparing the text reported, there is strict correspondence with the text of 1601,
therefore we can said that no change, at least in respect of the rule in question, took place for almost
the whole XVII century.
Unfortunately, it was impossible to examine the copy of the Statute of 1601 due to the
restoration works which are affecting the local municipal historical Archive where it is kept,
making inaccessible also all the related documentation – for example the Books of the Councils –
which could have to offer more details on the issue. From the Inventory of the above-mentioned
Archive, however, we learn that in loco there are: a copy of the Serrone Statute of 1601; some
copies of the ancient Statute of the Serrone community made in 1854; the approval of the new
Statute of 1855; a note about the printing cost of the new Statute of 1855; a notice letter of the new
Statute of 1855 3 .
However, what we are able to consult profitably was the other four copies, all of the nineteenth
century, which handed down the text: two handwritten copies, called “Statuto Antico” and “Statuto
Nuovo” preserved together in the State Archives of Frosinone, Fond of the Apostolic Delegation,
and a printed specimen.
From the comparison of the testimonies we can draw useful considerations and some hypotheses
that will be verified.
The three manuscripts were copied by the same person, that is the City Secretary Lorenzo
Aronne, who signed only the copy of Frosinone. The “antico” Statute, marked at c. 1r with the letter
A, consisting of 44 chapters and was copied in 1854 from the one of 1601. On November 19, 1854
the Frosinone copy was subscribed, which contains a statute newly reformed – although the related
Edict of Secretariat was of 1850 – with the chapters number decreased to 34: the copy is marked at
c. 1r by the letter B. Both copies were transcribed in the Town in 1854 4 . The Statute called “new”
was copied equally in Town but probably in 1855 when it was sent to Rome for the necessary
approval. The Minister of Interior, Cardinal Mertel, approved it on September 17, 1855 and sent it
1
Compare G. MORONI, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica da San Pietro ai nostri giorni,
etc., Venezia 1840-1861, 27, pp. 287-288; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana:
ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 91-97.
2
Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica, Colonna Archive, Serrone, III TC, 1,
n. 9
3
The inventory of the Municipal Historical Archive of Serrone is available on-line at the address
http://archivicomunali.lazio.beniculturali.it/ProgettoRinasco/inventarionline/html/frosinone/Serrone.html.
4
The letters A and B put on the two copies support the hypothesis that they were made, if not at the
same moment, at least in very close times: this would explain the necessity to distinguish them.
235 213

ack to the Town. Here a copy is made (by the hand of the same copyists) which is declared true
copy to the one found in the Archives of the Town and signed by the General Secretariat of the
Apostolic Delegation of Frosinone. This is because the Statute was further reformed in 1855 and
further reduced to 26 chapters.
It is plausible to believe that the Secretary of the Delegation did not go in person to collate the
text to Serrone: the opinion of the writer is that the above-mentioned Aronne has made a copy of the
Statute approved by Mertel and that the two have been sent to the official. After collecting the text
and declaring it true copy, he copied the Mertel's approval and signed in his own handwriting the
document, and then sent the two copies to the Town. When then in 1856 Mertel requested to all the
Towns of the Pontifical State at least one copy of the municipal statute, Serrone sent him two
copies: the “old” and the one approved by the General Secretary of Apostolic Delegation, that is
called “new” 5 .
A last consideration concerns the printed specimen containing 26 chapters. It shows, on the
frontispiece, the date of 1854 referred to the text, while the printing was made in 1855. According
to the aforementioned theories, the date of 1854 can not be considered correct because on
November 19 of that year the Statute, newly reformed, still had 34 chapters.
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Statutes Collection, segn.
STAT. 449/03
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: composite manuscript composed by two codicological units.
BINDING: 277 × 205 mm; covering with embossed decorated paper on cardboard axes; on the
front cover was attached a white paper lozenge containing the signature and the inscription “Statuti
/ antico e nuovo / del Comune / di / Serrone”; the fascicules are sewn on the covering with a bundle
of red and white silk threads.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: discreet.
UNIT 1
DATING: probably 1854.
ORIGIN: probably Serrone.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: noticeable on every two leaves, three-pointed anchor inscribed in a round at the
centre of the page, the FG mark in the opposite corner of the sheet.
LEAVES: 8 leaves, not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 265 × 190 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 8 (cc. 1-8).
RULING: irregularly ruled with pencil, sometimes only the left justification line, sometimes some
lines for writing miss.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 15, B 250, C 265, a 15, l 190 mm.
LINES: 32 lines for 32 writing lines, starting over the first line (c. 3r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRINTING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand (probably the one of the City
Secretary Lorenzo Aronne) showing a cursive, faded black ink.
5
If the hypothesis is correct, in the Municipal Historical Archive of Serrone should be the Statute
with the original approval of the Cardinal Mertel.
236 214

SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: brown ink oval book-stamp of the “Comune di Serrone –
Delegazione di Frosinone” containing the papal tiara and the decussed keys at the c. 7r, affixed
alongside the subscription of the Prior A. Rocchi.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 7r recites “Visto per copia
conforme all’Originale. In fede / Il Priore / A. Rocchi”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: underlining at c. 2r-v of the copyist's hand; at the l. 21 of c. 4v the
copyist opens also a square bracket but closes it with the round.
VARIA: at c. 1r in the upper outer corner there is the letter A, with pen, placed side by side by the
numeral 773, with pencil.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Copia dello Statuto Antico / della Comunità del /
Serrone”. The text of the Statute is in Italian vulgar; it is 44 chapters, marked with Arabic numerals,
about the danno dato.
UNIT 2
DATING: September 17, 1855 (dating expressed at c. 6v).
ORIGIN: the text was probably copied at Serrone, while the subscription was affixed at Frosinone.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 8 leaves, not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 195 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 8 (cc. 1-8).
RULING: with pencil.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 18, B 253, C 270, a 45, l 195 mm.
LINES: 31 lines for 31 writing lines, starting over the first line (c. 3r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand (probably the one of the City
Secretary Lorenzo Aronne) showing a cursive, black ink, until the c. 6v; a second hand copies an
approval letter from the Minister Mertel at the c. 6v, cursive writing, very faded black ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink oval book-stamp of the “Delegazione di Frosinone –
Secretaria Generale” containing the papal tiara at the c. 6v, fixed near the subscription of the
General Secretary R. Mannoni.
COPYISTS AND CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 6v recites “Per copia conforme all’Originale
/ esistente nell’Archivio Com(una)le di Serrone / Il Segretario Gen(era)le / R. Mannoni”.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Statuto / della Comunità del Serrone / fatto nell’Anno /
1855”. The text of the Statute is in Italian vulgar; it is 26 articles, marked with Arabic numerals and
title, about the danno dato.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Frosinone, State Archives, Apostolic Delegation, b.
1175
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: loose fascicule.
DATING: November 19, 1854 (dating expressed at c. 8r).
ORIGIN: Serrone (local dating expressed at c. 8r).
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 8 leaves, not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 265 × 192 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 8 (cc. 1-8).
237 215

RULING: with pencil, on individual leaves, where there are all the lines for writing but only the left
justification line.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 15, B 256, C 265, a 47, l 192 mm.
LINES: 32 lines for 32 writing lines starting over the first line (c. 3r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand (probably the one of the City
Secretary Lorenzo Aronne) showing a cursive, faded black ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: brown ink oval book-stamp of the “Comune di Serrone –
Delegazione di Frosinone” containing the papal tiara and the decussed keys at the c. 8r, affixed near
the subscription of the Prior A. Rocchi.
BINDING: the fascicule is not bound; the leaves are held together by a bundle of purple silk
threads.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: discreet.
COPYTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of the c. 8r recites “Serrone li 19 novembre
1854 / Il Priore / A. Rocchi / Il Segretario Comunale / Lorenzo Aronne”.
VARIA: at c. 1r in the upper outer corner there is the letter B written with pen.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Statuto / della Comunità del Serrone”. The text of the
Statute is in Italian vulgar; it is 34 chapters, marked with Arabic numerals, about the danno dato.
238 216

