Pausanias_Travel_Writing_in_Ancient Greece [Maria_Pretzler]
MACEDONIA is Greek and will always be Greek- (if they are desperate to steal a name Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)
ΦΕΚ, ΚΚΕ,ΚΟΜΜΟΥΝΙΣΜΟΣ, ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, ΠΑΣΟΚ, ΝΕΑ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ, ΕΓΚΛΗΜΑΤΑ, MACEDONIA,ΣΥΜΜΟΡΙΤΟΠΟΛΕΜΟΣ, ΑΝΘΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ, ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ,ΕΝΟΠΛΕΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ, ΣΤΡΑΤΟΣ, ΑΕΡΟΠΟΡΙΑ, ΑΣΤΥΝΟΜΙΑ, ΔΗΜΑΡΧΕΙΟ, ΝΟΜΑΡΧΙΑ, ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ, ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΙΑ, ΔΗΜΟΣ, LIFO, ΠΕΡΙΦΕΡΕΙΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ, ΜΟΝΗ, ΠΑΤΡΙΑΡΧΕΙΟ,ΜΕΣΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ, ΙΑΤΡΙΚΗ, ΟΛΜΕ, ΦΙΛΟΛΟΓΙΚΑ, ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ, ΔΙΚΗΓΟΡΙΚΟΣ, ΣΥΜΒΟΛΑΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΚΟΣ, ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ, ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΑ,ΝΕΟΛΑΙΑ, ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ,ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ,ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΑ, ΑΥΓΗ, ΤΑ ΝΕΑ, ΕΘΝΟΣ, ΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΜΟΣ, LEFT, ΚΟΚΚΙΝΟ,ATHENS VOICE, ΡΑΤΣΙΣΜΟΣ,ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΕΣ,GREECE,ΚΟΣΜΟΣ, ΜΑΓΕΙΡΙΚΗ, ΣΥΝΤΑΓΕΣ,ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ, ΕΛΛΑΔΑ, ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΣ, ΤΗΛΕΟΡΑΣΗ, ΕΓΚΥΚΛΙΟΣ, ΡΑΔΙΟΦΩΝΟ, ΓΥΜΝΑΣΤΙΚΗ,ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΑΝΤΗΔΕΣ, ΠΑΤΡΙΔΑ, ΒΙΒΛΙΟ, ΕΡΕΥΝΑ, ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ, ΚΥΝΗΓΕΤΙΚΑ, ΚΥΝΗΓΙ, ΘΡΙΛΕΡ, ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟ, ΤΕΥΧΟΣ, ΜΥΘΙΣΤΟΡΗΜΑ, ΑΔΩΝΙΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΑΔΗΣ, ADONIS GEORGIADIS, ΦΑΝΤΑΣΤΙΚΕΣ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΕΣ, ΑΣΤΥΝΟΜΙΚΑ,ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΚΗ, ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΚΑ,ΙΚΕΑ, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ, ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΘΡΑΚΗ,ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ, ΙΟΝΙΟ, ΧΡΗΜΑ, ΚΩΣ, ΡΟΔΟΣ, ΚΑΒΑΛΑ, ΜΟΔΑ, ΔΡΑΜΑ, ΣΕΡΡΕΣ, ΕΥΡΥΤΑΝΙΑ, ΠΑΡΓΑ, ΚΕΦΑΛΟΝΙΑ, ΠΑΞΟΙ, ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΑ, ΛΕΥΚΑΔΑ, ΠΑΤΡΑ, ΣΠΑΡΤΗ, ΧΙΟΣ, ΜΥΤΙΛΗΝΗ
MACEDONIA is Greek and will always be Greek- (if they are desperate to steal a name Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)
ΦΕΚ, ΚΚΕ,ΚΟΜΜΟΥΝΙΣΜΟΣ, ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, ΠΑΣΟΚ, ΝΕΑ ΔΗΜΟΚΡΑΤΙΑ, ΕΓΚΛΗΜΑΤΑ, MACEDONIA,ΣΥΜΜΟΡΙΤΟΠΟΛΕΜΟΣ, ΑΝΘΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ, ΥΠΟΥΡΓΕΙΟ,ΕΝΟΠΛΕΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ, ΣΤΡΑΤΟΣ, ΑΕΡΟΠΟΡΙΑ, ΑΣΤΥΝΟΜΙΑ, ΔΗΜΑΡΧΕΙΟ, ΝΟΜΑΡΧΙΑ, ΠΑΝΕΠΙΣΤΗΜΙΟ, ΛΟΓΟΤΕΧΝΙΑ, ΔΗΜΟΣ, LIFO, ΠΕΡΙΦΕΡΕΙΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ, ΜΟΝΗ, ΠΑΤΡΙΑΡΧΕΙΟ,ΜΕΣΗ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΣΗ, ΙΑΤΡΙΚΗ, ΟΛΜΕ, ΦΙΛΟΛΟΓΙΚΑ, ΝΟΜΟΘΕΣΙΑ, ΔΙΚΗΓΟΡΙΚΟΣ, ΣΥΜΒΟΛΑΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΚΟΣ, ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ, ΜΑΘΗΜΑΤΙΚΑ,ΝΕΟΛΑΙΑ, ΟΙΚΟΝΟΜΙΚΑ,ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ,ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΑ, ΑΥΓΗ, ΤΑ ΝΕΑ, ΕΘΝΟΣ, ΣΟΣΙΑΛΙΣΜΟΣ, LEFT, ΚΟΚΚΙΝΟ,ATHENS