Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church
Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church
THE SOURCES OF MAXIMUS’ THEOLOGY 27 Cappadocian Fathers, and for this reason has attracted more attention, perhaps, than any of them from recent scholars. It seems to have been Gregory’s metaphysical genius that attracted Maximus. They both share—with a clarity of exposition that distinguishes them from many others in the Greek patristic tradition—the doctrine of the double creation of the human person: a first creation that transcends sexual difference, and a second creation marked by sexual duality. They both work through an understanding of the wholeness of the human person, in which soul and body are mutually complementary. Maximus also seems to have been indebted to Gregory in his treatment of the theme of the divisions of being. 26 Another strand in the theological tradition Maximus is heir to is less explicit than that represented by the Cappadocian Fathers, but much more fundamental, and that is the Alexandrian Christological tradition of Athanasius and Cyril. He is heir to this principally because this was the dominant tradition in Byzantine theology from the sixth century onwards. It is important to realize how much he took for granted the Cyrilline Chalcedonianism he inherited: his opposition to Monothelitism is worked out within this tradition, not as a criticism of that tradition. He is wholly committed to the Alexandrian understanding of the Incarnation as the Son of God’s assuming a human nature and living a human life, with its corollary in the validity of theopaschite language. This comes out in two of the ‘later’ Difficulties (though several years earlier than Maximus’ involvement in the Monothelite controversy). These are Amb. 2and4(neitherof them translated here), which also bring out the difficulty Maximus had with Gregory’s Christological language. Amb. 2 is concerned with a passage from Gregory’s Third Theological Oration in which he counters the Arian argument that one who is God cannot be said to hunger, sleep or fear, all of which are attributed to Christ, by saying: ‘And, in a word, what is exalted is to be ascribed to the Godhead, to that nature which is superior to sufferings and the body, what is lowly is to be ascribed to the composite that for your sake emptied himself and took flesh and—it is no worse to say—became a man.’ The reason why this poses a difficulty for Maximus is the way in which it seems to keep suffering away from the Godhead and thus possibly compromise the unity of Christ’s person (though Gregory’s language here is in fact very careful). Maximus’ response is a paraphrase of Gregory that emphasizes the unity of subject in Christ and, in particular, expressly justifies theopaschite language by using, and repeating, an expression from Gregory’s Fourth Theological Oration—‘God passible’. The same concern is found in Amb. 4 where he says, ‘therefore he was also truly a suffering God, and the very same was truly a wonder-working man, because also there was a true hypostasis of true natures according to
28 INTRODUCTION an ineffable union’ (1045A). Maximus’ defence of two wills in the Incarnate Christ is not intended to suggest that there are two subjects in Christ, but to safeguard the full humanity in which the Second Person of the Godhead lives out a human life. A TRADITION OF COSMIC THEOLOGY: DENYS THE AREOPAGITE A final strand in Maximus’ theological heritage is more controversial. This is the influence on him of the works ascribed to Denys (or Dionysius) the Areopagite. These writings came to the notice of Christian thinkers barely fifty years before Maximus’ birth. They are first quoted (or misquoted) by the Cyrilline theologians who rejected Chalcedon (the ‘Acephaloi’ or Severan Monophysites) at the colloquy called by Justinian in his attempts to achieve a settlement of the Christological controversy in 532. They cited in their support a passage from one of the writings ascribed to the Areopagite where he refers to Christ’s ‘one theandric energy’—arguing that if it is legitimate to speak of one energy in Christ, it is legitimate to speak of a single nature. The Orthodox dismissed the authority of the ‘Areopagite’, retorting that none of the Fathers—not Cyril, not Athanasius—had ever heard of him. But the compelling vision of the Areopagite was such that very soon his works were accepted by Monophysite and Orthodox alike as authentic: that is, as genuine works of that Denys, an Athenian who had been one of the judges of the