STATUTES OF SGURGOLA
The castrum of Sgurgola was ruled, in the XII century, by the German barons Galgano and
Corrado. From the heirs of these Pietro Caetani bought the castle, in which he was enfeoffed by
Boniface VIII in 1300. The Caetani family kept the property for almost the entire XV century;
between alternate events of subtractions and reconfirmations, in 1561 the feud was bought by the
Colonna family in a definitive way 1 .
Some traditions had to be observed in the community at the end of XIV century, if Pietro Caetani
promiseds to respect them at the time of his taking in possession of the Sgurgola's castle 2 .
There is no certain information about a first drafting of the Statute. The oldest copy which is
preserved is a manuscript in a bad state of conservation, kept at the Colonna Archive. The copied
text must be previous to 1610, as this is the date in which Marcantonio IV Colonna adds to the
statutory compilations of the Town of his feud the rule about the prohibition to sell goods to the
foreigners 3 . The codex does not contain subscriptions – nor copied, nor autograph – but has some
additions of later hands dating 1654, 1657 and 1671. The content of these passages does not
concern the statutory rules, but notes about the earthquakes that occurred in those years.
The second copy in order of the time is preserved in the same archive, in the same file folder.
This codex, with a easier intelligibility, was copied few years later but probably from another
manuscript. In fact, unlike the older one, it has a division in Books and a numbering of rubrics. Also
in this case, however, we can record the absence of any subscription.
A third copy of the Statute of Sgurgola was copied probably in 1856, at the request of Mertel to
send copies of the Statute to Rome. The specimen was made by copying from a lost manuscript,
which had to contain the original subscriptions which in the Roman codex are in copy. However,
they are valuable in the reconstruction of the statutory event. In fact we can read:
«Giuseppe Marzi della Città di Alatri, ed al presente Governatore / di Morolo, e Scurgola
restaurai il presente Statuto corrispondente / collo Statuto antico in tutto, e per tutto. In
fidem. / Questo dì 14 Gennaro 1747».
We know then that in 1747 a copy of the Statute, which is currently unavailable, was made. This
is accompanied by a note of registration in the book of the Civil Acts, dated April 1, 1794, also in
copy.
From the comparison between the Roman codex and the second of those of Subiaco, there is a
substantial homogeneity, except for a discrepancy in the number of the chapters of the III Book. It
is plausible to believe that, over time, the rules have been reformed and that a disposition has been
annulled. The Roman manuscript has, instead, a last rubric added at the end of the text, just before
the final subscription.
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St.
Scolastica, Colonna Archive, Sgurgola, III RB 1, n. 25 B.
1
Short historical information can be read in E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed
iconografico di torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale,
Roma 1933, 2, p. 287; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia
medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 155-156.
2
The information is in G. GRAZIANI, Sgurgola nel Medioevo: storia di un castello di origini
longobarde, Colleferro 2001, p. 82.
3
Cf. infra, Morolo, Supino, Paliano, Castro dei Volsci, ecc.
239 217

MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by bound fascicules.
DATING: XVII century.
ORIGIN: probably Sgurgola.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: occasionally noticeable, anchor with two arms inscribed in a round similar to
Briquet 534 but with the letter B added over the round.
LEAVES: 73 leaves; pagination with ink in the upper outer margin, contemporary to the writing,
which arrives to 80 at c.39v.
DIMENSIONS: mm 215 × 160 (c. 20).
FASCICOLATION: I 16-3 (cc. 1-13, fallen the joint of the cc. 11, 12 e 13), II-III 16 (cc. 14-45), IV 12
(cc. 46-57), V 16 (cc. 58-73).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 20r) A 25, B 205, C 215, a 20, l 160 mm.
LINES: 17 writing lines.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORDS: present in the lower inner margin of the verso of the cc. 2v-37v.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text, including the index, was copied by a single hand showing a
cursive with dark brown ink; the additions at the end of the Statute have different hands and writing.
DECORATION: various ink sketches and doodling at c. 58r.
BINDING: 235 × 160 mm; limp binding in parchment darkened by the time; traces of writings and
Arabic numerals on the covers; sewing with light cotton thread; absence of pastedowns.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the codex is in bad state; fallen the initial three leaves; the covering
is very deteriorated and is at high risk of detachment; many sheets are separated by the codex block;
numerous woodworm holes, which have almost completely consumed the c. 73; stains of various
nature (ink, humidity, dirt) scattered throughout the manuscript; the edges are shattered; many
sheets are torn off and in many cases they are literally crumbling.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: maniculae at the cc. 17v, 18v and 23r (of later hand); marginal additions
apparently of copyist's hand at the c. 26r; writing lines underlined in numerous points.
VARIA: the initials PP in the margin of c. 21r and 23r; incomprehensible numerals at the c. 14r;
writings, numerals and doodling of different hands and of various nature between the cc. 41v-54v
and 57r-73v. The manuscript is wrapped in a paper sheet to protect it, where there are the signature
and the words “Statuto della Comunità della / Sgurgola” (erased) and “Libro in cui si contiene
una copia / informe delli Statuti della d(ett)a terra, / mancante dei primi fogli”; attached to the
volume a little sheet dated April 4, 1807 with some information.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title is not present in the manuscript, but on the sheet which wraps it there is the erased words
“Statuto della Comunità della / Sgurgola”. The text of the Statute is in Italian and the chapters are
not numbered. The statutory rules are written in continous way without division into books, except
for the numeral 2 at the c. 14v and the mention“libro terzo” at the c. 33v, but both of later hand.
The text stops at the c. 40r; white pages follow alternating with various writing and doodling which
are interrupted at the cc. 55r-56v, where there is the Tavola reporting the title of all chapters of the
Statute with the reference page within the manuscript; from c. 57r to 73v there is again the
alternation between white leaves and doodling.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St.
Scolastica, Colonna Archive, Sgurgola, III RB 1, n. 25 A.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by bound fascicules.
DATING: XVIII century.
240 218

ORIGIN: probably Sgurgola.
MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: present at the cc. 4, 5, 12, 13, 20, 21, 26, 31, 34, 39, 41, in which only the half of
it is visible (lily inscribed in a round, similar to Briquet 7099).
LEAVES: I, 47; ink pagination in the upper outer margin, contemporary to the writing, starting
from 1 at c. 2r and arrives to 91 at c.47r.
DIMENSIONS: mm 210 × 140 (c. 8).
FASCICOLATION: I 8-1 (cc. I-6, c. 6 is joint with the pastedown glued on the front cover), II-III 8
(cc. 7-22), IV 4 (cc. 23-26), V 8 (cc. 27-34), VI 8-1 (cc. 35-41, c. 37 beyond comparison), VII 8-2 (cc.
42-47, c. 45 beyond comparison, c. 42 joint with the pastedown glued on the back cover).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 8r) A 17, B 200, C 210, a 18, l 140 mm.
LINES: the writing lines vary from 19 of c. 8r to 20 of c. 12v.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORD: occasionally present on the recto of the leaves in the lower inner margin, of the
copyist's hand.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive; black ink up to
the l. 1 of c. 14r, then brown up to the l. 20 of c. 27v, then again black up to the l. 16 of c. 34v, then
again brown up to the c. 47r where the text ends.
DECORATION: symmetrical vegetable shoots with black ink at the c. 1r; paraph at the c. 17r, 39r
e 47r with black ink.
BINDING: 217 × 145 mm; binding in full parchment on cardboard axes; sewing on 4 cords with
light cotton thread; sewn head-bands; on the back there is the inscription STA/TUTO in capital
letters with black ink and a floral shoot, lower the signature III RB 1 n. 25A; the edges are sprayed
with red ink on all sides.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: woodworm holes in the back pastedown; stains of various nature
(ink, humidity, dirt) scattered throughout the manuscript, apparently never restored.
COPYSTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: there is no subscription in the manuscript, but only the
inscription “Finis” at the c. 47r.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Statuto / Di q(ue)sta Comm(uni)ta Mag(nifi)ca / della
Scurgola”. The text of the Statute is in Italian and the chapters are marked by Roman number up to
the chapter 68 of the Book II (c. 33r), while from 69 the numeral is Arabic and is kept for the rest of
the codex.
The statutory rules are divided into three books, as follows:
- cc. 2r-17r: Book I, 40 chapters containing provisions about the administrative authorities of
the Town;
- cc. 17v-39r: Book II, 104 chapters about the danno dato;
- cc. 39v-42v: Book III, 5 chapters about the pecuniary penalties for the crimes in the civil and
criminal law.
At the cc. 43r-47r there is finally the Indice overo Tavole reporting the title of all chapters of the
Statute with the number and the reference page within the manuscript.
CODEX 3
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Statutes Collection, segn.
STAT. 810/12
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the statute of Sgurgola is bound with other manuscripts in a
composite volume; some little lateral tongues in parchment allow to locate the various texts
according the order attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
241 219