VOICE, ΡΑΤΣΙΣΜΟΣ,ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΕΣ,GREECE,ΚΟΣΜΟΣ, ΜΑΓΕΙΡΙΚΗ, ΣΥΝΤΑΓΕΣ,ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΣ, ΕΛΛΑΔΑ, ΕΜΦΥΛΙΟΣ, ΤΗΛΕΟΡΑΣΗ, ΕΓΚΥΚΛΙΟΣ, ΡΑΔΙΟΦΩΝΟ, ΓΥΜΝΑΣΤΙΚΗ,ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΑΝΤΗΔΕΣ, ΠΑΤΡΙΔΑ, ΒΙΒΛΙΟ, ΕΡΕΥΝΑ, ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ, ΚΥΝΗΓΕΤΙΚΑ, ΚΥΝΗΓΙ, ΘΡΙΛΕΡ, ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΟ, ΤΕΥΧΟΣ, ΜΥΘΙΣΤΟΡΗΜΑ, ΑΔΩΝΙΣ ΓΕΩΡΓΙΑΔΗΣ, ADONIS GEORGIADIS, ΦΑΝΤΑΣΤΙΚΕΣ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΕΣ, ΑΣΤΥΝΟΜΙΚΑ,ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΚΗ, ΦΙΛΟΣΟΦΙΚΑ,ΙΚΕΑ, ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑ, ΑΤΤΙΚΗ, ΘΡΑΚΗ,ΘΕΣΣΑΛΟΝΙΚΗ, ΙΟΝΙΟ, ΧΡΗΜΑ, ΚΩΣ, ΡΟΔΟΣ, ΚΑΒΑΛΑ, ΜΟΔΑ, ΔΡΑΜΑ, ΣΕΡΡΕΣ, ΕΥΡΥΤΑΝΙΑ, ΠΑΡΓΑ, ΚΕΦΑΛΟΝΙΑ, ΠΑΞΟΙ, ΙΩΑΝΝΙΝΑ, ΛΕΥΚΑΔΑ, ΠΑΤΡΑ, ΣΠΑΡΤΗ, ΧΙΟΣ, ΜΥΤΙΛΗΝΗ
6. A Sense of Time: Pausanias as Historian make his intentions explicit. 69 Echoes of Herodotos’ style and approach are particularly common in the Periegesis, 70 and this can lend a certain archaic weight to events that might otherwise seem less conspicuous. Pausanias is not always content with subtle literary echoes, and he has a number of ways of suggesting particular interpretations of historical events. His second and more elaborate account of the Gallic attack on Delphi in 279 BC is designed to emphasise the parallels between this barbarian invasion and those of the Persians in the early fifth century BC. 71 Pausanias rarely chooses to impose his own interpretation quite so forcefully, but in this passage he employs a number of devices to guide the reader towards a particular point of view. The location of the digression is carefully chosen to underline Pausanias’ interpretation: he passes by a number of relevant monuments, but the narrative is finally attached to the main temple, following a reference to the shields dedicated by the Athenians after the battle of Marathon. The report is distinctly Herodotean, deliberately reminiscent of the definitive account of the Persian invasion and the Greek defence effort in 480/479 BC, and the description of the Gauls and their behaviour is frequently achieved by comparison or contrast with Herodotos’ Persians. Moreover, Pausanias includes explicit comments on the similarity between the two barbarian invasions, and on the comparative threat faced by Greece in each case, both in his own authorial voice and when he reports the views of the Greek forces at the time. 72 Historians are usually committed to one coherent narrative, and they are therefore likely to aim at a certain unity of style and approach. Pausanias, however, is not constrained by such conventions, because he deals with many accounts in a variety of contexts. He is therefore free to experiment with the format of his historical passages, and he can link events or historical figures that might not otherwise be connected. Different periods and events are juxtaposed whenever monuments with different historical associations are described side by side. 73 Sometimes Pausanias deliberately explores connections or comparisons between historical events, usually in order to illustrate his opinions on particular events or general aspects of Greek history. The best example is a list of benefactors of Greece which allows Pausanias to explore his views on Greek freedom and unity. Similar ideas are expressed when he discusses those historical characters whose treachery did much damage to the Greek cause. 