Fall 2017 JPI
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administrative planning.” 7 It is a different model of economic development compared with the<br />
Western economic development model which valued private business, free trade and market. If the<br />
communist model spread broadly, it would reduce the influence of the American global economic<br />
influence. Second, a challenger should have security alliance to support its world order. The<br />
competition between the two superpowers was also the contest between the Eastern Bloc and the<br />
Western Bloc. The Soviet security alliance provided the global collective defense and sphere of<br />
influence for its alternative world order. Third, a challenger should have a global strategy to challenge<br />
the existing international system and promote its new world order. Although the USSR did not ruin<br />
the world order built up by America, its global strategy of world revolution and the spread of<br />
communism indeed placed the American international system in a swamp.<br />
These three factors are generalized from the history of the Soviet Union, the only real<br />
challenger to the American world order. It is reasonable to argue that the definition drawn from the<br />
USSR is partial because “Wilhelmine Germany (1890–1918), Imperial Japan (1937–45), Nazi Germany<br />
(1933–45), and the Soviet Union (1945–90) all tried to match what the US had achieved in the Western<br />
Hemisphere.” 8 However, the first three competitors were only the challengers to the interest or power<br />
of the US. They were not challengers to the US hegemony because the American world order was not<br />
built up at that time. The definition of a challenger in this essay obviously does not cover all<br />
perspectives of a challenger, but it indeed points out the major characters of a challenger by examining<br />
the economic foundation, security concern, and global strategy.<br />
IS CHINA A CHALLENGER TO THE US HEGEMONY?<br />
From the perspective of international relations, hegemony usually means dominant power or<br />
significant influence in the world. Therefore, to some extent, the US hegemony equals with the<br />
American world order, a global order consolidated and controlled by the US after World War II. After<br />
clearly defining the words “challenger” and “hegemony,” it is time to examine China from the<br />
perspective of model of economic development, security alliance system, and global strategy.<br />
Although China still has its own characteristics in economic development, it also applied the American<br />
model of economic development after the Chinese economic reform. Instead of behaving like the<br />
USSR, which developed its economy by the communist model and stayed outside of the American<br />
system with the ambition to counteract the American economic system, China has changed from the<br />
communist economic model to the American model of economic development. After the openingup<br />
policy, China began to follow the Western model by advocating for the market economy, free<br />
trade, and private business. To some extent, it not only did not threaten the American international<br />
economy system, it also became a beneficiary or even an active promoter of the American model.<br />
“The rapid growth of China’s economy and US-China economic relations have largely conformed<br />
with and been driven by force of international economic globalization.” 9 This globalization is exactly<br />
the most significant element of American world economic order, which facilitates free trade, capital<br />
movement, and interdependent economies. To be more specific, China will not become a revisionist<br />
in the American economic world order if it can continue to enjoy enormous economic benefits by<br />
applying the American model and staying within the American economic world system. For instance,<br />
after joining the WTO in 2001, one of the cornerstone institutions of the American-led economic<br />
7 Philip Hanson, The Rise and <strong>Fall</strong> of the Soviet Economy: An Economic History of the USSR from 1945, 6.<br />
8 Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, 367.<br />
9 Sutter, US-Chinese Relations Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present, 192.<br />
<strong>JPI</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>2017</strong>, pg. 45