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this question can perhaps be resolved in the negative (I do not in the least affirm that such is the case) without our having to deduce that social science is impossible. It could as well be said that astronomy and mechanics would no longer be possible because it had been shown that La Place’s theory of nebulas is not generalizable and that the formations of stars observed in different parts of the sky appear to be thrown into divergent paths which cannot be reduced to a single formula. I admit that the spectacle of the starry sky would in no way be spoiled for me by the belief that the firmament is not an immense display of despairing monotony. For the same reason I should not be displeased, in reading history, to see in it the unexpected perpetually springing forth from the complication of regular causalities, liberty born from order, fantasy from rhythm, embroidery from the canvas. It was therefore an error to think that in order to establish the new science it was necessary to trace all human histories to their point of departure, not omitting a single phase, and that if a single link on this chain were skipped, everything would be lost. From this idea came the exaggerated importance sometimes accorded the stories of travelers or the excavations of archaeologists, which do merit the sociologist’s attention but never to the point of letting him think the future of the science depends on their results. Without agreeing with John Stuart Mill that, as a precondition for becoming a sociologist, it suffices to be a psychologist and a logician, we may say that the first thing to accomplish is a very careful analysis of one’s own particular social state in order to discover hypotheses which, later verified or rectified by sufficiently extensive comparisons with foreign societies, will finally appear as the elementary principles of sociology. Only the economists, I repeat, were aware of this methodical necessity. Their great merit has been to seek laws of causation applicable to their area—the law of least effort, for example, of supply and demand, or the theory of rent—and through them to create an abstract political economy, superior and necessarily anterior to concrete political economies. Auguste Comte was correct in noting that in every order of things there exist two types of science, one abstract and the other concrete—as for example an abstract astronomy which governs all possible stars and a concrete astronomy which applies the abstract laws to real stars. He added that the same distinction is applicable to sociology, but in this all he did was generalize what the economists had already put into practice in their own area. Their example was followed in varying degrees, and the religious, linguistic, juridical aspects of society, its moral, political, and aesthetic aspects, were studied in turn according to the comparative method by scholars who, from their multiple comparisons, succeeded in extracting many comments of very general importance, some of which certainly merit the title of laws. It is the condensation, the reciprocal interpenetration of all these partial sciences that we may call abstract sociology. It would have been for Comte to lay its foundations, but belying his remark that abstract science is anterior to its corresponding concrete science, his own works, so teeming with penetrating insights, sketch out a concrete sociology. Now, what would be the theory about the moon or Mars if Newton’s law of attraction were still unknown? And how can there be a theory of Roman history or Arabian civilization without a key of universal sociological explanation? Montesquieu wrote a masterpiece of sociological anticipation in his Grandeur et décadence des Romains, but to tell the truth it is a barrage of penetrating insights without connection, a brilliant and multicolored barrage that he threw into the eyes of the spellbound reader. It is necessary, therefore, to condense and synthesize the partial enlightenment derived from comparative grammar, comparative mythology, political economy, and the other social sciences; for each on its own set forth or stuttered out some laws, which, it must be admitted, were usually imperfect and must all be recast by the very reason of this synthesis. But the first condition of a good synthesis is a good analysis. Analyzing these laws, we shall see first of all and without difficulty that

their common trait is a bearing on general facts, on similar facts which repeat themselves or are considered capable of indefinite repetition. In this they resemble all natural laws and differ from historical narratives, which, whether the individual biography of a man or the collective biography of a nation, group, or series of nations, always depend on what is singular, sui generis, and unique. In vain is the subject of these histories composed of general facts; it is in the singularity of its combination, never to be seen again, that history thinks of its subject. Quite to the contrary, when something singular appears in the social sciences as well as in the natural sciences, it is considered to result from the encounter of general facts, for example, similarities and repetitions. The verbal roots, the inflexions, the grammatical forms, and the combination of these elements, which preoccupy the linguists, are things that have been repeated millions of times by millions of mouths with an exactness that is truly marvelous if we compare the perennial state of language with the rapid flight, the continual changing of the generations that have spoken it; it is their very transience that has maintained its permanence, their diversity that has sustained its identity. The myths, the rites, the dogmas with which the science of religion is concerned are no less abundantly, no less regularly repeated and transmitted across the ages and races. Jurisprudence deals with legal relationships which are reproduced every day and which remain the same for centuries. It has been said that no two trials are exactly alike; this is true but only in the way that no two families resemble each other, and it in no way prevents the questions of law raised by a case or the legal relationships implied by it, when taken one by one and separately, from being identical to the same type of questions or relationships raised and implied in a host of other cases. Political economy deals with production and consumption, that is, with acts that are continually repeated, often with time-honored fidelity. The subject of aesthetics is the artist’s and the writer’s creative use of rhythms and procedures, of artistic formulas, of strokes of the violin, or brush strokes—all of which have been repeated identically for centuries. Considered from this point of view, in this minute but essential detail, societies, no less than the biological world or even the physical world, present precise repetitions, regular and identical series of acts and facts. Consequently, for the same reason as with these last two aspects of reality, societies lend themselves to numbering and measurement, and these enable general considerations to attain the level of scientific laws. And let us point out that the advantage thus obtained of being able to treat social as well as natural phenomena scientifically is not purchased at the cost of any confusion between these two orders of facts, which continue to be divided by a very clear line of demarcation, nor by the sacrifice of human personality to the exigencies of a completely naturalist conception of societies. Seeing things from this angle we can leave aside the vexing question of free choice, since, determinist or not, one cannot deny social man’s necessary conformity in each one of the elementary acts of his behavior, no matter how original may be the combination of these acts. Nor can one deny that at every moment he imitates his peers, contemporary or past, and one is forced to accept the regular series, the regular radiation of successive examples which flow from this situation. Until now —and not without reason—sociology has clashed with moral conscience, which repulsed the despotism of its formulas and felt suffocated in the progression of uniformly linked and rigid phases through which most sociologists have condemned human evolution to pass. But it is because these philosophers did not perceive the elementary order, the basic repetitiveness of social facts, a repetition considered essentially imitative, that they felt obliged to construct a complex and arbitrary order, a supposed constraint on large, collective, vague, and confused phenomena to repeat themselves identically according to a supremely regulated order but with no knowledge of why or by whom. They had to imagine this, since it is not possible to create a science or formulate laws without