DATING: probably 1856.
ORIGIN: probably Sgurgola.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 22, I-II; pencil numbering of modern hand in the upper outer corner of the recto of each
leaf, which however numbers the leaves of the whole codex, of which the Sgurgola Statute occupies
the cc. 288-311; the pencil numeral 1701 of modern hand at c. 1r in the upper outer corner.
DIMENSIONS: mm 304 × 203 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I-II 12 (cc. 1-II).
RULING: with pencil, composed by lines for writing and by the left line of justification.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 6r) A 10, B 284, C 304, a 17, l 203 mm.
LINES: 30 lines for 30 writing lines, starting over the first line (c. 4r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, dark brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: oval book-stamps with black ink of the “Priore della comunità di
Sgurgola – Delegazione di Frosinone” containing the papal tiar and the decussed keys at the c. 22r,
affixed near the subscription of the Secretary Domenico Pace.
BINDING: 344 × 230 mm; modern binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered with
marbled paper in green and black tones; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 8 cords with light
cotton thread; lower head-band sewn and coverd with parchment; on the back there is a brown
leather box with the inscription STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters, lower
the letters SAN-SU.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: volume restored presumably in the second half of the 90's of the
XX century by the “Fabi e Fabi” company of Rome, as evidenced by the label glued in the lower
outer corner of the back paste-down of the book. The intervention resulted in the replacement of the
covering, which previously presented two coats of arms of Pius IX imprinted in gold on the back;
the volume was unbound and paper strips have been glued in the fold of the sheets to reinforce
them.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 22r recites “Per Copia Conforme
all’Originale / Domenico Pace Segretario”.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Statuto / Di questa Magnifica Comunità / della
Scurgola”. The text of the Statute is in Italian and the chapters are marked by Roman numbers.
The statutory rules are divided in three books, as follows:
- cc. 2r-8r: Book I, 40 chapters containing provisions about the administrative authorities of
the Town;
- cc. 8v-19r: Book II, 104 chapters about the danno dato;
- cc. 19v-21v: Book III, 4 chapters about the pecuniary penalties for the crimes in the civil and
criminal law.
The cc. 21v-22r contain the confirmation to the Statute.
242 220

STATUTES OF SUPINO
Dominated since XII to XIV century by the Lords of Supino, after the extinction of the branch it
passed under the control of several feudal lords. In 1385 Nanna di Supino married Fabrizio
Colonna, thus introducing the powerful family in the possession of that castrum, Supino then
belonged to various families, including the counts of the Anguillara and the Colonna which in the
middle XV century held one half for each. After various events, dotted with confiscations and reallocations,
in 1562 the Colonna finally had the definitive possession of it 1 .
To transmit the text of the Statute of Supino there are two copies, of which one kept in the
Municipal Historical Archive and another kept at the State Archives of Rome.
We don't know when the first statutory drafting of the city dates back. Nonetheless, the
manuscripts themselves reveal that a copy of the Statute existed already in 1534, because on
October 10 of that year Giovanna d'Aragona approved the document and this subscription is in both
testimonies 2 . In line with what happened for the castra of the district, also in the case of Supino
Marcantonio IV Colonna added in 1610 the last rule about the prohibition to sell goods to the
foreigners.
The two manuscripts certainly have remarkable similarities, such as to allow to Giammaria to
hypothesize a derivation of the Roman copy from the one preserved at the Town Hall of Supino.
The latter would have been made, according the sources studied by the scholar, following a decision
taken by the Council of Supino on October 23, 1789, which emphasized the necessity to make a
copy of the Statute as it was no longer readable.
The hypothesis was formulated by Giammaria in 1986, a time when only a photostatic copy of
the volume content of the manuscript existed at the Historical Archives of Supino. He therefore
could not verify the possible presence of a subscription, since the reproduction was incomplete 3 .
The original of the aforementioned manuscript was in that moment in Canada, where it was
transferred there by a Supino's emigrant; the artefact was fortunately returned to the Town, and to
the Community, in 1991. This is confirmed by the paper glued for the occasion at the c. Vr of
guard-leaf, which hails at historic time of return.
Thirty years later, the examination of the manuscript made possible to ascertain the effective
absence of a subscription, while there was the presence of a last fascicule, excluded from the
photocopy, in which only the index of the rules of the Statute appears, not numebered and
incomplete. The different quality of the paper, connected to the diversity of writing, make possible
to state that it is without doubt sheets inserted at a different time, altough there are no clues about
the time of the addition.
The copy preserved in Rome, as stated above, was probably based on the one of Supino, despite
the existence of differences between the two. A difference which immediately goes to the eye,
without doing meticulous comparisons, is that the Roman specimen has no indexes at the beginning
(or at the end, in the case of the book III), reserving the list of the rules at the end. In the Supino
codex, the copyist also leaves the space blank where he can not decrypt the words in the antigraph,
while in the Roman codex the text is written in continuity, therefore there are small invisible gaps
for a superficial look.
1
For a historical summary see E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed iconografico di
torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti della provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale, Roma 1933, 2,
pp. 307-308; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e
moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma 1993, 1, pp. 147-148.
2
Giovanna d’Aragona married Ascanio Colonna in 1521 but the marriage was not one of the
happiest, so that the two lived together only for a limited period. Of the three male sons born from the
couple, the most illustrious was Marcantonio II, the winner of Lepanto.
3
Cf. Lo statuto di Supino, a cura di G. GIAMMARIA, Anagni 1986, p. 35 e segg.
243 221

CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Supino, Municipal Historical Archive, without
signature.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: composite manuscript composed by two codicological units.
BINDING: 255 × 200 mm; binding in full brown leather on wooden boards; sewn head-bands of
restoration; sewing on 7 cords with light cotton thread. Both the cover are decorated with a double
frame blind imprinted, the internal one is golden; vegetable shoots and golden floral motives in the
corners; at the centre the coat of arms of the city of Supino with the rampant lion surmounted by a
crown, the inscription “Communitas Terre Supini” and vegetable shoots around, the whole golden.
The back is decorated with golden vegetable shoots: in the second compartment the inscription
“Communitas / Terre / Supini” in golden capital letter, in the fourth the numeral MDXXXVII,
golden floral motives in the other four.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume was restored, probably in 1991 as suggested by the
paper glued on the c. Vr of guard-leaf containing the certificate of the return of the codex to the
Supino community. The manuscript is unbound and some reinforcing strips are glued on the folds
of numerous sheets to reinforce the stitching points; the pastedowns and the head-bands are of
restoration; on the back cover a leather portion of the covering was replaced. Though the
interventions are very noticeable some stains due to moisture in some spots.
UNIT 1
DATING: late XVIII century (1789 is the date proposed by Giammaria).
ORIGIN: Supino.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: I-VI, 47. Pen pagination, contemporary to the text writing, starting with 1 at the c. 1r and
arrives to 93 at the c. 47r, placed in the upper outer corner of each page.
DIMENSIONS: mm 246 × 190 (c. 8).
FASCICOLATION: I-VI 8 (cc. VI-47).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 8r) A 20, B 230, C 246, a 14, l 190 mm.
LINES: 29 writing lines.
TEXT LAYOUT: full page.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive, probably
deriving from a ‘calligrafizzazione’ of the Italic cursive made in the context of the chancery
writings; brown ink.
DECORATION: the cc. Iv-IIr of guard-leaf are decorated with vegetable shoots, 4 petals flowers
and red stamps; at the c. 45r there are ink paraphs.
UNIT 2
DATING: late XVIII - XIX century.
ORIGIN: probably Supino.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 8, I-III; the leaves are not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 246 × 190 (c. 2).
FASCICOLATION: I 8 (cc. 1-8).
RULING: ruled with pencil, page for page.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 2r) A 8, B 233, C 246, a 10, i 170, l 190 mm.
LINES: 29 lines for 29 writing lines starting over the first line.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
244 222

WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing a cursive; dark brown ink.
DECORATION: the cc. IIv-IIIr of guard-leaf are decorated with vegetable shoots, 4 petals flowers
and red stamps.
VARIA: pen doodling at the c IVv of guard-leaf.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The unit 1 contains the Latin text of the Statute, the title of which is present at the c. 45r at the end
(Finis Statutorum / Castri Supini); the approvals and the final confirmations are in Latin, but not the
last provision which is written in Italian. The rubrics are marked by Roman numbers which restart
from one in each book.
- c. 1r: introduction containing the reason and the persons involved in the statutory
compilation;
- cc. 1v-8v: Book I, 24 rubrics containing varied provisions on administrative and civil law,
preceded by a index which lacks rubrics 19-24;
- cc. 8v-22r: Book II, 65 rubrics about the criminal law (maleficiorum), preceded by the
index;
- cc. 22r-34v: Book III, 65 rubrics about the danno dato (damnorum datorum) with the index
at the bottom;
- cc. 34v-45r: Book IV, 47 rubrics about various subjects (extraordinariorum), preceded by
an index which lacks the rubrics 38-47.
At the cc. 45v-46r there is the approval of the Statute by Giovanna d’Aragona on October 10, 1534;
at the cc. 46v-47r follow the approval of the Governor of Campagna Paolo Pallavicino on
December 12, 1545 and the rule established by Marcantonio IV Colonna about the prohibition to
sell real estate to the foreigners on April 18, 1610.
The Unit 2 includes the index of the rules contained in the Statute, not numbered and missing of the
book IV.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Statutes Collection, segn.
STAT. 809/02
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Statute of Supino is bound with other manuscripts in a
composite volume; some lateral little tongues in parchment allow to find the various texts according
the order attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: September 23, 1856 (dating expressed at c. 33v).
ORIGIN: Supino (local dating expressed at c. 33v).
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 39 leaves; ink pagination and Arabic numerals in the upper outer corner of each page,
starting with 1 at c. 2r and it arrives to 76 at c. 39v, of copiyst's hand; at the c. 39v, in the upper
outer corner, the numeral 3121/ with pencil, of modern hand.
DIMENSIONS: mm 316 × 220 (c. 5).
FASCICOLATION: I 12 (cc. 1-12), II 10 (cc. 13-22), III 12 (cc. 23-34), IV 6-1 (cc. 35-39, c. 39 is glued
to the previous).
RULING: the leaves are irregularly ruled with pencil, on individual pages; the text is enclosed in a
frame made first with pencil, then traced over with black ink (cf. c. 2v) in all leaves; the rubrics are
separated by a double horizontal line with the same black ink; in the Index starting at c. 34r 5 pencil
vertical lines are added.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 5r) A 28, B 288, C 316, a 21, i 201, l 220 mm.
LINES: 31 lines for 31 writing lines, which starts over the first line (c. 7r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
245 223

WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand showing an upright and laid
cursive in the title of the rubrics, strongly inclined to the right in the rest of the codex, with the often
clavate strokes in both cases; different the hand of the Prior who subscribes to the bottom of the
text; black ink.
DECORATION: a black ink paraph at the c. 1r.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink oval books-stamp containing the papal tiara and the
decussed keys surrounded by the inscription “Priore di Supino. Delegazione di Frosinone” at the c.
33v, placed next to the subscription of the Prior Vincenzo Bavari.
BINDING: 340 × 230 mm; binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered with marbled
paper in orange, red and black tones; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with light
cotton thread; the back is decorated with two coats of arms embossed in gold of Pius IX (the lower
is partially covered by the label with the signature) and a brown leather box with the inscription
STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters, lower the equally golden letters S-T.
On the front cover, in the upper right margin, we can read the numeral 22° written with brown ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored. The entire covering is
detached from the codex block, as well as the last fascicule; the head-caps, the axes and leaves
margins are in general worn out.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 33v recites “Testor Ego
infr(ascrip)tus praesentis Statuti Copiam / fideliter, verbumque fuisse extractam ex proprio
Ori/ginali in hoc Comunali Archivio extante. / Ex Residentia Municipali Supini die 23 a Septembris /
1856. / Prior Vincentius Bavari / Aloysius Ciuffetti Sec(reta)rius”.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: a modern hand underlines and adds a question mark at the l. 21 of c. 2r
with red lapis; a horizontal dash made with purple lapis is at l. 23 of c. 38r (outer margin), at the l.
25 of c. 38v (inner margin), at the l. 18 of c. 39r (inner margin), at the ll. 1 and 16 of c. 39v (outer
margin).
VARIA: the copyist omitts to pass over with ink the writing frame at the cc. 36r e 39r; the numeral
1680 in the upper outer corner of c. 1r, of modern hand, with pencil, placed over the numeral 246
also written with pencil, partially erased but still readable.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Supino / STATUTUM / SUPINI / Provincia Frusinate”.
The Statute is written in Latin strongly influenced by the Italian Vulgar in use in the Lepini area; in
Latin are the approvals and the final confirmations included the index of the rules, but not the last
provision which is written in Italian. The rubrics are marked by progressive Roman number from I
to CCI.
At the c. 2r the text opens with an introduction, preceded by the invocation to the divinity,
containing the reasons and the persons involved in the statutory compilation. The following are the
actual rules divided in this way:
- cc. 2r-8v, Book I, rubrics 1-24 containing various provisions about the administrative and
civil law;
- cc. 8v-18r, Book II, rubrics 25-89 about the criminal law (maleficiorum);
- cc. 18v-26r, Book III, rubrics 90-154 about the danno dato (damnorum datorum);
- cc. 26r-32v, Book IV, rubrics 155-201 about various subjects (extraordinariorum).
At the c. 32v, after the end of the statutory rubrics, there is the approval of the aforesaid by
Giovanna d’Aragona on October 10, 1534, who in the original signs manu propria. At the c. 33r
follow the approval of the Governor of Campagna Paolo Pallavicino on December 12, 1545 and the
rule established by Marcantonio IV Colonna about the prohibition to sell real estate to the
foreigners on April 18, 1610. On the verso of the leaf there is the subscription of the Prior of Supino
Vincenzo Bavari of September 23, 1856 who authenticates the copy. At the cc. 34r-39v is finally
placed the Index of the rules contained in the Statute, compiled without division into books but
numbering in progression; next to the rubric there is also the sheet which contains the rule in the
antigraph, page that obviously does not match in the copy in question but is copied tout court.
246 224

STATUTES OF TECCHIENA
Currently hamlet of the Town of Alatri, Tecchiena was for many years at the centre of territorial
disputes between Alatri and Ferentino. This is in fact what we can read in the Annales Ceccanenses
at the year 1188 1 : “[…] 5 idus Novembris combusta est Tecclena a populo Ferentino […]”. After
the umpteenth dispute, in 1245 the Town of the Alatri was deprived of any prerogative on the castle
of Tecchiena, which was placed under the direct control of the Pope. In 1395 the castle was bought
by the Carthusian monks of Trisulti, who during the centuries widened the “tenimentum Tecclenae”
and implemented the agricultural, pastoral and craft activities. After the establishment of the Roman
Republic of 1789 and the secularization of the ecclesiastical goods of 1810, the castle suffered the
stealing of the French soldiers. Another important event occurred on November 23, 1873, when the
castle became part of the Demanio; the Carthusian monks were able to buy back the fund, thank to
the interest of Filippo Berardi from Ceccano. The legal proceedings that followed in the subsequent
years ended with the sale of the castle in 1918, to the rich Jewish merchant Arturo Pisa; it went
hand in hand until May 7, 1940, when it was bought by the Gra family, to which it still belongs 2 .
The drafting of the Tecchiena Statute can be traced back to the period between 1370 and 1378, the
extremities of the pontificate of Gregory XI. The period can be further circumscribed in the years
1371-1374, during the rectorate of the Marchis Daniele del Carretto, as the Pontiff mentioned in the
proem of the compilation.
By comparing the text of the Tecchiena Statute with the one of Alatri, it can be seen how many
rules of the first have been modelled on the second. This is clearly due to the proximity of
Tecchiena to the largest Town of Alatri, from which, despite more or less picturesque attempts, has
never emancipated.
Of the Tecchiena Statute we conserve four manuscripts, of which the oldest is a fifteenth-century
membranaceous codex kept in the Senate Library, not reported in the editions conducted by De
Persiis and Carosi-D’Alatri, nor in the consulted repertoires 3 . In chronological order a small
eighteenth-century codex follows, kept in the Molella Library, from the ancient Tuzi family to
which it was bound by kinship ties. Apparently, the manuscript was bricked over in a wall of the
Tuzi palace and found during a restoration 4 . This copy, in bad state of conservation and unreadable
in many points, was used by De Persiis for his edition in 1895. The same scholar states that he used
a third specimen, kept in the Library of the Certosa di Trisulti, to integrate the variants unreadable
on the manuscript 5 . This manuscript was copied in XVIII century by the Carthusian monk Vincenzo
Marucci, having taken as a model a codex of the XV century which in that moment was, according
to the scholar, in the Certosa Archive, but of which there is currently no trace. This detail would
seem to suggest that this last specimen is just the one kept in the Senate Library, where it came in
unknown ways. The hypothesis seems so much more valid if we consider that the copy was
probably done, as it is reported at c. 6v of the Roman codex, for the Prior of the convent of Trisulti.
1
In fact, this is only the third fire that the small community suffered in XII century, after the ones of
1122 and 1155. See here G. H. PERTZ, Annales Ceccanenses seu chronicon Fossae Novae, in Monumenta
Germaniae Historica, Hannoverae 1866 (Scriptores, 19), in part. the pp. 282, 284 and 288.
2
The historical events concerning the Tecchiena castle are described in detail in L. DE PERSIIS,
Tecchiena e il suo Statuto, Frosinone 1895, and in Gli statuti medioevali del Castello di Tecchiena, a cura di
M. D'ALATRI e C. CAROSI, Roma 1976, in part. the pp. 7-44; see also G. FALCO, I comuni della Campagna e
della Marittima nel Medioevo, in Studi sulla storia del Lazio nel Medioevo, Roma 1988 (Miscellanea della
Società Romana di Storia Patria, 24/2), in part. the pp. 442, 464, 502-504, 510 and 561.
3
The manuscript does not appear in the rich Statuti cittadini, rurali e castrensi del Lazio: repertorio
secoli XI-XIX, research directed by P. UNGARI, Roma 1993.
4
The history of the exciting recovery of the manuscript is told in Gli statuti medioevali del Castello
di Tecchiena, cit., p. 54.
5
Cf. L. DE PERSIIS, Tecchiena e il suo Statuto, cit., pp. 117-118.
247 225

