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Fall 2017 JPI

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data, which don’t occur here. Firstly, we can see that before MSG omitted the Effective Number of<br />

Presidential Candidates variable, and in the corrected fully-specified models I consistently find that<br />

Effective Number of Presidential Candidates is positive and significantly correlated with Effective Number of<br />

Legislative Parties. This does make sense since generally more candidates indicates a likelihood of more<br />

parties in democratic elections. 34<br />

A key difference in Table 3 that negates one of the conclusions drawn by MSG is that while<br />

indeed in MSG’s "fully-specified" interactive socio-institutional model, District Magnitude has a<br />

significant negative effect on the number of legislative parties, when I add in the missing constitutive<br />

terms detailed above, District Magnitude no longer has a significant effect. To investigate the reasons<br />

behind this change, I also take into account that the Fragmentation X District Magnitude interaction<br />

variable that was not included in MSG’s analysis is essential. Using my new fully-specified Model 4,<br />

the coefficient is negative and statistically significant. However, neither the Ethnopolitical Fragmentation<br />

variable nor log(District Magnitude) are significant by themselves in the fully-specified interactive model.<br />

This implies that District Magnitude does not significantly affect the number of political parties when<br />

there is no ethnopolitical fragmentation at all because presumably in that case, the preferences of the<br />

population would be relatively uniform throughout. The coefficient of Ethnopolitical Fragmentation alone<br />

here is irrelevant because it represents the effect of ethnopolitical fragmentation when the district<br />

magnitude is nonexistent. Finally, the significant negative coefficient of the interaction term shows<br />

that higher levels of ethnopolitical fragmentation will either increase the number of parties in the<br />

system, but by a lesser margin when district magnitude is high or will limit the number of political<br />

parties in the legislative system, conditional on a large district magnitude. As GBC point out, "district<br />

magnitude matters in this causal story because it is the decisive factor determining electoral system<br />

permissiveness." 35 According to MSG, ethnopolitical fragmentation tends to reduce the number of<br />

parties overall, however ethnopolitical concentration should counteract this reductive effect.<br />

Assuming these two things are true, that would imply that the coefficient on Fragmentation would be<br />

negative and the coefficient on Fragmentation X Concentration be positive. However, I do not find<br />

evidence that ethnopolitical fragmentation alone would significantly reduce the number of parties in<br />

the system in any of the models, nor that the interaction term would be positive.<br />

34 Kenneth Benoit "District magnitude, electoral formula, and the number of parties." 203-224.<br />

35 Ibid, 5.<br />

<strong>JPI</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>2017</strong>, pg. 62

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