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psychological approaches, associated, respectively, with the competing volumes by Ross and McDougal, is well known. 137 In the 1920’s, the simple version of the instinct theory was largely dismissed, but imitation was also criticized as at once too simple and too general. 138 C. H. Cooley and G. H. Mead started with the same proposition that Tarde had used in so many different ways— social interaction leads to the formation of common norms—but they went beyond Tarde to examine in more detail the processes by which interaction leads in turn to changes in personality. 139 Most subsequent social psychologists have moved in the same direction, fusing the general idea of imitation with various conceptions of personality to generate theories of socialization and learning. 140 Anthropologists were likewise indebted to Tarde’s work on imitation when they formulated various models of cultural diffusion. The Laws of Imitation was recognized as one of the most outstanding works in the area, and it “profoundly impressed” the first dean of American anthropologists, Franz Boas, “and, through him, dozens of anthropologists in the United States.” 141 The spread of cultural elements through different societies could be interpreted with the principles developed by Tarde; Boas drew on them to help explain such phenomena as the patterns of growth of secret societies on the coast of British Columbia. 142 Paradoxically, however, Tarde could provide stimulation both for partisans of cultural diffusion and those of independent invention in the debate that so divided anthropologists between the wars, since he had formulated basic principles about both phenomena. 143 Tarde was equally stimulating for sociologists concerned with diffusion in contemporary societies. As a student under Giddings, Ogburn apparently was influenced by ideas deriving from Tarde, and in his Social Change, 144 as well as many subsequent studies, 145 he went on to refine precisely the sort of analysis of inventions, social trends, and diffusion that Tarde had initiated. Chapin’s well-known study of diffusion of the city manager form of government formulated the idea of an “S-curve” of adoption of innovations, 146 which subsequently became refined by many others. 147 A number of disparate traditions of research on diffusion developed in anthropology, sociology, rural sociology, education, and other substantive areas throughout the first half of the twentieth century, and only quite recently have systematic attempts been made to synthesize the findings emerging from these several areas and to isolate empirically validated principles. 148 Tarde’s writings were used by such contemporaries as A. Lawrence Lowell in treating questions of public opinion and by Scipio Sighele, Gustave Le Bon, and Robert Park 149 in their works on publics and crowds. It was largely through Park that the Chicago sociologists of the interwar years became acquainted with Tarde. Although, as Everett Hughes points out, 150 not one single excerpt from Tarde’s work was republished in “Park and Burgess,” the Bible of interwar year Chicago sociologists, it nevertheless contained more references to Tarde than to Comte, Cooley, Durkheim, Simmel, Thomas, or Weber. 151 Through Park one can find the stamp of Tarde’s ideas on such later writers on publics, collective behavior, and mass communications as Herbert Blumer, Morris Janowitz, Ralph H. Turner and Lewis M. Killian, and Kurt and Gladys Engel Lang. 152 Edward Shils’s writings on center and periphery would have delighted Tarde. 153 One might expect that studies on mass communications and public opinion at Columbia University in the 1940’s and ’50’s, which did so much to stress the role of personal influence, 154 might have drawn on Tarde’s insights, but Lazarsfeld and most of his associates were unfamiliar with Tarde’s work in this area at the time. 155 In part because lawyers, judges, and criminological theorists in France were generally trained not
at the Durkheimian dominated Sorbonne but at the Faculties of Law, it has been they rather than professional sociologists who have kept the legacy of Tarde alive. One of the most influential criminological treatises in France today draws heavily on Tarde’s work, 156 and he continues to be an important source of ideas for basic research on deviance and social control. 157 Studies by Davidovitch and Boudon have combined analysis of the sort of time series that Tarde used so often with mathematical models and computer simulation techniques. 158 Such work as theirs, by adapting and refining Tarde’s basic ideas and methodological precepts in particularly sophisticated fashion, demonstrates the continuing relevance to contemporary sociologists of the work of Gabriel Tarde.