their common trait is a bearing on general facts, on similar facts which repeat themselves or are<br />

considered capable of indefinite repetition. In this they resemble all natural laws and differ from<br />

historical narratives, which, whether the individual biography of a man or the collective biography of<br />

a nation, group, or series of nations, always depend on what is singular, sui generis, and unique. In<br />

vain is the subject of these histories composed of general facts; it is in the singularity of its<br />

combination, never to be seen again, that history thinks of its subject. Quite to the contrary, when<br />

something singular appears in the social sciences as well as in the natural sciences, it is considered to<br />

result from the encounter of general facts, for example, similarities and repetitions.<br />

The verbal roots, the inflexions, the grammatical forms, and the combination of these elements,<br />

which preoccupy the linguists, are things that have been repeated millions of times by millions of<br />

mouths with an exactness that is truly marvelous if we compare the perennial state of language with<br />

the rapid flight, the continual changing of the generations that have spoken it; it is their very transience<br />

that has maintained its permanence, their diversity that has sustained its identity. The myths, the rites,<br />

the dogmas with which the science of religion is concerned are no less abundantly, no less regularly<br />

repeated and transmitted across the ages and races. Jurisprudence deals with legal relationships<br />

which are reproduced every day and which remain the same for centuries. It has been said that no two<br />

trials are exactly alike; this is true but only in the way that no two families resemble each other, and it<br />

in no way prevents the questions of law raised by a case or the legal relationships implied by it, when<br />

taken one by one and separately, from being identical to the same type of questions or relationships<br />

raised and implied in a host of other cases. Political economy deals with production and<br />

consumption, that is, with acts that are continually repeated, often with time-honored fidelity. The<br />

subject of aesthetics is the artist’s and the writer’s creative use of rhythms and procedures, of artistic<br />

formulas, of strokes of the violin, or brush strokes—all of which have been repeated identically for<br />

centuries.<br />

Considered from this point of view, in this minute but essential detail, societies, no less than the<br />

biological world or even the physical world, present precise repetitions, regular and identical series<br />

of acts and facts. Consequently, for the same reason as with these last two aspects of reality, societies<br />

lend themselves to numbering and measurement, and these enable general considerations to attain the<br />

level of scientific laws. And let us point out that the advantage thus obtained of being able to treat<br />

social as well as natural phenomena scientifically is not purchased at the cost of any confusion<br />

between these two orders of facts, which continue to be divided by a very clear line of demarcation,<br />

nor by the sacrifice of human personality to the exigencies of a completely naturalist conception of<br />

societies. Seeing things from this angle we can leave aside the vexing question of free choice, since,<br />

determinist or not, one cannot deny social man’s necessary conformity in each one of the elementary<br />

acts of his behavior, no matter how original may be the combination of these acts. Nor can one deny<br />

that at every moment he imitates his peers, contemporary or past, and one is forced to accept the<br />

regular series, the regular radiation of successive examples which flow from this situation. Until now<br />

—and not without reason—sociology has clashed with moral conscience, which repulsed the<br />

despotism of its formulas and felt suffocated in the progression of uniformly linked and rigid phases<br />

through which most sociologists have condemned human evolution to pass. But it is because these<br />

philosophers did not perceive the elementary order, the basic repetitiveness of social facts, a<br />

repetition considered essentially imitative, that they felt obliged to construct a complex and arbitrary<br />

order, a supposed constraint on large, collective, vague, and confused phenomena to repeat<br />

themselves identically according to a supremely regulated order but with no knowledge of why or by<br />

whom. They had to imagine this, since it is not possible to create a science or formulate laws without

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