Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church
Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church
THE SOURCES OF MAXIMUS’ THEOLOGY 25 explicitly heretical tendencies. 15 ‘Messalianism’ was condemned, at various local councils in the fourth century, and at the third Ecumenical Council in 431, and later, but—like Evagrianism— it retained its popularity among certain sections of monasticism. Maximus’ debt to the Macarian Homilies is sometimes direct and literary: there is an allusion to the Macarian metaphor of the ‘earth of the heart’ at the beginning of Opusc. 7. 16 But perhaps Macarian influence is most deeply felt in the importance that Maximus attaches to experience (peira). Knowledge of God is, for Maximus, a transforming experience, which is why he lays such stress on deification as the goal of the human life. 17 He does not, however, claim such experience for himself, and in fact on several occasions explicitly disclaims any experience that would qualify him to be a teacher of others. 18 Rather he appeals to the experience of others, especially the ‘old man’ to whom he frequently defers. 19 There is a further tributary to the ascetic tradition that influenced Maximus and that is the doctrine of Diadochus, the mid-fifth century Bishop of Photikê in Epiros. It is possible that Maximus came to know of Diadochus’ writings in Carthage, for it has been argued that Diadochus may have been taken back to Carthage as a prisoner after a Vandal raid on Epiros between 467 and 474 (a Bishop of Carthage of the later fifth century—probably Eugenius, Bishop from 481 to 505— is said to have been a disciple of Diadochus), and his renown may have lived on in Christian circles there. 20 According to Hausherr, Maximus had ‘studied Diadochus attentively’ (Hausherr 1952, 42). He actually cites him at least twice, once with great respect in the Dialogue with Pyrrhus, 21 and several scholars have detected further borrowings from Diadochus. 22 But Maximus’ affinity with Diadochus may be deeper than the mere borrowing of texts. For Diadochus is important as an early example of an attempt to fuse together the analysis of human nature that lies at the heart of Evagrius’ ascetical wisdom and the emphasis on transforming experience perceived by the heart that we find in the Macarian Homilies. 23 Precisely the same fusion can be found in Maximus, and it is here, I would argue, that we find the deepest affinity between the Confessor and the Bishop of Photikê. THE DOGMATIC TRADITION The ascetic tradition was basic to Maximus, for the fundamental interpretation of the tradition handed down in the Church is to be found in the way it informs, and transforms, the lives of individuals and thus contributes to the restoration of the fractured cosmos. But even more fundamental in the restoration of the cosmos than ascetic
26 INTRODUCTION struggle is the reconciling power of the love of God—the love of God that is the eternal life of the Trinity of Father, Son and Holy Spirit and that is manifest and reaches out to us in the assumption of a human life by the Son in the Incarnation. This was beyond human understanding, but not beyond human misunderstanding: and it was to protect against human misunderstanding of what the Fathers called theology (meaning the doctrine of the Trinity) and ‘economy’ (meaning God’s dealing with humankind—pre-eminently in the Incarnation, but including creation and revelation through Scripture and reconciling activity in the Sacraments) that what we call the ‘theological tradition’ had been developed by the Fathers and the Councils. The theological tradition that Maximus had received and sought to interpret faithfully—and which, in the Monothelite controversy, he played a decisive role in forming—was composed of several strands. The most obvious—because so many of Maximus’ scholia directly deal with passages from their writings—is the Cappadocian tradition, that is the theological doctrine of the three fourth-century bishops from Cappadocia—Basil of Caesarea, Basil’s long-standing friend, Gregory of Nazianzus (though this was the episcopal see of his father: he was Bishop of, successively, Sasima and briefly Constantinople), and Basil’s younger brother, Gregory of Nyssa. It may be an oversimplification to speak of the ‘Cappadocian Fathers’ (it is a modern habit), but for Maximus what it means overwhelmingly is the teaching of St Gregory of Nazianzus, ‘the Theologian’. 