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Fall 2017 JPI

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to construct its own global order. Therefore, it is hard to believe China has been, or will be, a real<br />

challenger to the US hegemony as long as the American world order exists.<br />

RESPONSE TO THE OPPOSITE OPINION: THE MEARSHEIMER’S VIEWPOINT<br />

ON CHINA<br />

Although I argue that China is not a challenger to the American world order, I have noticed<br />

that there are many different and opposite opinions. Mearsheimer, as one of the leading realists, asserts<br />

that China is a significant threat for the US. He argues that “if China continues its striking economic<br />

growth over the next few decades, it is likely to act in accordance with the logic of offensive realism,<br />

which is to say it will attempt to imitate the [US]. Specifically, it will try to dominate Asia the way the<br />

[US] dominates the Western Hemisphere. It will do so primarily because such domination offers the<br />

best way to survive under international anarchy.” 27 Mearsheimer agrees with my argument that China<br />

has not been a real challenger yet because of the large economic and military gap between the two<br />

countries. However, I disagree with Mearsheimer on the dynamics between China and America in the<br />

future. According to Mearsheimer, when China has roughly the same size of economy and military<br />

power as the US, it will become a challenger to the American world order because it will follow the<br />

same road as the US to construct its hegemony.<br />

My first response is that China will not follow the American way to dominate Asia. As I<br />

mentioned before, there is almost no strategic vacuum in Asia because of the growing US military<br />

presence and the Western alliance system. If China follows the same way to push the US out of Asia,<br />

it will only worsen the security dilemma in the region or even raise military conflict with the US. The<br />

security dilemma would destabilize Asia, damaging the Chinese economy. Economic development has<br />

always been a major concern for China. A potential conflict between the superpowers would likely be<br />

unaffordable for China. It is not wise for China to take the risk to lose what it has already achieved<br />

only to pursue an impossible regional hegemony.<br />

My second response is that people should take the American world order into account rather<br />

than consider the US as only a regional hegemon. Mearsheimer argues that the US is only a regional<br />

hegemon because it is hard to “conquer and subdue distant great powers.” 28 Therefore, China will be<br />

a significant threat for the US if it can become an Asian hegemon. By this logic, the competition<br />

between the US and China will be the struggle between two nominally equal regional hegemons. I<br />

argue that this is not the case, with Mearsheimer overestimating China’s threat by undervaluing<br />

American power. The US is a global hegemon which keeps control of the world order. If it were only<br />

a regional power, no one could explain the existence of the domination of the American economy<br />

model (market economy and free trade), the US worldwide alliance system, and its global strategy to<br />

maintain the liberal world order. It is even confusing to understand the reasons for America to get<br />

involved in the issue of the South China Sea if the US is only a regional power which merely worries<br />

about its survival in an anarchy state. When we predict whether China will become a challenger to<br />

American world order or not, we need to consider American global power seriously. After we<br />

understand the global dominance of the Unites States, China seems to have no possibility or intention<br />

27 Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, 368.<br />

28 Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, 364.<br />

<strong>JPI</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>2017</strong>, pg. 49

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