Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church

Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church

13.12.2012 Views

THE SOURCES OF MAXIMUS’ THEOLOGY 23 goal of any Christian’s life. But sanctity is not simply a matter of ascetic struggle: it is a response to God’s presence among us in the Incarnation, a presence that can be experienced through the Sacraments, pre-eminently the Eucharist. Hence the importance for Maximus of the Sacraments: they are also part of tradition, part of the continuing engagement with God, held out to us in the Scriptures. But they have another importance, too, as Maximus makes clear in his Mystagogia: for the ascetic struggle involved in responding to God is not simply an individual matter, it is part of the process of overcoming the divisions that have shattered the cosmos as a result of the Fall— ascetic struggle has cosmic significance and this is made manifest in the drama of the liturgy. THE ASCETIC TRADITION Something of what one might call the texture of tradition is becoming apparent from all this. It will be useful to identify some of the threads and colours of the pattern. Perhaps most fundamental is the ascetic tradition into which Maximus had been initiated from the time he sought the monastic habit. This was a tradition that the monks themselves traced back to John the Baptist, and to the great figures of the Old Testament—the prophets Elijah and Elisha, and beyond them, Moses and the patriarchs. But more immediately it went back to the Desert Fathers, the great figures of the fourth-century growth of Christian monasticism in the years after the conversion of the Emperor Constantine and the growing acceptability of the Church in Mediterranean society. The collections of stories about the Desert Fathers were primary reading in the monasteries. 7 Some of the collections are arranged according to the names of the monastic figures involved, alphabetically. 8 Others are arranged systematically, in accordance with the lessons to be learnt from these stories (and especially the sayings recorded). In these systematic collections there can be discerned a structured understanding of the stages of the spiritual life, and the principal architect of this theory of the spiritual life was Evagrius. Maximus owed a great deal to the spirituality of Evagrius, 9 who had lived in the fourth century, and eventually made his way to the Egyptian desert where he spent the last fifteen years of his life until his death in 399. He was a controversial figure: he sought to interpret the spiritual life in categories (of largely Platonic inspiration) derived from the ‘Christian Platonists of Alexandria’, Clement (who had taught there at the end of the second century) and Origen (who had taught, first at Alexandria, later at Caesarea in Palestine, in the first half of the third century). This provoked the socalled ‘Origenist’ controversy (although in many respects Clement was

24 INTRODUCTION a more important influence on Evagrius) at the turn of the fourth/ fifth centuries. 10 All sorts of issues were involved—Evagrius’ understanding that in prayer we can eventually attain a state of pure contemplation in which we dispense with images (why then the Incarnation? some wondered); his conviction that the goal of the ascetic struggle is a state he called apatheia (often translated, and misunderstood, as passionlessness: it really means a state of serenity); the idea he shared with Origen that the cosmos has been brought into being as a result of the Fall from a state of original contemplative unity, and is itself an environment through which we are directed back to God in an inexorable process that will finally lead to the restoration of all things (apokatastasis pantôn); linked to this the idea that we can attain equality with Christ, become isochristoi. Evagrius was condemned at local synods after his death, but this did not stop his influence in monastic circles. The principal reason for this is that Evagrius’ ascetical wisdom, which is what the bulk of his writing was concerned with, was so highly valued. His works circulated under pseudonyms and remained influential. But enthusiasm for his ascetical teaching often led to the more questionable metaphysic that lay behind it, and ‘Origenism’ (meaning ‘Evagrianism’) remained current in monastic circles. 11 It was condemned in an edict issued by the Emperor Justinian in 543, 12 and Origen himself was condemned in general terms at the fifth Ecumenical Council in 553, 13 but still Origenism retained its appeal. Part of the achievement of Maximus was to retain the ascetical wisdom of Evagrianism while sifting out the more questionable metaphysics, or metaphysic of the soul and the cosmos to replace it. Concern with Origenism runs through the first Book of Difficulties, which has been called (especially with reference to Amb. 7) ‘a refutation of Origenism…with a full understanding and will to retain what is good in the Alexandrian’s doctrine—a refutation perhaps unique in Greek patristic literature’. 14 But the ascetic tradition that Maximus inherited is not exausted by Evagrius. He is also indebted to the very different tradition found in the Macarian Homilies. In contrast to the intellectualist tradition of Evagrius (both in the sense of making the intellect—Greek nous— the core of the human person, and in the sense of being learned and speculative), the tradition found in the Macarian Homilies lays stress on experience and regards prayer as an activity of the heart. There is no doubt that the Macarian Homilies have their background in a movement called Messalianism that in its extreme forms saw in prayer the exclusive activity of the Christian life—exclusive of the Sacraments, and even perhaps of morality. There is equally no doubt, that the doctrine of the Macarian Homilies shaves Messalianism of

THE SOURCES OF MAXIMUS’ THEOLOGY 23<br />

goal of any <strong>Christian</strong>’s life. But sanctity is not simply a matter of<br />

ascetic struggle: it is a response to God’s presence among us in the<br />

Incarnation, a presence that can be experienced through the<br />

Sacraments, pre-eminently the Eucharist. Hence the importance for<br />

Maximus of the Sacraments: they are also part of tradition, part of the<br />

continuing engagement with God, held out to us in the Scriptures. But<br />

they have another importance, too, as Maximus makes clear in his<br />

Mystagogia: for the ascetic struggle involved in responding to God is<br />

not simply an individual matter, it is part of the process of overcoming<br />

the divisions that have shattered the cosmos as a result of the Fall—<br />

ascetic struggle has cosmic significance and this is made manifest in<br />

the drama of the liturgy.<br />

THE ASCETIC TRADITION<br />

Something of what one might call the texture of tradition is becoming<br />

apparent from all this. It will be useful to identify some of the threads<br />

and colours of the pattern. Perhaps most fundamental is the ascetic<br />

tradition into which Maximus had been initiated from the time he<br />

sought the monastic habit. This was a tradition that the monks<br />

themselves traced back to John the Baptist, and to the great figures of<br />

the Old Testament—the prophets Elijah and Elisha, and beyond them,<br />

Moses and the patriarchs. But more immediately it went back to the<br />

Desert Fathers, the great figures of the fourth-century growth of<br />

<strong>Christian</strong> monasticism in the years after the conversion of the<br />

Emperor Constantine and the growing acceptability of the <strong>Church</strong> in<br />

Mediterranean society. The collections of stories about the Desert<br />

Fathers were primary reading in the monasteries. 7 Some of the<br />

collections are arranged according to the names of the monastic<br />

figures involved, alphabetically. 8 Others are arranged systematically,<br />

in accordance with the lessons to be learnt from these stories<br />

(and especially the sayings recorded). In these systematic collections<br />

there can be discerned a structured understanding of the stages of the<br />

spiritual life, and the principal architect of this theory of the spiritual<br />

life was Evagrius. Maximus owed a great deal to the spirituality of<br />

Evagrius, 9 who had lived in the fourth century, and eventually made<br />

his way to the Egyptian desert where he spent the last fifteen years of<br />

his life until his death in 399. He was a controversial figure: he sought<br />

to interpret the spiritual life in categories (of largely Platonic<br />

inspiration) derived from the ‘<strong>Christian</strong> Platonists of Alexandria’,<br />

Clement (who had taught there at the end of the second century) and<br />

Origen (who had taught, first at Alexandria, later at Caesarea in<br />

Palestine, in the first half of the third century). This provoked the socalled<br />

‘Origenist’ controversy (although in many respects Clement was

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