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Opinion 13<br />

Is Islam the ultimate solution?<br />

How the Muslim Brotherhood kick-started a fire that refuses to be put out<br />

DT<br />

MONDAY, AUGUST 7, <strong>2017</strong><br />

Groups such as IS are the culmination of a decades-old battle of ideologies<br />

REUTERS<br />

(abode of Islam) and the Dar-al-<br />

Harb (abode of war). Considering<br />

the presence of a vibrant Muslim<br />

diaspora in the West, such binary<br />

division seems archaic and<br />

redundant.<br />

They claim to have exclusive<br />

access to God and hurl their critics<br />

with charges of illegitimacy and<br />

blasphemy while purporting to<br />

have found an unadulterated<br />

version of the teachings of Islam.<br />

Ironically, most of the<br />

Islamists are graduates of<br />

secular educational systems and<br />

lack formal training in Islamic<br />

jurisprudence.<br />

Islamist pioneers like Banna<br />

and Nabhani branded their<br />

movements as “social and<br />

cultural puritanical movements”<br />

in contrast to the status quo.<br />

Nevertheless, the Islamists<br />

Erdogan’s Justice and<br />

Development Party (AKP) are<br />

Ottoman nostalgists who are<br />

ideologically aligned with<br />

the Brotherhood -- they have<br />

shown a remarkable level of<br />

adaptation with the secular state<br />

apparatus. The Tunisian Ennahda<br />

(Renaissance) party formed a<br />

coalition government with the<br />

secular Nidaa Tounes party. The<br />

Jordanian Brotherhood has a<br />

parliamentary wing, Jabhat al’-<br />

Amal al-Islami (The Islamic Action<br />

Front).<br />

Does the accommodation<br />

of Islamists in the mainstream<br />

politics mean that once in power<br />

they will honor the supremacy of<br />

the popular will? Will they cease<br />

to be Islamists and give up their<br />

dreams of establishing the Islamic<br />

state order?<br />

• Siddhartha Dhar<br />

The global pan-Islamic,<br />

transnational Islamist<br />

movements envision an<br />

idealistic global order<br />

where popular sovereignty will be<br />

supplanted by an Islamic Sharia<br />

based state.<br />

Imbued with traits of<br />

modernity, Islamism is a modern<br />

day ideology that attempts to<br />

reinterpret the Islamic doctrine<br />

into its desired mold while<br />

vigorously resisting any liberal<br />

interpretations or efforts of<br />

cultural modernisation.<br />

The Islamist thinkers castigate<br />

the “man-made” nation-states<br />

while suggesting the Islamic<br />

system as an alternative to<br />

socialism, nationalism, and the<br />

cultural and political hegemony of<br />

the West.<br />

Where it all started<br />

The fall of the Ottoman empire<br />

and the subsequent abolition<br />

of the Islamic Caliphate created<br />

a sudden pandemonium in the<br />

Muslim world. In 1928, it was<br />

against this backdrop that Hasan<br />

Al Banna (1904-1949), a schoolteacher<br />

from the British-controlled<br />

town of Isma’iliyya in Egypt,<br />

formed the youth club Muslim<br />

Brotherhood to resist what he<br />

deemed “orientations to apostasy<br />

and nihilism” which was engulfing<br />

the Muslim youth.<br />

It was in response to the<br />

British mandate and Zionist<br />

colonialisation in 1936-7 that the<br />

Muslim Brotherhood transformed<br />

itself into a political entity. It<br />

declared Islam as: (1) A “selfevolving<br />

system” and the ultimate<br />

path of life that (2) emanates from<br />

“the Qur’an and the prophetic<br />

tradition” which is (3) applicable<br />

to “all times and places.”<br />

In the 1950s and 1960s,<br />

buttressing its position as<br />

a resistance movement in<br />

opposition to the Nasserite state<br />

ideology of “Arab nationalism,”<br />

the Brotherhood extensively<br />

propagated their staple slogan<br />

“Islam is the solution.”<br />

It eventually evolved into<br />

the most controversial Islamist<br />

political organisation to this date.<br />

Bitter squabbles between<br />

the conservative and reformist<br />

bents have often hindered the<br />

Brotherhood’s ability to develop<br />

a more cohesive strategy. The<br />

creation of the military wing<br />

Nizam al-khass and the advent of<br />

the radical ideologue Sayyid Qutb<br />

as a higher echelon dented its<br />

status of a non-violent movement.<br />

Indicted for treason, Qutb was<br />

eventually hanged to death by the<br />

Nasserite regime in 1966 which<br />

impelled the Brotherhood to take<br />

a more conciliatory approach.<br />

The extremist bent formed small<br />

spin-off groups and one of them,<br />

Al-Jihad assassinated the Egyptian<br />

President Anwar Sadat in 1981.<br />

The glory days of Tahrir<br />

Sheikh Taqiuddin al-Nabhani,<br />

founder of the global Islamic<br />

political party Hizb-ut-Tahrir (The<br />

Liberation Party), considered the<br />

Islamic system as unique to its<br />

