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Fall 2017 JPI

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like its predecessors. It also promised market liberalization, global economic integration and<br />

privatization. Such properties were novel for those on the pious side of politics in Turkey, who were<br />

never able to integrate capitalism into their political standing. Both the economic and social policies<br />

of former Islamist parties were starkly different, emphasizing piety and conservatism. In its initial term<br />

between 2002 and 2007, the JDP passed many amendments to the existing legal structure which lead<br />

to democratic reforms, the recognition of certain groups that were denied by every government until<br />

then, and a general air of liberalization. These changes were partly motivated by the possibility of EU<br />

accession, and most of the constitutional changes were suggested by the EU itself. Such policies<br />

garnered unprecedented support from the liberal leftist intellectuals for a right-wing pious party. 9 The<br />

JDP’s efforts during its first two terms towards reconciliation with the Kurdish, 10 Alevi 11 and non-<br />

Muslim populations, suggested that the JDP could be a more inclusive party than its competition on<br />

either the right or the left sides of the Turkish political spectrum. Gradually, the JDP adopted a more<br />

Islamic and Turkish-nationalist stance, halting the reconciliation processes. However, this did not<br />

immediately translate into its migration policies, which makes the JDP very different than its European<br />

counterparts. The JDP’s shift toward a political stance favoring Turco-Islamic elements in its internal<br />

policies coincided with the eruption of civil war in Syria, which lead Turkey to host an unprecedented<br />

3.1 million immigrants. 12<br />

As the party took on a neo-Ottoman foreign policy, which required it to become the<br />

powerhouse of the region and started to emphasize the identity of “the Turk” as opposed to “beingfrom-Turkey”<br />

(Türklük, implying a specific ethnicity instead of Türkiyelilik, which is solely based on<br />

being a citizen of Turkey), it paradoxically opened its doors to Syrian asylum-seekers. This ended up<br />

in the creation of another major ethnic group in Turkey, and the paradigm of Turkish national identity,<br />

which, at best, tends to ignore elements that are not Turkish and Sunni Islamic, directed its<br />

exclusionary nature towards this new ethnic group as it became increasingly visible.<br />

Its stance toward immigration makes the JDP different than the right-wing parties in Europe.<br />

This became visible with the emergence of the Syrian refugee crisis. As exemplified in the Erdogan<br />

quote above, the Turkish government followed an “open-door policy” since the beginning of the civil<br />

war in Syria. However, the flows have had changing patterns. Until 2013, Syrian asylum-seekers<br />

predominantly resided in refugee camps close to the Turkish-Syrian border which were funded by the<br />

government and various International NGOs. Yet with the prolonged warfare and the resulting influx<br />

of asylum-seekers, the limited capacity of these camps was overwhelmed. This urged many Syrian<br />

asylum seekers to move toward larger urban areas including Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir, beginning in<br />

2013. 13 For many, Turkey was a convenient transit point to the EU, while many others viewed it as<br />

the final destination. 14<br />

9 Cihan Tuğal, Passive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009.<br />

10Cuma Çiçek, "Elimination or integration of pro-Kurdish politics: Limits of the AKP's democratic initiative" in The Kurdish Question in Turkey:<br />

New Perspectives on Violence, Representation and Reconciliation, edited by Cengiz Güneş and Welat Zeydanlıoğlu, 245-57. Exeter Studies in Ethno<br />

Politics. New York, NY: Routledge, 2014.<br />

11 Soner, Bayram Ali, and Şule Toktaş, "Alevis and Alevism in the Changing Context of Turkish Politics: The Justice and Development Party's Alevi<br />

Opening" in Turkish Studies 12, no. 3 (2011): 419-34. Accessed December 12, 2016. doi:10.1080/14683849.2011.604214.<br />

12 UNHCR, "Syria Regional Refugee Response." United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. November 30, <strong>2017</strong>. Accessed December 8, <strong>2017</strong>.<br />

http://data.unhcr.org/syrianrefugees/country.php?id=224.<br />

13 Ahmet İçduygu, Syrian Refugees in Turkey: The Long Road Ahead. Report. April 2015. Accessed December 15, 2016.<br />

http://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/syrian-refugees-turkey-long-road-ahead.<br />

14 Ibid., 5.<br />

<strong>JPI</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>2017</strong>, pg. 22

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