Page 2 and 3: The University of Chicago Press, Ch
Page 4 and 5: THE HERITAGE OF SOCIOLOGY a Series
Page 6 and 7: Preface Some of the neglect of Tard
Page 8 and 9: Tarde’s own father (1797-1850) se
Page 10 and 11: death of the philosopher Nourrisson
Page 12 and 13: apotheosis of the tradition of Spon
Page 14 and 15: assumption that society consisted o
Page 16 and 17: III. The Structure of Tarde’s Tho
Page 18 and 19: aspects of invention and, at some p
Page 20 and 21: likely it is to be imitated. 41 A n
Page 22 and 23: society. This same basic principle,
Page 24 and 25: of domination by a single all power
Page 26 and 27: V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
Page 28 and 29: Letters have just about the same fo
Page 30 and 31: attainment of great wealth, demonst
Page 32 and 33: ailroad, the modern public could on
Page 34 and 35: and held that with increased commun
Page 36 and 37: not a hope or a desire, which was n
Page 40 and 41: I. The Nature and Scope of Sociolog
Page 42 and 43: y the theologians and the authorita
Page 44 and 45: certain fruitfulness? I believe it
Page 46 and 47: science. III Now the problem is to
Page 48 and 49: this question can perhaps be resolv
Page 50 and 51: accepting facts which repeat themse
Page 52 and 53: a formula comparable to the type of
Page 54 and 55: significance of this proposition. T
Page 56 and 57: These non-imitative similarities be
Page 58 and 59: were these initiatives imitated, an
Page 60 and 61: values? This is a fairly well found
Page 62 and 63: service to the rank of wealth. Agai
Page 64 and 65: an idol, weaving a garment, cutting
Page 66 and 67: By joining our point of view, howev
Page 68 and 69: have intimate knowledge of its elem
Page 70 and 71: After this admittedly incomplete in
Page 72 and 73: We should note that matriarchy is e
Page 74 and 75: of the tribes, then of the cities o
Page 76 and 77: Lecture by Mr. Durkheim 4 A DEBATE
Page 78 and 79: The third session, presided over by
Page 80 and 81: 5 BASIC PRINCIPLES *1 1902 Let us b
Page 82 and 83: epetition is their common tendency,
Page 84 and 85: I 6 INVENTION *1 1902 However dange
Page 86 and 87: shown by World Fairs, where the ind
Page 88 and 89:
and churchmen often did likewise. I
Page 90 and 91:
Imagine the effect produced by that
Page 92 and 93:
7 OPPOSITION *1 1898 Let us, first
Page 94 and 95:
he has in his thoughts, at the same
Page 96 and 97:
Fortunately, the truth is not so sa
Page 98 and 99:
III. The Laws of Imitation
Page 100 and 101:
comes to him and then another until
Page 102 and 103:
and one of which is crowded back by
Page 104 and 105:
9 EXTRA-LOGICAL LAWS OF IMITATION *
Page 106 and 107:
10 PROCESSES OF IMITATION *1 1890 A
Page 108 and 109:
IV. Personality and Attitude Measur
Page 110 and 111:
aspect of effort is desire, and tha
Page 112 and 113:
like the solidification of liquids,
Page 114 and 115:
evolution which is the inverse of t
Page 116 and 117:
V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
Page 118 and 119:
the charm of theory? If history is
Page 120 and 121:
only a commercial treaty, or a new
Page 122 and 123:
were perfect. It is this ideal, an
Page 124 and 125:
13 QUANTIFICATION AND SOCIAL INDICA
Page 126 and 127:
auditory or motor. In an overexcite
Page 128 and 129:
certain records or by the practical
Page 130 and 131:
consolation, but is it a matter of
Page 132 and 133:
eally a pure accident in the course
Page 134 and 135:
VI. Social Stratification
Page 136 and 137:
Will not a time come when, although
Page 138 and 139:
VII. Social Control and Deviance
Page 140 and 141:
And what crimes are involved! Mr. G
Page 142 and 143:
with our subject? To read certain s
Page 144 and 145:
satisfaction in a select and health
Page 146 and 147:
—when this aberration triumphs, i
Page 148 and 149:
thank you.
Page 150 and 151:
16 THE PUBLIC AND THE CROWD *1 1901
Page 152 and 153:
past; after the family it is the ol
Page 154 and 155:
simple epiphenomenon, in itself ine
Page 156 and 157:
of more than these two categories.
Page 158 and 159:
sorrow, with conviction or with pas
Page 160 and 161:
Opinion 17 OPINION AND CONVERSATION
Page 162 and 163:
press of our own time, and at all t
Page 164 and 165:
privileged groups, a court, a parli
Page 166 and 167:
efore this aesthetic flower of civi
Page 168 and 169:
. . . The greatest force governing
Page 170 and 171:
deep, entirely psychological and co
Page 172 and 173:
XXXI (1891): 123, 289. “L’art e
Page 174 and 175:
Notes Introduction 1 On Tarde’s l
Page 176 and 177:
64 Part IV, 11, below. 65 On early
Page 178 and 179:
127 Daniel Essertier, Psychologie e
Page 180 and 181:
“You would not assert that Promet
Page 182 and 183:
*3 Organizations of workers in Fran
Page 184:
eligious, scientific, economic, and
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