Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church
Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church Andrew Louth - Syriac Christian Church
LIFE AND TIMES 7 Maurice’s daughter, regarded him as his father and protector. When, a decade later, Maurice was deposed and murdered, Chosroes seized the opportunity to avenge him by renewing the war with the Byzantine Empire. By 610, the Persian army, supported by Avar allies, had already reached Chalcedon, across the Bosphorus from Constantinople. The senators of the Queen City looked for help from Heraclius, the exarch of Carthage, who sent his son, also called Heraclius, with a fleet that reached Constantinople on 3 October. Phocas, the usurper and murderer of Maurice, was deposed and Heraclius crowned as Emperor by the Patriarch of Constantinople, Sergius. Chosroes refused a peace settlement, and so Heraclius spent the first eighteen years of his reign engaged in an ultimately successful war with the Persians. To begin with the Persians made the running: they conquered the Middle East—Syria, Palestine and Egypt—in 614 capturing Jerusalem and taking the relic of the True Cross, that had been rediscovered by the Empress St Helen, the mother of Constantine, in the fourth century. Eventually in 627 Heraclius led the Byzantine army from the north, through Mesopotamia, to the Persian capital, Ctesiphon, not far from modern Baghdad, where he recovered the relic of the True Cross. Chosroes was deposed by his son and murdered. The Byzantines quickly re-established their rule in the Middle East. Before this, however, the Persians with the support of the Avars and Slavs had laid siege to Constantinople. The defence of the city had been led by the Patriarch Sergius, who had carried the icon of the Mother of God around the city walls: the successful defence of the city was ascribed to the Mother of God, and the kontakion that now prefaces the older Akathist hymn was probably composed to celebrate this great deliverance, perhaps by Sergius himself. The changing fortunes of the Christians in the Middle East in these two decades (610–30) exposed the dangers caused by the religious disunity of the Church of the Empire. BACKGROUND TO THE RELIGIOUS PROBLEMS OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE To understand the religious problems of the seventh century, it is necessary to go back even further, to the fourth century at least. From the very beginning Christians had believed that Jesus stood in an especially close relationship to God the Father. In the course of the fourth century this relationship was defined by saying that the one who became incarnate as Jesus of Nazareth is ‘consubstantial’ (Greek: homoousios) with God the Father: that is, that he is God in exactly the same sense as God the Father is God, save that he derives his divine
8 INTRODUCTION state eternally from the Father. This was affirmed at the first Ecumenical Council, called at Nicaea by the Emperor Constantine in 325, though not finally accepted throughout the Church until the second Ecumenical Council, held at Constantinople and convened by the Emperor Theodosius I in 381. As the so-called Nicene Creed put it: the Lord Jesus Christ is ‘the only-begotten Son of God, begotten from the Father before all ages, Light from Light, true God from true God, begotten not made, consubstantial with the Father’ (what is usually called the Nicene Creed, that recited at the Eucharistic liturgy in both East and West, is in fact the creed endorsed at the second Ecumenical Council). This uncompromising affirmation of the divinity of Christ raised in acute terms the problem of the relationship between the divinity of Christ and his unquestionable humanity. In broad terms, two approaches emerged. One sought to preserve the integrity of the two natures of Christ by keeping them clearly separate. In the actions of the Incarnate Christ, there could be clearly distinguished actions that are to be ascribed to his divinity—notably his miracles—and actions that are to be ascribed to his humanity—hunger, thirst, suffering, spatial limitation, in fact any kind of limitation. These actions came together in the one single life that Jesus led, but they were to be clearly distinguished, lest either the divinity or the humanity be compromised. Towards the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, this approach was particularly associated with Antioch. The other approach started from the affirmation that in Jesus of Nazareth one encountered God Himself, the Son, the Second Person of the Trinity, living a human life. His divinity was manifest in his miracles, his humanity in his evident limitation, but though they could be clearly distinguished in his actions, they could not be separated, for God had entered completely into the limitations of human life: the Godhead had ‘emptied itself’, to quote Phil. 2.7—the Incarnation was an act of kenosis. This approach emphasizes the unity of the person of Christ, and emphasizes the paradox of the union of divine and human in Christ, seeing in this paradox a demonstration of God’s limitless love for human beings. This approach was associated particularly with Alexandria, in the fourth century with its great Patriarch, Athanasius, especially and in the fifth with his successor, Cyril. Cyril was fond of expressing the unity of Christ with a phrase that he (mistakenly) thought had been used by Athanasius: ‘one Incarnate nature of God the Word’. These two approaches collided in the third decade of the fifth century in the persons of the newly-appointed Patriarch of Constantinople, Nestorius (who had formerly been a monk in Antioch), and Cyril, the experienced and wily Patriarch of Alexandria. 12 The
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8 INTRODUCTION<br />
state eternally from the Father. This was affirmed at the first<br />
Ecumenical Council, called at Nicaea by the Emperor Constantine in<br />
325, though not finally accepted throughout the <strong>Church</strong> until the<br />
second Ecumenical Council, held at Constantinople and convened by<br />
the Emperor Theodosius I in 381. As the so-called Nicene Creed put<br />
it: the Lord Jesus Christ is ‘the only-begotten Son of God, begotten<br />
from the Father before all ages, Light from Light, true God from true<br />
God, begotten not made, consubstantial with the Father’ (what is<br />
usually called the Nicene Creed, that recited at the Eucharistic liturgy<br />
in both East and West, is in fact the creed endorsed at the second<br />
Ecumenical Council).<br />
This uncompromising affirmation of the divinity of Christ raised in<br />
acute terms the problem of the relationship between the divinity of<br />
Christ and his unquestionable humanity. In broad terms, two<br />
approaches emerged. One sought to preserve the integrity of the two<br />
natures of Christ by keeping them clearly separate. In the actions of<br />
the Incarnate Christ, there could be clearly distinguished actions that<br />
are to be ascribed to his divinity—notably his miracles—and actions<br />
that are to be ascribed to his humanity—hunger, thirst, suffering,<br />
spatial limitation, in fact any kind of limitation. These actions came<br />
together in the one single life that Jesus led, but they were to be<br />
clearly distinguished, lest either the divinity or the humanity be<br />
compromised. Towards the end of the fourth and the beginning of the<br />
fifth century, this approach was particularly associated with Antioch.<br />
The other approach started from the affirmation that in Jesus of<br />
Nazareth one encountered God Himself, the Son, the Second Person of<br />
the Trinity, living a human life. His divinity was manifest in his<br />
miracles, his humanity in his evident limitation, but though they<br />
could be clearly distinguished in his actions, they could not be<br />
separated, for God had entered completely into the limitations of<br />
human life: the Godhead had ‘emptied itself’, to quote Phil. 2.7—the<br />
Incarnation was an act of kenosis. This approach emphasizes the unity<br />
of the person of Christ, and emphasizes the paradox of the union of<br />
divine and human in Christ, seeing in this paradox a demonstration<br />
of God’s limitless love for human beings. This approach was associated<br />
particularly with Alexandria, in the fourth century with its great<br />
Patriarch, Athanasius, especially and in the fifth with his successor,<br />
Cyril. Cyril was fond of expressing the unity of Christ with a phrase<br />
that he (mistakenly) thought had been used by Athanasius: ‘one<br />
Incarnate nature of God the Word’.<br />
These two approaches collided in the third decade of the fifth<br />
century in the persons of the newly-appointed Patriarch of<br />
Constantinople, Nestorius (who had formerly been a monk in Antioch),<br />
and Cyril, the experienced and wily Patriarch of Alexandria. 12 The