Fall 2017 JPI
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positional theory of negotiation.<br />
So, what was the final outcome of these negotiations? As stated earlier, for Iran, the pressing<br />
need was to gain relief from sanctions that increased in severity and had a crippling effect on its<br />
resource-dependent economy. In particular, restrictions on its oil and gas exports, its ability to import<br />
technology to exploit its energy resources, and being cut off from SWIFT (the financial-messaging<br />
system used to transfer money between the world’s banks) had taken toll. Iran wanted all sanctions to<br />
end from the moment a deal was signed.<br />
According to the agreement reached, Iran would reduce its installed enrichment centrifuges<br />
from 19,000 to 6,000, only 5,000 of which would be spinning. Further, Iran’s second enrichment<br />
facility, which was buried deep within a mountain and thought to be impregnable to conventional air<br />
strikes, would cease all enrichment and be turned into a Physics Research Centre. Iran would also not<br />
produce or house any fissile material for at least fifteen years, reducing its stockpile of low-enriched<br />
uranium from 10,000kg to 300kg for the next fifteen years. The heavy-water reactor at Arak, which<br />
would have produced significant quantities of weapons-grade plutonium, would be removed and<br />
destroyed. No other heavy-water reactor would be allowed to be built for fifteen years.<br />
All of these undertakings hinged on the assurance that Iran would abide by the new rules.<br />
Under the terms of the JCPOA, inspectors from the IAEA would be able to inspect any facility,<br />
declared or otherwise, as long as it was deemed to be “suspicious.” The agreement also stated that<br />
Iran would address the IAEA’s concerns about what it called the Possible Military Dimensions of its<br />
nuclear program.<br />
ANALYSIS OF NEGOTIATIONS<br />
So, if this was truly an interest-based-negotiation, was it still the best outcome two parties could<br />
achieve? Why was it still one of the most controversial foreign policy issues during the US 2016<br />
presidential election? President Barack Obama argued that “because America negotiated from a<br />
position of strength and principle,” the deal successfully constrained Iran’s ability to develop nuclear<br />
weapons and thus strengthened the security of the US A different approach, however, sheds a<br />
divergent light on this certainty. Analyzed from the perspective of structural realism, a realist theory<br />
of international relations, which postulated that structural constraints, determine the behavior of major<br />
players.<br />
According to traditional interpretations of this theory, it would have been more advantageous<br />
for the US to pursue a unilateral, competitive policy on the issue instead. Even though the deal limited<br />
Iran’s nuclear capabilities for fifteen years, it empowered it in other ways. The deal removed<br />
international sanctions and enabled Iran to integrate back to the global economy, which was likely to<br />
strengthen its relative power regionally and internationally. In addition, the competitors of the US,<br />
Russia and China, were likely to benefit from the deal through oil market implications and the ability<br />
to engage in arms trade with Iran. While a traditional structural realist approach would conclude that<br />
these aspects made the Iranian nuclear deal disadvantageous to the relative power position of the US,<br />
an alternative view of the theory could be used to explain the agreement’s strategic significance and<br />
logic. 24<br />
The basic assumption in structural realism is that the international system is anarchic, lacking<br />
24 Henrietta Toivanen “The Structural Realist View,” April 6, 2016.<br />
<strong>JPI</strong> <strong>Fall</strong> <strong>2017</strong>, pg. 9