Apostle Paul when he defended his preaching of Christianity before the court of the Areopagus in about AD 52 (see Acts 17.22–34), and who, it was believed, had become one of the early bishops of Athens. In fact, it is now universally recognized that these works—the Celestial Hierarchy, theEcclesiastical Hierarchy, the Divine Names, the Mystical Theology, and some letters—were written at the end of the fifth, or beginning of the sixth, century, probably by a Syrian monk, who had conceived an enthusiasm for the brand of Neoplatonism we associate with the fifth-century ‘Platonic successor’ (diadochus) at the Academy in Athens called Proclus (probably through having read some of their works, rather than having actually been a pupil at the Academy). 27 These works were edited in the middle of the sixth century by John, Bishop of Scythopolis in Palestine (modern Bet Shean), an orthodox Cyrilline Chalcedonian, and all the manuscripts of Denys that we have, except for the early Syriac translation by Sergius of Reshaina, go back to John’s edition. 28 John was a man of enormous erudition: he provided a preface to the Corpus Areopagiticum and learned scholia to the individual works. Part of his purpose in this was to show that Denys really belonged to the
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THE SOURCES OF MAXIMUS’ THEOLOGY 27<br />
Cappadocian Fathers, and for this reason has attracted more<br />
attention, perhaps, than any of them from recent scholars. It seems to<br />
have been Gregory’s metaphysical genius that attracted Maximus.<br />
They both share—with a clarity of exposition that distinguishes them<br />
from many others in the Greek patristic tradition—the doctrine of the<br />
double creation of the human person: a first creation that transcends<br />
sexual difference, and a second creation marked by sexual duality.<br />
They both work through an understanding of the wholeness of the<br />
human person, in which soul and body are mutually complementary.<br />
Maximus also seems to have been indebted to Gregory in his<br />
treatment of the theme of the divisions of being. 26<br />
Another strand in the theological tradition Maximus is heir to is<br />
less explicit than that represented by the Cappadocian Fathers, but<br />
much more fundamental, and that is the Alexandrian Christological<br />
tradition of Athanasius and Cyril. He is heir to this principally<br />
because this was the dominant tradition in Byzantine theology from<br />
the sixth century onwards. It is important to realize how much he took<br />
for granted the Cyrilline Chalcedonianism he inherited: his opposition<br />
to Monothelitism is worked out within this tradition, not as a criticism<br />
of that tradition. He is wholly committed to the Alexandrian<br />
understanding of the Incarnation as the Son of God’s assuming a<br />
human nature and living a human life, with its corollary in the<br />
validity of theopaschite language. This comes out in two of the ‘later’<br />
Difficulties (though several years earlier than Maximus’ involvement<br />
in the Monothelite controversy). These are Amb. 2and4(neitherof<br />
them translated here), which also bring out the difficulty Maximus<br />
had with Gregory’s Christological language. Amb. 2 is concerned with<br />
a passage from Gregory’s Third Theological Oration in which he<br />
counters the Arian argument that one who is God cannot be said to<br />
hunger, sleep or fear, all of which are attributed to Christ, by saying:<br />
‘And, in a word, what is exalted is to be ascribed to the Godhead, to<br />
that nature which is superior to sufferings and the body, what is lowly<br />
is to be ascribed to the composite that for your sake emptied himself<br />
and took flesh and—it is no worse to say—became a man.’ The reason<br />
why this poses a difficulty for Maximus is the way in which it seems to<br />
keep suffering away from the Godhead and thus possibly compromise<br />
the unity of Christ’s person (though Gregory’s language here is in fact<br />
very careful). Maximus’ response is a paraphrase of Gregory that<br />
emphasizes the unity of subject in Christ and, in particular, expressly<br />
justifies theopaschite language by using, and repeating, an expression<br />
from Gregory’s Fourth Theological Oration—‘God passible’. The same<br />
concern is found in Amb. 4 where he says, ‘therefore he was also truly<br />
a suffering God, and the very same was truly a wonder-working man,<br />
because also there was a true hypostasis of true natures according to