74 Historical comparisons or precedents can also suggest new interpretations of events. For example, Augustus’ decision to punish the Tegeans for opposing him by taking their most revered sacred image is accompanied by a list of conquerors who took ancient cult statues. Pausanias usually abhors such heavy-handed treatment of Greek sanctuaries, but his discussion of historical precedents in this instance suggests that the emperor was merely following a long established custom. 75 When he is writing history Pausanias is sometimes unusually open about his opinion, and he can express his views, especially moral judge- 87
Pausanias: Travel Writing in Ancient Greece ments, very forcefully. He has praise for courage, piety and patriotism, but criticism is more common, and many individuals are censured for their crimes, particularly those considered as corrupt, impious or guilty of treason. 76 A failure to live up to Pausanias’ moral standards can lead to harsh condemnation: Philip [II] might be considered as having accomplished greater exploits than any Macedonian king before or after him. But nobody in their right mind would call him a good general, because more than any other man he always trampled on sacred oaths, violated treaties and broke his word on every occasion. 77 (Paus. 8.7.5) In fact, it is very difficult to see how anyone in their right mind could not call Philip II of Macedon a good general, but for Pausanias morally sound behaviour counts more than the shrewd diplomacy and excellent tactics of the Macedonian king. Divine retribution for Philip’s crimes is presented as a decisive factor in the history of fourth century Macedonia: The wrath of heaven was not long delayed, it came earlier than any we know of. Philip was only forty-six years old when he fulfilled the oracle that Delphi gave him when he enquired about the Persians: ‘the bull is crowned, its end is near, and the sacrificer is present’. Not long afterwards it became clear that the oracle did not refer to the Persians, but to Philip himself. 78 (Paus. 8.7.6) This argument is then pursued further with a summary of the subsequent fate of the Argead family, namely Alexander’s premature death and the murder of all close family members. Pausanias’ closing comments return to Philip’s original crimes: If Philip had taken into account the fate of the Spartan Glaukos, and remembered the verse ‘the family of the man who keeps his oaths will prosper hereafter’ during each of his actions, then, it seems to me, some god would not have so ruthlessly put an end to Alexander’s life and, at the same time, to the heyday of Macedonia. 79 (Paus. 8.7.8) Seen in this light, Philip’s qualities as a politician and general are indeed insignificant, because the direct consequences of his perjury rapidly reversed all advantages he gained during his lifetime. Pausanias’ whole interpretation of Philip II and his activities is dominated by his moral judgement and his view that serious crimes will be subject to divine retribution. This allows him to create a causal link between a number of crucial events that shaped the fate of the Hellenistic world. The causes of historical events, though central to historiography, are often not systematically explored in the Periegesis. Pivotal developments are usually recorded as a fairly simple sequence of events, without further comments about their connections with other aspects of the narrative. 88
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<strong>Pausanias</strong>: <strong>Travel</strong> <strong>Writ<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Ancient</strong> <strong>Greece</strong><br />
