Fall 2017 JPI
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to construct its own global order. Therefore, it is hard to believe China has been, or will be, a real<br />
challenger to the US hegemony as long as the American world order exists.<br />
RESPONSE TO THE OPPOSITE OPINION: THE MEARSHEIMER’S VIEWPOINT<br />
ON CHINA<br />
Although I argue that China is not a challenger to the American world order, I have noticed<br />
that there are many different and opposite opinions. Mearsheimer, as one of the leading realists, asserts<br />
that China is a significant threat for the US. He argues that “if China continues its striking economic<br />
growth over the next few decades, it is likely to act in accordance with the logic of offensive realism,<br />
which is to say it will attempt to imitate the [US]. Specifically, it will try to dominate Asia the way the<br />
[US] dominates the Western Hemisphere. It will do so primarily because such domination offers the<br />
best way to survive under international anarchy.” 27 Mearsheimer agrees with my argument that China<br />
has not been a real challenger yet because of the large economic and military gap between the two<br />
countries. However, I disagree with Mearsheimer on the dynamics between China and America in the<br />
future. According to Mearsheimer, when China has roughly the same size of economy and military<br />
power as the US, it will become a challenger to the American world order because it will follow the<br />
same road as the US to construct its hegemony.<br />
My first response is that China will not follow the American way to dominate Asia. As I<br />
mentioned before, there is almost no strategic vacuum in Asia because of the growing US military<br />
presence and the Western alliance system. If China follows the same way to push the US out of Asia,<br />
it will only worsen the security dilemma in the region or even raise military conflict with the US. The<br />
security dilemma would destabilize Asia, damaging the Chinese economy. Economic development has<br />
always been a major concern for China. A potential conflict between the superpowers would likely be<br />
unaffordable for China. It is not wise for China to take the risk to lose what it has already achieved<br />
only to pursue an impossible regional hegemony.<br />
My second response is that people should take the American world order into account rather<br />
than consider the US as only a regional hegemon. Mearsheimer argues that the US is only a regional<br />
hegemon because it is hard to “conquer and subdue distant great powers.” 28 Therefore, China will be<br />
a significant threat for the US if it can become an Asian hegemon. By this logic, the competition<br />
between the US and China will be the struggle between two nominally equal regional hegemons. I<br />
argue that this is not the case, with Mearsheimer overestimating China’s threat by undervaluing<br />
American power. The US is a global hegemon which keeps control of the world order. If it were only<br />
a regional power, no one could explain the existence of the domination of the American economy<br />
model (market economy and free trade), the US worldwide alliance system, and its global strategy to<br />
maintain the liberal world order. It is even confusing to understand the reasons for America to get<br />
involved in the issue of the South China Sea if the US is only a regional power which merely worries<br />
about its survival in an anarchy state. When we predict whether China will become a challenger to<br />
American world order or not, we need to consider American global power seriously. After we<br />
understand the global dominance of the Unites States, China seems to have no possibility or intention<br />
27 Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, 368.<br />
28 Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, 364.<br />
<strong>JPI</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>2017</strong>, pg. 49