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Post Earthquake Jacmel (Haiti) Report and EMMA

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18<br />

Figure 3: <strong>Haiti</strong>an sector of the Global Marketing System (for most imported staples)<br />

Foreign Agroindustrial<br />

producer<br />

Importer<br />

Wholesaler<br />

Komèsan<br />

(distributor)<br />

Rural market<br />

Urban market<br />

Marchan chita<br />

boutik (store )<br />

maket (super market)<br />

bo lari (roadside)<br />

I<br />

restaurant. Bakery….<br />

mpact: The physical blow that the earthquake dealt to the Global Market Economy, as it<br />

extends into <strong>Haiti</strong>, was principally to intermediate level warehouses in Port-au-Prince (many<br />

which were in the hard hit central city), to grocery stores (six of the city‘s 15 major grocery<br />

stores were damaged, at least two of which were leveled), <strong>and</strong> to bakeries.(several of the<br />

largest bakeries were put out of commission as well). Many of <strong>Jacmel</strong>‘s storage facilities were<br />

also damaged, giving an advantage to those komèsan who were not hit especially hard.<br />

The physical blow to the internal marketing market chain were the depòt mentioned<br />

earlier. But testimony to this market‘s resilience is that the rural <strong>and</strong> even many of the urban<br />

open markets never ceased operating. Two days after the earthquake, madam sara were<br />

walking down out of the mountains from the Southeast countryside <strong>and</strong> into Petion Ville<br />

(upper metropolitan Port-au-Prince). By the third day Petion Ville markets were functioning;<br />

prices for domestic produce had not increased. A principal complaint that peasants<br />

consistently made was the decline in urban market dem<strong>and</strong>. In retrospect this is lamentable as<br />

it did not have to be this way. What could have been a time of high market dem<strong>and</strong>, a moment<br />

when the peasants temporarily received high prices for rural produce, became instead one of<br />

low dem<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> unchanging prices. People were not buying for the NGOs, foreign military<br />

forces, <strong>and</strong> religious missions who were rushing to save those under the rubble <strong>and</strong> to provide<br />

nourishment to the survivors had decided not to purchase locally, but instead to import food<br />

from abroad. The subsequent massive importation led to the paradoxical reverse, a different<br />

kind of crisis, a domestic market <strong>and</strong> local production crisis<br />

In summary, the vigorous internal <strong>Haiti</strong>an marketing system looms large in Southeast<br />

household livelihood strategies. Virtually all households are involved in the market system<br />

<strong>and</strong>, while about one third to one-half of most Southeast crops—including black beans-- are<br />

consumed by household members, the other portions get sold, the profits rolled over in<br />

internal marketing activities or in agricultural <strong>and</strong> livestock ventures, <strong>and</strong> eventually spent on<br />

food staples or necessities such as school tuition, medical care, or spiritual obligations to the<br />

family lwa <strong>and</strong> ancestors. Thus we can say that while farmers in the region are emphatically<br />

not subsistence farmers, they can expediently be defined as subsistence-oriented market<br />

producers <strong>and</strong> traders.

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