ments, very forcefully. He has praise for courage, piety and patriotism, but<br />
criticism is more common, and many <strong>in</strong>dividuals are censured for their<br />
crimes, particularly those considered as corrupt, impious or guilty of<br />
treason. 76 A failure to live up to <strong>Pausanias</strong>’ moral standards can lead to<br />
harsh condemnation:<br />
Philip [II] might be considered as hav<strong>in</strong>g accomplished greater exploits than<br />
any Macedonian k<strong>in</strong>g before or after him. But nobody <strong>in</strong> their right m<strong>in</strong>d<br />
would call him a good general, because more than any other man he always<br />
trampled on sacred oaths, violated treaties and broke his word on every<br />
occasion. 77 (Paus. 8.7.5)<br />
In fact, it is very difficult to see how anyone <strong>in</strong> their right m<strong>in</strong>d could not<br />
call Philip II of Macedon a good general, but for <strong>Pausanias</strong> morally sound<br />
behaviour counts more than the shrewd diplomacy and excellent tactics of<br />
the Macedonian k<strong>in</strong>g. Div<strong>in</strong>e retribution for Philip’s crimes is presented<br />
as a decisive factor <strong>in</strong> the history of fourth century Macedonia:<br />
The wrath of heaven was not long delayed, it came earlier than any we know<br />
of. Philip was only forty-six years old when he fulfilled the oracle that Delphi<br />
gave him when he enquired about the Persians: ‘the bull is crowned, its end<br />
is near, and the sacrificer is present’. Not long afterwards it became clear<br />
that the oracle did not refer to the Persians, but to Philip himself. 78 (Paus.<br />
8.7.6)<br />
This argument is then pursued further with a summary of the subsequent<br />
fate of the Argead family, namely Alexander’s premature death and the<br />
murder of all close family members. <strong>Pausanias</strong>’ clos<strong>in</strong>g comments return<br />
to Philip’s orig<strong>in</strong>al crimes:<br />
If Philip had taken <strong>in</strong>to account the fate of the Spartan Glaukos, and<br />
remembered the verse ‘the family of the man who keeps his oaths will<br />
prosper hereafter’ dur<strong>in</strong>g each of his actions, then, it seems to me, some god<br />
would not have so ruthlessly put an end to Alexander’s life and, at the same<br />
time, to the heyday of Macedonia. 79 (Paus. 8.7.8)<br />
Seen <strong>in</strong> this light, Philip’s qualities as a politician and general are <strong>in</strong>deed<br />
<strong>in</strong>significant, because the direct consequences of his perjury rapidly reversed<br />
all advantages he ga<strong>in</strong>ed dur<strong>in</strong>g his lifetime. <strong>Pausanias</strong>’ whole<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpretation of Philip II and his activities is dom<strong>in</strong>ated by his moral<br />
judgement and his view that serious crimes will be subject to div<strong>in</strong>e<br />
retribution. This allows him to create a causal l<strong>in</strong>k between a number of<br />
crucial events that shaped the fate of the Hellenistic world.<br />
The causes of historical events, though central to historiography, are<br />
often not systematically explored <strong>in</strong> the Periegesis. Pivotal developments<br />
are usually recorded as a fairly simple sequence of events, without further<br />
comments about their connections with other aspects of the narrative.<br />
88