The last copy of the tradition is a paper manuscript of XIX century kept at the Molella Library,
modelled by the same commendatore Valerio Molella, patrician of Alatri 6 . The codex was copied
from the one already in his Library and perhaps it was collated by him with other specimens, since
the interventions and corrections are attributable to his own hand.
N.B.: at the time of this study, it was unfortunately not possible to find neither the Molella copy of
XVII century, nor the one of Trisulti. The following codicological forms therefore concern only the
codex of the Senate Library and the Molella copy of XIX century.
CODEX 1
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, Senate Library “Giovanni Spadolini”,
Statutes Collection, segn. STATUTI MSS 699.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript.
DATING: late XIV – XV century.
ORIGIN: perhaps Trisulti.
MATERIAL: membranaceous, paper guard-leaves (of restoration).
LEAVES: I, 7, II; modern hand numbering with pencil in the centre of the lower margin of the recto
of the leaves; guard-leaves not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 318 × 205 (c. 4).
FASCICOLATION: I 8-1 (cc. 1-8, of c. 7 only a narrow strip survive); the fascicule starts with the
hair side, the Gregory's rule is everywhere respected.
RULING: with ink, very light.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 4r) A 35, B 264, C 318, a 34, i 179, l 205 mm.
LINES: 40 lines for 40 writing lines, which starts over the first line (c. 4r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand, showing a semigothic, dark brown
ink.
DECORATION: decorated big initial at the incipit of the text (c. 1r).
BINDING: 328 × 215 mm; binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered with paper
decorated in brown and beige tones; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 5 cords with light
cotton thread; head-band sewn of restoration; on the back the inscription TECCHIENA in the
second compartment in capital letters with black ink.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the manuscript was restored; replaced the covering with a new,
added the paper guard-leaves, repaired the lower half of c. 8 with some parchment.
VARIA: the inscription TECCHIENA in capital letters at c. Ir; the numeral 245492 in the centre of
the lower margin of c. 6v; traces of Arabic numerals and rests of writings 7 at c. 8v.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. 1r l. 7-8 is “Statuta et ordinamenta hominum et Curie Castri / Turis
Tecclene”. The rules are written in Latin, the chapters are not numbered. The text contains 52
provisions which occupy the cc. 1r-5r, followed by the confirmations of various persons relating the
years 1403-1432 which are prolonged up to c. 6v but they are not arranged in chronological order.
CODEX 2
6
The manuscript is not mentioned by De Persiis, whose edition is, however, believed by Carosid’Alatri
very incorrect: cf. Gli statuti medioevali del Castello di Tecchiena, cit., p. 57.
7
Among the writings we can read Tecchiena, perhaps the c. 8 originally served as covering.
248 226

EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Alatri, Molella Library, segn. I, 4.
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by bound fascicules.
DATING: XIX century.
ORIGIN: perhaps Alatri.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: I-III, 23, IV-V; pen pagination of modern hand in the upper outer margin of each page.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 197 (c. 3).
FASCICOLATION: I 16 (cc. II-14), II 6 (cc. 15-20), III 6-1 (cc. 21-V, c. 21 beyond comparison).
RULING: with ink, limited to only justification lines.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 3r) A 15, B 237, C 270, a 37, i 182, l 197 mm.
LINES: 23 writing lines (c. 3r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand (probably the onet of Valerio
Molella) showing a cursive, brown ink.
DECORATION: brown ink geometric pattern at c. 18v.
BINDING: 278 × 200 mm; binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered with marbled
paper in green petroleum and violet tones; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with light
cotton thread.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored but the state of conservation is
good.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at c. IIIr is “Statutum Tecchenae / Ann. a Nativitate Domini /
MCCCLXX”. The rules are written in Latin, while the rubrics are marked by Arabic numerals. The
text contains 52 provisions which occupy the cc. 1r-11v; they are followed by the approvals and
confirmations of various years which stop at c. 15v. The cc. 16r-17r contain the Tabula omnium
Capitulorum complete with number and page of the rule; the cc. 17v-23v finally have further
approvals and confirmations.
249 227

STATUTES OF VALLECORSA
Property of the counts of Fondi, in XIV century the castrum of Vallecorsa passed under the
control of the Caetani. To them it was removed by Alexander VI in 1501 to be given to his nephew
Rodrigo Borgia; two years later it was occupied by the Colonna, who, however, had the final
control only in 1562 1 .
The information about the genesis of the Vallecorsa Statute is provided by the proem of the
manuscript made in 1531 by the copyist Antonello Mancini, once preserved in the Historical
Municipal Archive and now lost. Before the disappearance, however, two photostatic copies were
made, one of which preserved at the local Archives and the other in the Library of the State
Archives of Rome 2 .
Although the photocopy prevents to perform accurate codicological studies of the artefact, we
can still make valuable data for the knowledge of the history of the Statute and of the manuscript as
“contenitore” of the text. The scholar Arcangelo Sacchetti, who has meticulously examined it, states
that it is a codex of about mm 220 × 170, composed by 40 leaves of which 11 are fallen. The text
consisted of an Index not numbered of 4 leaves (mutilated of the first), followed by 123 chapters of
which, for the loss of the leaves 3-5, 27-33 and 39, 37 are lost. The codex ended with the approval
of the Statute by Paolo Pallavicino, governor of Campagna e Marittima, the tables of the wages for
the Captain, the Chancellor, etc., some additions of following year, and at last, the list of the taxfree
places 3 .
The more useful information can be traced, as we said, in the proem of the Statute, which recites:
«[…] Anno nativitatis eiusdem millesimo quingentesimo trigesimo primo […] ob
vetustatem Statutorum a priscis descriptorum renovare et aliqua adiungere quae ad
utilitatem publicam visum est deliberandum extitit. Ad quod opus eligerunt communi
consensu populari, licet indigne, me Antonellum Mancinum […]. In quo quidem volumine
solum quoad de damnis datis ac civilibus tractatur […]».
Near the word Statutorum, a later hand wrote de 1327. We are informed that in the Fourteenthcentury
a Statute was granted, with precision by the delegates of the Caetani family, lords of
Vallecors before the Colonna. In 1531 then, as clearly expressed, Antonello Mancini had by the
civil authorities the task to copy the ancient rules, with the changes which meanwhile, at the
distance of two centuries, became necessary and were approved in 1545 4 .
As evidenced by the examined documentation, in the Eighteenth-century the original of 1327 has
already disappeared. This information is confirmed by a correspondence preserved in the Colonna
Archive and concerning a law suit between the community of Vallecorsa and the constable Filippo
Colonna which, begun in 1777, lasted until 1808 5 . The reason of the dispute between the parties is
to be found in the refusal by the Vallecorsa citizens to continue to pay to the Colonna lords an
annual sum of 109 scudi the toll and the tax of the trade transaction in the square. In fact, just in
1777 the Papal State had abolished or at least greatly reduced these kinds of taxes to favour of the
free movement of men and goods. These tributes were among the concessions to the feudal lords:
therefore, in the case of Vallecorsa, the princes Colonna were the beneficiaries of it. The legal
1
Cf. E. MARTINORI, Lazio turrito, cit., 2, p. 375; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città castelli e terre della regione
romana, cit., 1, p. 134.
2
Library of the State Archives of Rome, coll. 08154.
3
The description of the Sixteenth-century manuscript, accompanied by images, as well as the
translation of the statutory text can be read in A. SACCHETTI, Vallecorsa nella signoria baronale dai Caetani
ai Colonna: organi e vicende della Comunità nel distretto feudale del Regno di Napoli e dello Stato
Pontificio; i Capitoli statutari, Vallecorsa 2005, pp. 265-338.
4
Cf. ibidem, pp. 267-272.
5
Subiaco, Library of the National Monument of St. Scolastica, Colonna Archive, Vallecorsa, III BB
68, n.6.
250 228