right and rejected the ideas of Arab<br />

nationalism and Ba’athism, which<br />

he believed are stripped off Islamic<br />

ideology.<br />

Prioritising the Arabic language<br />

and ethnic Arabs as essentials<br />

parts of Islam, Al-Nabhani<br />

envisaged the revival of Islam<br />

among the Arabs, which would<br />

subsequently be embraced by<br />

other non-Arab Muslim populace.<br />

Officially established in<br />

Jerusalem in 1953, Tahrir earned<br />

a reputation for its neutral stance<br />

in the sectarian conflicts among<br />

Muslims and its explicit refusal<br />

to the use of violence. But it<br />

struggled to face the growing tide<br />

of Arab nationalism and failed<br />

in its attempt to overthrow the<br />

Jordanian regime.<br />

The apparent bleak prospects<br />

in the Arab political climate forced<br />

Tahrir to shift its focus beyond<br />

the boundaries of the Middle East.<br />

It faced the same fate, and, as of<br />

today, Tahrir is banned in at least<br />

13 countries worldwide.<br />

In the Indian sub-continent,<br />

the Islamist philosopher and jurist<br />

Syed Abul A’la Maududi founded<br />

the political group Jama’at-i-Islami<br />

(People of Islam) in 1941. He wrote<br />

a pamphlet titled “Human rights<br />

in Islam” where he castigated<br />

the Western society and argued<br />

for the superiority of the Islamic<br />

civilisation over the West.<br />

Fearing that remaining Muslims<br />

will lose their identity in the Hindu<br />

state of India, Maududi initially<br />

opposed the creation of the state<br />

of Pakistan. After Partition, a<br />

humbled Maududi moved to<br />

Pakistan and worked to shape the<br />

contour of Pakistan as an Islamic<br />

state. The party’s East Pakistan<br />

chapter was heavily involved in<br />

war crimes during Bangladesh’s<br />

Liberation War of 1971.<br />

Islam and war<br />

The Islamist denominations<br />

worldwide hold a Manichean<br />

proposition where the world is<br />

divided between the Dar al-Islam<br />

Ironically, most of the Islamists are graduates<br />

of secular educational systems and lack formal<br />

training in Islamic jurisprudence<br />

actively participated in the<br />

democratic apparatus they<br />

vouched to uproot. When they<br />

fail to change the system from<br />

within, in such occasions, they<br />

often seek support from the<br />

military apparatus to stage coups<br />

in support of their cause.<br />

The Islamists believe in a<br />

border-less supra-national<br />

community, or Ummah, yet, in<br />

reality, they have mostly confined<br />

their activities within state<br />

boundaries.<br />

Despite its rigid stance against<br />

popular sovereignty, the Muslim<br />

Brotherhood often adopted<br />

politically-expedient policies over<br />

the course of time. It participated<br />

in the parliamentary elections it<br />

vowed to abolish and flirted with<br />

the military regimes in times it<br />

deemed necessary to stay relevant<br />

in the political context.<br />

Following the Arab spring, the<br />

Brotherhood galloped to power<br />

despite its timorous absence in<br />

the early days of anti-Mubarak<br />

protests, fearing a backlash<br />

from the Mubarak regime. It’s<br />

Palestinian offshoot Hamas<br />

distanced itself from the pan-<br />

Islamist ideas, concentrating<br />

solely on the cause of Palestinian<br />

independence. Hamas seeks to<br />

emulate the “Erdogan Model”<br />

in Turkey which is a blend of<br />

Islamism and conservative<br />

nationalism.<br />

In the Islamic Republic of Iran,<br />

the Guardian Council calls the<br />

shots in every major decision,<br />

thus crippling any popularly<br />

elected legislature. A newly passed<br />

referendum in Turkey has made<br />

president Erdogan effectively a<br />

dictator. Conversely, the Tunisian<br />

Ennahda is trying to ditch its<br />

Islamist heritage.<br />

The Brotherhood’s chief<br />

benefactor Qatar is facing a<br />

blockade from its previous patron<br />

and friend-turned-foe Saudi<br />

Arabia and other Gulf countries.<br />

All these events point to the<br />

fact that, rather than a static<br />

ideology, the Islamist movement<br />

is a constantly evolving social<br />

phenomenon which deserves<br />

rigorous studying. In the absence<br />

of a liberal alternative, the<br />

Islamists are often successful in<br />

tapping into the grievances of the<br />

ordinary people and channel those<br />

to their benefit.<br />

But they also find it extremely<br />

difficult to accommodate the<br />

nuanced Muslim voices worldwide<br />

in their black-and-white moral<br />

absolutism. One thing is for<br />

certain, the Islamist panacea to<br />

solve all the quandaries of the 21st<br />

century proves to be more fragile<br />

than ever. •<br />

Siddhartha Dhar is a Sweden-based<br />

Bangladeshi blogger, writer, and<br />

translator.

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