Fortunately, the truth is not so sad and discouraging as they make out. Observation proves that every condition of strife, whether external or internal, always aims at, and ends by passing into, a decisive victory or a treaty of peace. As far as internal strife is concerned, whether we call it doubt, irresolution, anguish, or despair, one thing, at least, is evident: this sort of struggle always appears as an exceptional and transient crisis, and no one should take it upon himself to consider it the normal state of affairs or to judge it preferable (with all its painful agitations) to the so-called effeminate peace involving regular work under the guidance of a decided will and a securely formed judgment. And as regards external strife, the struggle among men, can it be otherwise? If history be correctly interpreted, it shows that war is forever developing in one particular direction, and that this course, repeated hundreds of times and easy to disentangle among the thickets and undergrowth of history, seems to indicate its ultimate disappearance, after it has gradually become rarer. In fact, as a result of that imitative radiation, which labors constantly and, so to speak, clandestinely to enlarge the special field of social phenomena, all the latter are in process of enlargement, and war is participating in the movement. From a countless number of very small but exceedingly bitter wars between petty clans, we pass to a smaller number of somewhat larger and less rancorous wars: first between small cities, then between large cities, then between nations that are continually growing greater, till finally we arrive at an era of very infrequent but most impressive conflicts, quite devoid of hatred, between colossal nations, whose very greatness makes them inclined to peace. . . . . . . But this extension cannot go on indefinitely; this flitting mirage cannot forever torment our view, since the globe has limits and we have long since encircled it. What characterizes especially our own epoch and differentiates it widely, in a sense, from the entire past, although the laws of history apply to it no less nor more than to its predecessors, is this: that now, for the first time in history, the international polity of the great states of civilization embraces within its purview, not merely a single continent, or two at most, but the whole globe, so that the last stage of the evolution of war is at length discovering itself, in a vista so dazzling that we can scarcely believe our eyes; the end of this vista is certainly difficult to attain, but it is a real end, and no deception this time, and it can no longer move away as we approach it. . . . . . . There are other forms of strife besides war, notably competition. But what has just been said applies also to competition, which is a social opposition of the economic instead of the political type. Like war, competition proceeds from the small to the great, and from very numerous instances of the very small to very infrequent instances of the very great. . . . It begins with countless rivalries among petty merchants who contend over miniature markets, originally side by side, yet almost without communication. But as the latter, breaking down their barriers, pass over into greater but less numerous markets, the petty rival shops also consolidate, either voluntarily or perforce, into greater but less numerous factories, in which the work of production, hitherto a prey to its own jealous opposition, is now harmoniously coordinated; and the rivalry of these factories reproduces, on a larger scale, the former rivalry of the shops, until, with the gradual expansion of the markets, which tend to become a single market, we arrive at a stage where there remain merely a few giants of industry and commerce, which are still rivals, unless, indeed, they also have come to some understanding. . . . . . . Competition, then, tends either to monopoly (at least a partial and relative one) or to the association of competitors, just as war leads to a crushing of the vanquished, or to the conclusion of a fair treaty with him—in either case, to at least a partial and relative pacification. . . . A third great form of social strife is discussion. This is doubtless implied in the preceding; but, if war and competition are discussions, one is a discussion in deeds of blood, the other a discussion in
deeds of ruin. Let us say a word now with regard to verbal discussion, pure and simple. This, too, when it develops—for there are any number of little private discussions which, fortunately, do not develop, but die on the spot—develops in the way just described, though here the process is far less obvious. It is only after the mental discussion between contradictory ideas within the same mind has ended (this should not be forgotten), that any verbal discussion is possible between two men who have solved the question differently. Similarly, if verbal, written, or printed discussions between groups of men, and groups that are ever widening, takes the place of verbal discussion between two men, it is because the more limited discussion has been brought to an end by some relative and temporary agreement, or some sort of unanimity. These groups are first split up into an endless multitude of little coteries, clans, churches, forums, and schools, which combat one another; but at length, after many polemics, they are welded into a very small number of great parties, religions, parliamentary groups, schools of philosophy, and schools of art, which engage one another in mortal combat. . . . To sum up. The strife of opposition in human society, in its three principal forms—war, competition, and discussion—proves obedient to one and the same law of development, through ever widening areas of temporary pacification, alternating with renewals of discord more centrally organized and on a larger scale, and leading up to a final, at least partial, agreement. It would appear from this—and we have many other reasons for the conclusion—that the strife of opposition fulfils the role of a middle term in the social, as it does in the organic and inorganic, worlds, and that it is destined gradually to fade away, exhaust itself, and disappear, as a result of its own growth, which is merely a progress toward its own destruction. . . .
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The University of Chicago Press, Ch
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THE HERITAGE OF SOCIOLOGY a Series
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Preface Some of the neglect of Tard
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Tarde’s own father (1797-1850) se
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death of the philosopher Nourrisson
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apotheosis of the tradition of Spon
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assumption that society consisted o
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III. The Structure of Tarde’s Tho
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aspects of invention and, at some p
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likely it is to be imitated. 41 A n
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society. This same basic principle,
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of domination by a single all power
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V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
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Letters have just about the same fo
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attainment of great wealth, demonst
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ailroad, the modern public could on
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and held that with increased commun
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not a hope or a desire, which was n
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psychological approaches, associate
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I. The Nature and Scope of Sociolog
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y the theologians and the authorita
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certain fruitfulness? I believe it
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—when this aberration triumphs, i
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thank you.
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16 THE PUBLIC AND THE CROWD *1 1901
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past; after the family it is the ol
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simple epiphenomenon, in itself ine
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of more than these two categories.
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sorrow, with conviction or with pas
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Opinion 17 OPINION AND CONVERSATION
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press of our own time, and at all t
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privileged groups, a court, a parli
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efore this aesthetic flower of civi
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. . . The greatest force governing
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deep, entirely psychological and co
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XXXI (1891): 123, 289. “L’art e
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Notes Introduction 1 On Tarde’s l
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64 Part IV, 11, below. 65 On early
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127 Daniel Essertier, Psychologie e
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“You would not assert that Promet
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*3 Organizations of workers in Fran
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eligious, scientific, economic, and