dispute, which followed this, ended only in 1805 with a “concordia” stipulated between the parties,
which however maintened the obligation, for the comunity of Vallecorsa, to pay to the
Eccellentissima Casa a fine of 60 scudi per year 6 .
According to Sacchetti sixteenth-century manuscript was still in the Town Hall in 1856, and
indeed from that copy would be drawn the fascicule sent to Rome in the same year after the request
of the cardinal Mertel. By comparison of the texts, in fact, there is the presence of the same chapters
consisting of the same gaps. We therefore can deduce that the loss of the leaves containing the
missing chapters occurred at a time before 1856.
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Rome, State Archives, Statutes Collection, segn.
STAT. 801/05
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: the Vallecorsa Statute is bound with other manuscrits in a
composite volume; some lateral tongue in parchmente allow to identify the various texts according
to the order attributed in the Index placed at the beginning of the volume.
DATING: September 20, 1856 (dating expressed at c. 2v).
ORIGIN: Vallecorsa (local dating expressed at c. 2v).
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 2 leaves, not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 307 × 215 (c. 1).
FASCICOLATION: I 2 (cc. 1-2).
RULING: the leaves were bent vertically in two to create two columns; at c. 1r partial vertical
ruling with black ink, on the verso the leaf has a complete vertical line; vertical line just traced with
pencil at c. 2r.
LIMIT LINES: variable.
LINES: the number of the writing lines is variable.
TEXT LAYOUT: variable from the full page to the two columns.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was written by a single hand, showing a cursive, brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: black ink oval book-stamp containing an embattled and crowned
tower surrounded by the inscription “COMMUNITAS VALLIS CURSAE” at the c. 2v, affixed near
the subscription of the Secretary Michele De Matthias.
BINDING: 330 × 225 mm; binding in half parchment on cardboard axes covered with marbled
paper in orange, red and black tones; corner-pieces in parchment; sewing on 6 cords with light
cotton thread; the back is decorated with two coats of arms embossed in gold of Pius IX and a
brown leather box with the inscription STATUTA / URBIUM / ET OPPID. in golden capital letters,
lower the letters V-V. On the front cover, in the upper right margin, we can read the numeral 24°
written with brown ink; the edge is sprayed with red ink on all sides.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the volume has never been restored.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the subscription of c. 2v says “Per Copia Conforme /
fatta per ordine di Sua Eccellenza Reverendis(sim)a / Mons(igno)r Mertel Ministro dell’Interno etc.
/ Vallecorsa 20 Sett(embr)e 1856 / Michele De Matthias Segretario”.
VARIA: the numerals 30/ 21/ with pencil of modern hand in the lower outer corner of c. 2v; the
numeral 1614 in the upper outer corner of c. 1r, of modern hand, with pencil, next to the numeral
240 also written with pencil, but of different hand.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The manuscript contains only the proem and the titles of the 126 rubrics of the Vallecorsa Statute,
written in Latin, with some lacunas due to the loss of the leaves of the antigraph. The latter would
6
A detailed description of the various phases of the story can be read in A. SACCHETTI, Vallecorsa
nella signoria baronale dai Caetani ai Colonna, cit., pp. 177-196.
251 229

e identified in a copy of 1521 which updated the original text of 1327. The contained rules concern
the danni dati and the civil cases; the synthesis is closed by the list of the tax free places.
252 230

STATUTES OF VEROLI
Bishop's place since the VIII century, Veroli was always a strategically important city and one of
the major in the province of Campagna e Marittima. It is traditionally included among the free
Municipalities directly subjected to the Holy See and governed by a Vicar appointed by the Pope. In
1170 the place was chosen by Alexander III for negotiations with Frederick I Barbarossa, while
throughout the XII century the battle between Papacy and Empire came in succession and they saw
the Hernic city lined up alongside the Pontiff. Meanwhile the skirmishes with the cities of the
district continued. In 1406 the walls and the stronghold were destroyed by Ladislaus d'Angiò and
the city was plundered; in 1495, then, the population of Veroli suffered the vexations of Carlo VIII.
In 1556 the Spanish Garcia Alvarez de Toledo was killed at the city walls, but the city was
miraculously saved by the revenge. In 1594 Pompeo Caetani della Torre set off the city palace and
the municipal archive was burned. The French invaded and damaged Veroli in 1798 1 .
The oldest specimen of the City Statute can be traced back to the years 1540-1541. The colophon
at the foot of the statutory text provides the elements in support of this dating. It tells in fact that the
copyist Martino de Molina from Cordoba wrote the codex at the request of the prefect of Veroli,
Cardinal Francesco Quiñones de Leon. He died on November 15, 1540, so the manuscript, in which
the “buona memoria” of the cardinal is mentioned, must have been copied after the his
disappearance. The confirmation of the Governor Giovanni Maria Stratigopulo on February 7, 1541
is, from the opposite side, the time limit within which to date the copy.
The copyist Martino de Molina, however, would also be the author of the dedication poem
placed in the incipit of the manuscript, after the greek cross with the maxim ἐν τούτῳ νίκα,
corresponding to the Latin in hoc signo vinces of Costantinian memory 2 .
The first nucleus of the manuscript, that is the first 100 leaves in parchment, can thus be traced
back to 1540-1541. The same c. 100 was probably left blank in a first moment and then filled with
the copy of a document dated on April 17, 1543. The second unit, equally membranaceous, and the
following four, paper units were probably added from a slightly later period and then as the
confirmations increased, until the last intervention of the January 6, 1620.
A copy of the Veroli Statute was printed in 1657 for the types of Carlo Bilancioni in Velletri 3 .
According to Zinanni the copy would contain misprints and errors of interpretation, but it would
still be valuable to know the text of the rules which, in the sixteenth-century manuscript, are now
hardly readable because of the ink fading 4 .
From this printed volume another manuscript was copied, discovered in the 80's of XX century
during the reorganization of the Historical Municipal Archive, in that time deposited at the
Giovardiana Library. The copy procedure was made after 1749: we can deduce it from the copy of a
document put behind the last approval contained in the volume and dated on January 24, 1749. It is
a judgment of the Roman Rota about the observance of the Statutory rules and about their correct
and honest application, which then would place the date indicated as term post quem.
1
There are many works which deal with history of Veroli; here we have consulted the general E.
MARTINORI, Lazio turrito: repertorio storico ed iconografico di torri, rocche, castelli e luoghi muniti della
provincia di Roma: ricerche di storia medioevale, Roma 1933, 2, pp. 389-391; G. SILVESTRELLI, Città
castelli e terre della regione romana: ricerche di storia medioevale e moderna sino all'anno 1800, Roma
1993, 1, pp. 60-65.
2
Cf. D. ZINANNI, Statuti di Veroli, Roma 1983, pp. 120-122.
3
On the frontispiece we can read: «Statutum / seu / leges municipales / communis civitatis /
Verularum / impressa impensis eiusdem communis / Ex resolutione, & Decreto / Publici Consilii / Initi die
15 Aprilis Anni M.DC.LVII / Velitris / Typis Caroli Bilancioni, M.DC.LVII. Publici Impressoris /
Superiorum licentia».
4
Cf. D. ZINANNI, Statuti di Veroli, cit., pp. 126-127.
253 231