24 The evidence of his engagement with the Theologian is mainly found in his Difficulties. On the face of it, this is ambiguous evidence for Gregory’s positive influence on Maximus: it is more directly evidence of the difficulty Maximus found in interpreting him. What kind of difficulties Maximus faced is too complex a question to go into here. 25 But some of the more theological problems he had with Gregory can be stated simply. Part of Maximus’ problem with Gregory was the problem of ‘Origenism’. Gregory, like many fourth-century theologians, had been deeply influenced by Origen: in their youth, Basil and Gregory Nazianzen had compiled a florilegium from Origen’s works, called the Philokalia. It was precisely because of his authority as ‘the Theologian’ that Gregory was a favourite author among those monks inclined to Origenism. Other problems had to do with his Christology: that we shall come to soon. But the Cappadocian Fathers—or Gregory—did provide answers as well as problems, not least their clarification of the ontological language (language concerning being) to be used in relation to God: they thus contributed towards the ‘Chalcedonian logic’ that Maximus brought to perfection. But Maximus was also indebted to the youngest Cappadocian Father, St Gregory of Nyssa. This Gregory was probably the most brilliant speculative thinker of the
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THE SOURCES OF MAXIMUS’ THEOLOGY 25<br />
explicitly heretical tendencies. 15 ‘Messalianism’ was condemned, at<br />
various local councils in the fourth century, and at the third<br />
Ecumenical Council in 431, and later, but—like Evagrianism— it<br />
retained its popularity among certain sections of monasticism.<br />
Maximus’ debt to the Macarian Homilies is sometimes direct and<br />
literary: there is an allusion to the Macarian metaphor of the ‘earth of<br />
the heart’ at the beginning of Opusc. 7. 16 But perhaps Macarian<br />
influence is most deeply felt in the importance that Maximus attaches<br />
to experience (peira). Knowledge of God is, for Maximus, a<br />
transforming experience, which is why he lays such stress on<br />
deification as the goal of the human life. 17 He does not, however, claim<br />
such experience for himself, and in fact on several occasions explicitly<br />
disclaims any experience that would qualify him to be a teacher of<br />
others. 18 Rather he appeals to the experience of others, especially the<br />
‘old man’ to whom he frequently defers. 19<br />
There is a further tributary to the ascetic tradition that influenced<br />
Maximus and that is the doctrine of Diadochus, the mid-fifth century<br />
Bishop of Photikê in Epiros. It is possible that Maximus came to know<br />
of Diadochus’ writings in Carthage, for it has been argued that<br />
Diadochus may have been taken back to Carthage as a prisoner after<br />
a Vandal raid on Epiros between 467 and 474 (a Bishop of Carthage of<br />
the later fifth century—probably Eugenius, Bishop from 481 to 505—<br />
is said to have been a disciple of Diadochus), and his renown may<br />
have lived on in <strong>Christian</strong> circles there. 20 According to Hausherr,<br />
Maximus had ‘studied Diadochus attentively’ (Hausherr 1952, 42). He<br />
actually cites him at least twice, once with great respect in the<br />
Dialogue with Pyrrhus, 21 and several scholars have detected further<br />
borrowings from Diadochus. 22 But Maximus’ affinity with Diadochus<br />
may be deeper than the mere borrowing of texts. For Diadochus is<br />
important as an early example of an attempt to fuse together the<br />
analysis of human nature that lies at the heart of Evagrius’ ascetical<br />
wisdom and the emphasis on transforming experience perceived by<br />
the heart that we find in the Macarian Homilies. 23 Precisely the same<br />
fusion can be found in Maximus, and it is here, I would argue, that we<br />
find the deepest affinity between the Confessor and the Bishop of<br />
Photikê.<br />
THE DOGMATIC TRADITION<br />
The ascetic tradition was basic to Maximus, for the fundamental<br />
interpretation of the tradition handed down in the <strong>Church</strong> is to be<br />
found in the way it informs, and transforms, the lives of individuals<br />
and thus contributes to the restoration of the fractured cosmos. But<br />
even more fundamental in the restoration of the cosmos than ascetic