In the first leaf of the eighteenth-century manuscript, under an erasure, we can read “Famiglia
Bisleti”, which leads to believe that the codex would belong to that family before the Cacciavillani.
Zinanni goes to hypothesize that the Bisleti, having failed to obtain a copy of the Statute, did make
a handwritten copy.
In the codex in question there is a lacuna between the end of the Third Book and the beginning
of the Fourth. At the end of the rubric 80 of the Third, in fact, there are several lines of dots, while
the following leaf is ruled but left blank; the next leaf opens with the last line of the eighth rubric
and then proceed normally. The hypotheses which can be formulated are two: 1) since the leaves in
question are at the centre of the fascicule, a sheet containing the missing provisions is simply fallen;
2) the specimen from which the scribe drew the copy was mutilated, so he copied the text as it
appeared. Perhaps we will never know this. What appears to be certain is that the copyist had as
model undoubtedly the printed copy, but he anyway used the sixteenth-century manuscript. Traces
of this mixture can be identified, for example, in the apostolic letter Exigit sincere devotionis of
Martin V of October 21, 1419. The two texts present a variant in the reading, hardly explicable with
a mere error. A similar sign is in the rubric 59 of the Fifth Book: in the sixteenth-century
manuscript it is reported «ad conam plazole per directum per pedicatam forestae sancti spiritus»; in
the print «ad conam Plarole, per directum, per praedictam forestae S. Spiritus»; in the eighteenthcentury
codex «ad conam Plarole, per directum per pedicatam forestae S. Spiritus» 5 . It should be
noted that this last manuscript is bearer of a preface containing the history of the city from the first
bishop, St. Mauro, until the XV century, not present in the earliest specimen.
CODEX 1 6
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Veroli, Historical Municipal Archive, Preunification,
reg. 1 (formerly Giovardiana Library).
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: composite manuscript consisting of 6 units.
BINDING: 290 × 200 mm; leather binding on cardboard axes; sewn head-bands; sewing on 5 cords
with light cotton thread; cover decorated with blind embossed double frames and zigzag motifs; on
the back the inscription “STATU/TO DI / VEROLI / 1545” with capital letters and black ink in the
2 nd compartment, nothing in the other 3; ink doodling and various stains on the cover.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the codex was trimmed and probably restored, at an undefined
time; woodworms holes and scattered stains.
UNIT 1
DATING: the first confirmation is of February 7, 1541 (cf. c. 99v), so the date of the manuscript, at
least as regards the text of the Statute, must be shortly before 7 .
ORIGIN: Veroli (local dating expressed at c. 99v).
MATERIAL: membranaceous (paper guard-leaves I, IV, V, in addition the 52 white leaves placed
at the bottom of the codex)
LEAVES: I-V, 100; pencil pagination of modern hand in the upper outer corner of each page,
ranging from 1 to 200.
DIMENSIONS: mm 280 × 220 (c. 12).
FASCICOLATION: I 10-1 (cc. 1-9, c. 9 beyond comparison), II-III 10 (cc. 10-29), IV 10+1 (cc. 30-40,
the c. 36 was glued to the fascicule already composed), V-X 10 (cc. 41-100); the first fascicule starts
5
I have to thank the dr. Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni, who with great generosity showed me this passage
and shared with me this and other observations about the Veroli Statute.
6
An accurate codicological form can be read in Catalogo dei più antichi manoscritti della Biblioteca
Giovardiana di Veroli, a cura di V. BROWN et alii, Roma, GEI, 1996, pp. 32-38.
7
Cf. infra.
254 232

with the hair side because of the lack of the joint of c. 9, all others start with the flesh side; the
Gregory's rule is respected everywhere.
RULING: with ink, often limited to the lines for writing.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 12r) A 25, B 245, C 280, a 25, i 190, l 220 mm.
LINES: 28 lines for 28 wrinting lines, starting over the first line (c. 12r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column; running titles at the centre of the upper margin of the recto of the
leaves.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing an Italic writing with
brown ink; the titles of the rubrics and the initial Tabula are of the same hand but in Gothic writing,
red ink; the running titles are written in brown ink. The document and the confirmation of c. 100r-v
is of another hand.
DECORATION: a Greek cross surrounded by the Greek inscription KA ENTO VTO ENI and
horizontally accompanied by the inscription AVE CRVX S(AN)C(T)A at c. 1r; numerous rubricated
initials; the inside of the capital letter Q of c. 65r is decorated by a little star; while at c. 95v there is
a little cross; at c. 99r there are little faces inside the capital letters in the bas-de-page; two
rubricated Greek cross at c. 99v.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: signa tabellionum at the cc. 36v and 100v; rest of applied seal in
red wax at c. 63v.
COPYISTS AND OTHER CRAFTMEN: the colophon of c. 99v says: «Ill(ustrissi)mi ac
Col(endissi)mi D(omini) Fr(ancisci) Quign(oni) B(onae) M(emoriae) Car(dinalis) / San(ctae)
Cru(cis) incl(itae) urb(is) Verul(anae) praefecti Jussu Martinus de Molina / Cordubensis. Haec
civilia jura scripsit et exemplavit Reip(ublicae) stip(endio) / An(n)o a partu purissimae Virg(inis) et
nati Chr(isti) XL Sup(ra) / M. D. manus imposita. Prid(ie) / idus novembr(is) Optate precor /
salutem scriptori. LAVS DEO».
REVIEWS AND NOTES: numerous integrations to the text of later hand, doodling and maniculae;
corrections and scattered ink stain.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title on the back of the manuscript is “Statuto / di / Veroli / 1545”. The Statute is written in
Latin, the rubrics are numbered with Arabic numerals.
The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 1r-8r: Tabula, that is, the index of the volume with the rubrics divided into books,
preceded by the poem “Regis coelorum”;
- cc. 9r-28v: Book I, “De electione officialium”, 44 rubrics about the administration of the
municipality 8 ;
- cc. 30r-36v: Book II, “De modo procedendi in causis civilibus”, 21 rubrics about the civil
law;
- cc. 38r-63v: Book III, “De modo procedendi super maleficiis”, 81 rubrics about the penal
law;
- cc. 64r-76r: Book IV, “De modo procedendi in damnis datis”, 65 rubrics about the danno
dato;
- cc. 78r-96r: Book V, “De macello et macellarius”, 89 rubrics about various subjects.
The cc. 96v-100v contain:
- apostolic letter Exigit sincere devotionis of Martin V of October 21, 1419;
- apostolic letter Ad Christi Vicarii specula of Eugenio IV of January 27, 1441;
- brief Fuit nobiscum orator of Niccolò V og July 9, 1448;
- confirmations of the governors of February 7, 1541 and of April 17, 1543.
UNIT 2
8
Actually in the codex the rubrics 45-49, reported in the opening Tabula, lack. This detail has been
observed by Paolo Scaccia Scarafoni, whose contribution, contained in this volume, we refer for further
details. I am gratefull to the author for the advisory.
255 233

DATING: XVI-XVII century.
ORIGIN: perhaps Veroli.
MATERIAL: membranaceous.
LEAVES: 8 leaves, the cc. 101-108 on the total; pencil pagination of modern hand in the upper
outer corner of each page, ranging from 201 to 216.
DIMENSIONS: mm 280 × 210 (c. 102).
FASCICOLATION: I 8 ; the fascicule begins with the flesh side.
RULING: with ink.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 102r) A 19, B 240, C 280, a 20, i 175, l 210 mm; (c. 107r) A 18, B 245, C 280, a
13, i 167, l 210 mm.
LINES: 40 lines for 40 writing lines, starting over the first line (c. 102r); 41 lines for 41 writing
lines, starting over the first line (c. 107r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the cc. 101r-106r present a semi-gothic writing with brown ink; the cc.
106v-108v present instead a cursive, brown ink.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: manicula at c. 107v.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The cc. 101r-106r contain the bull Pro commissa nobis of Clement VIII of August 15, 1592 in
Italian; the cc. 106v-108v present a part of the same bull.
UNIT 3
DATING: XVI-XVII century.
ORIGIN: perhaps Veroli.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 2 leaves, the cc. 109-110 on total; pencil pagination of modern hand in the upper outer
corner of each page, ranging from 217 to 220.
DIMENSIONS: mm 280 × 215 (c. 109).
FASCICOLATION: I 2 (and two stubs at the centre of the fascicule).
RULING: blind.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 109r) A 18, B 256, C 280, a 22, i 203, l 215 mm.
LINES: 28 lines for 28 writing lines, beginning over the first line (c. 109r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand, showing a cursive writing with
brown ink, the same hand of the preceding fascicule.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The cc. 109r-110v contain the continuation of the bull Pro commissa nobis of Clement VIII of
August 15, 1592 in Italian, which had been interrupted in the previous fascicule.
UNIT 4
DATING: September 28, 1605 (dating expressed at c. 113v).
ORIGIN: Frosinone (local dating expressed at c. 113v).
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 4 leaves, the cc. 111-114 on the total; pencil pagination of modern hand in the upper
outer corner of each page, ranging from 221 to 228.
DIMENSIONS: mm 275 × 210 (c. 112).
FASCICOLATION: I 4.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 112r) A 14, B 263, C 275, a 52, l 210 mm.
LINES: 28 writing lines (c. 112r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: two hands, both showing a brown ink cursive.
256 234

SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: signum tabellionis at c. 113v; in the same leaf applied seal of wax
covered with a paper sheet.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
Confirmations to the Statute dated on October 30 and September 28, 1605.
UNIT 5
DATING: second half of XVI century.
ORIGIN: Veroli.
MATERIAL: membranaceous.
LEAVES: 9 leaves, the cc. 115-123 on the total; pencil pagination of modern hand in the upper
outer corner of each page, ranging from 229 to 246.
DIMENSIONS: mm 280 × 220 (c. 115).
FASCICOLATION: I 12-3 (fallen the joints of the c. 116, 117 e 122).
RULING: with ink.
LIMIT LINES: the impagination widely varies between one leaf and the other.
LINES: the number of the writing lines is very variable.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: different hands, ink varying from light brown to black.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: applied seal in red wax covered by a paper sheet at c. 118r; at the
cc. 121r and 122r only mark remains of it.
INTERNAL DESCRITION
Confirmations to the Statute and various documents starting from September 2, 1546 to May 1,
1577.
UNIT 6
DATING: 1619-1620 (dating expressed at c. 126v).
ORIGIN: Veroli.
MATERIAL: paper.
LEAVES: 6 leaves, the cc. 124-129 on the total; pencil pagination of modern hand in the upper
outer corner of each page, ranging from 247 to 258.
DIMENSIONS: mm 280 × 212 (c. 124)
FASCICOLATION: I 6 (52 blank leaves follow to the fascicule).
LIMIT LINES: (c. 124r) A 18, B 252, C 280, a 20, i 185, l 212 mm.
LINES: 31 writing lines (c. 124r).
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand showing a cursive writing with
brown ink.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: signum tabellionis at c. 126v.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The fascicule contains the payment to be paid to the city administrators in the performance of their
duties.
CODEX 2
EXTERNAL DESCRIPTION
IDENTIFICATION OF THE MANUSCRIPT: Veroli, Historical Municipal Archive, Preunification,
reg. 2 (formerly Giovardiana Library).
MATERIAL COMPOSITION: homogeneous manuscript composed by bound fascicules.
DATING: certainly after 1657, the date of printing of the volume from which it was copied (at c.
VIv of guard-leaf there is the date in Roman numerals MDCLVII); probably XVIII century.
ORIGIN: probably Veroli.
257 235

MATERIAL: paper.
WATERMARK: a bird on three hills inserted in a shield, similar to Briquet 11936 but with the bird
instead of the lily.
LEAVES: I-IV, 107, V-VI; leaves not numbered.
DIMENSIONS: mm 270 × 195 (c. 22).
FASCICOLATION: I 20-1 (cc. III-17, c. 14 beyond comparison), II-III 12 (cc. 18-41), IV 10 (cc. 42-51),
V 12 (cc. 52-63), VI 8 (cc. 64-71), VII-IX 12 (cc. 72-107).
RULING: with pencil, very light.
LIMIT LINES: (c. 22r) A 20, B 250, C 270, a 12, i 184, l 195 mm.
LINES: 30 lines for 28 writing lines, beginning over the third line (c. 22r); the first two line delimit
the height of the running title of the various books in each page.
TEXT LAYOUT: on a column.
CATCHWORD: irregularly present in the lower right corner of the verso of the leaves; occasionally
present also on the recto, in the same position.
WRITING AND HANDS: the text was copied by a single hand, showing a minuscule with the laid
ductus, while the running titles and the ones of the rubrics are in capital letter, brown ink.
DECORATION: a Greek cross surrounded by the Greek inscription KA ENTO VTV ENI and
accompanied horizontally by the inscription AVE CRVX S(AN)C(T)A at c. 16v; a brown ink doodle
between the words LIBER and PRIMUS at c. 17r; a Greek cross in a round, brown ink, at c. 94r.
SEALS AND BOOK-STAMPS: the trace of an applied seal in yellowish wax at c. 1r, dug by the
woodworms.
BINDING: 280 × 200 mm; binding in full parchment on cardboard axes; the upper head-band is
sewn, the lower is partially detached; sewing on 6 cords with brown cotton thread; cover
undecorated, but the posterior has pen doodling; on the back the numerals XV and 44 with pencil;
traces of ink writings on the pastedowns.
STATE OF CONSERVATION: the back is gnawed by the woodworms, as also inside the codex in
multiple points; the binding is damaged.
REVIEWS AND NOTES: vertical blue ink bars in correspondence with the chapters of interest,
scattered throughout the codex.
VARIA: the c. 1r has two erased writing lines and the initials MDC.
ANCIENT SIGNATURES: on the front pastedown 50.2.25 and in the guard-leaf Ir 49.2.10
(signature in Giovardiana Library).
OWNERS AND ORIGIN: at .c 1r the mention “Dono questa copia alla / Città di Veroli. / Veroli 28
giugno 1928 / Giuseppe Cacciavillani”; lower “Di esclusiva proprietà di Cacciavillani / Giuseppe”.
INTERNAL DESCRIPTION
The title in the manuscript at the c. 1r is “Statutum / Civitatis / Verularum”. The Statute is written in
Latin, while the documents copied at the end of the text are in part in Latin, in part in Italian. The
rubrics are numbered with Arabic numerals.
The text is divided as follows:
- cc. 2r-9r: Praefatio
- cc. 10r-16v: Tabula, that is, the index of the colume with the rubrics divided in books,
closed by the poem “Regis coelorum”;
- cc. 17r-38v: Book I, “De electione officialium”, 49 rubrics about the administration of the
Municipality;
- cc. 39r-45r: Book II, “De modo procedendi in causis civilibus”, 21 rubrics about the civil
law;
- cc. 46r-67r: Book III, “De modo procedendi super maleficiis”, 80 rubrics about the criminal
law;
- cc. 68r-76r: Book IV, “De modo procedendi in damnis datis”, 65 rubrics about the danno
dato;
- cc. 77r-91r: Book V, “De macello et macellarius”, 88 rubrics about various subjects.
258 236

The cc. 91v-107r contain the confirmations and the copies of the papal letters, among which:
- apostolic letter Exigit sincere devotionis of Martin V of October 21, 1419;
- apostolic letter Ad Christi Vicarii specula of Eugenio IV of January 27, 1441;
- brief Fuit nobiscum orator of Niccolò V of July 9, 1448;
- bull Pro commissa nobis of Clemente VIII of August 15, 1592 in Italian;
The confirmations of the various governors of the city range from 1541 to 1620.
259 237

Biblioteca di Latium
1. Lo Statuto di Supino, edizione a cura di GIOACCHINO GIAMMARIA, Anagni 1986.
2. Scritti in onore di Filippo Caraffa, Anagni 1986.
3. ITALO BIDDITTU-MARCELLO RIZZELLO, Contributi alla storia di Vicalvi, Anagni 1987.
4. GIOACCHINO GIAMMARIA, Le proprietà dei benedettini sublacensi in Campagna:
Alatri, Anagni e Fiuggi, Anagni 1987.
5. Lo Statuto di Collepardo, edizione a cura di GIOACCHINO GIAMMARIA E TOMMASO
CECILIA, Anagni 1988.
6. FILIPPO CARAFFA, Storia di Filettino, I, Anagni 1989.
7. FILIPPO CARAFFA, Storia di Filettino, II, Anagni 1989.
8. Gli Statuti di Castro, edizione a cura di PAOLO SCACCIA SCARAFONI, Anagni 1989.
9. Anticoli di Campagna (Fiuggi) alla metà del Settecento. La fondazione delle Maestre
Pie, Anagni 1989.
10. Scritti in memoria di Giuseppe Marchetti Longhi, I, Anagni 1990.
11. Scritti in memoria di Giuseppe Marchetti Longhi, II, Anagni 1990.
12. EUSEBIO CANALI, Cenni storici della Terra di Morolo [coll’edizione dello Statuto del
1610], ediz. a cura di GIOACCHINO GIAMMARIA, Anagni 1990.
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Sorrentino, Anagni 1991.
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16. MARCELLO STIRPE, Verulana ecclesia, Anagni 2001.
17. DOMENICO ANTONIO PIERANTONI, Aniene illustrato, a cura di GIOACCHINO GIAMMARIA
con la collaborazione di GIAMPIERO RASPA, Anagni 2003.
18. SILVIO DE SANTIS, San Paterniano di Ceprano (1329-1337), Anagni 2008.
19. L’economia in età moderna sui Lepini orientali e centrali, a cura di GIOACCHINO
GIAMMARIA, Anagni 2008.
20. Insediamenti medioevali sui Lepini orientali e centrali, a cura di GIOACCHINO
GIAMMARIA, Anagni 2008.
21. Storia Comune. Gli statuti comunali antichi nel Lazio meridionale, a cura di
GIOACCHINO GIAMMARIA, Anagni 2017.
ISBN: 978-88-909212-6-1
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