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ailroad, the modern public could only emerge with the nineteenth century. That century might be characterized, Tarde asserts, not the era of the crowd, as Le Bon would have it, but the time of the public. Crowds have existed from time immemorial and are, with the family and the horde, the most ancient of social groups. Publics are incomparably more complex forms of social groupings and generate quite different consequences for their members. An individual can belong to several publics simultaneously, Tarde observes, but only to a single crowd. Because of the restriction of physical proximity, definite limits are fixed on the maximum size a crowd may attain. Publics, on the other hand, are not circumscribed in this manner. From these dual factors of overlapping membership and size—for size implies in turn greater heterogeneity of membership—it follows that publics tend to be more tolerant than crowds. Correspondingly, nations dominated by crowds tend to be more intolerant than those dominated by publics. Tarde went on to elaborate a series of interesting observations about the orientations and styles of publics and crowds which result from various compositional characteristics: sex, age, religion, and so forth. But probably the most important single aspect of a public is the opinion to which it gives rise. “Opinion,” Tarde writes, “is to the modern public what the soul is to the body.” More precisely, it is “a momentary, more or less logical cluster of judgments which, responding to current problems, is reproduced many times over in people of the same country, at the same time, in the same society.” 105 In order that this “cluster of judgments” may become true public opinion, however, the members of the public must develop a consciousness of sharing certain fundamental beliefs. As mass communications both diffuse beliefs throughout a public and generate a consciousness among its members that these beliefs are shared, they deserve, Tarde asserts, careful attention. Tarde was one of the most perceptive commentators in the practically untouched field of mass communications and their effects, and precisely because of the wide sweep of his remarks in this area they assume additional interest for contemporary students who are once again seeking to understand media in their broadest context. IX. Mass Communication, Social Interaction, and Personal Influence Examining the impact of technological developments on social relations, Tarde discusses the role of the telegraph, the telephone, mass-produced books, and even printed invitations and announcements; but to him the most important single medium was unquestionably the modern mass-circulation newspaper. Still, the modern newspaper depends on rapid means of communication (the telegraph and telephone) as well as rapid means of transportation (the railroad) in order to receive news and to speed distribution of newspapers over a large territory. The newspaper depends, then, on a complex of technological innovations which are present only in a relatively highly industrialized society; it is difficult if not impossible to isolate completely the impact of the newspaper from that of innumerable developments associated with industrialization. A case in point is the shift in the locus of social control. Prior to industrialization and the associated development of communication media, integration and social control were functions that accrued to traditional, fixed social units: the village, the occupational group, the family. In feudal states such as medieval England or France, each city, each village had its internal dissensions, its own politics and currents of ideas. . . . There was no general “opinion” but thousands of separate opinions with no continuing ties between them. This tie was only provided by the book, first of all, and later, with far greater efficacity, by the newspaper. The daily or periodic press permitted these primary groups of highly similar individuals to form secondary and higher aggregations whose members were

closely associated without ever seeing or knowing one another. 106 Tarde views the creation of intermediate-level organizations and extended patterns of loyalties as a doubly liberating phenomenon; like Simmel, he shows that corresponding to an increase in the size of a group is a decrease in the integration of individual members, hence an increase in personal freedom. 107 Moreover, as the number of groups with overlapping memberships increases, the extended and conflicting loyalties of members enable groups to shift ideological perspectives, form coalitions, and even make international alliances with greater flexibility. As mentioned in the discussion on opposition, Tarde analyzed the processes through which conflict originating in the mind of a single person can precipitate social conflict among families, communities, regional groups, and even national societies, possibly terminating in international conflagration. A functional prerequisite for the eruption of violent conflict beyond the intercommunity level, however, is an effective communication system. For although international wars may have existed practically as long as nations themselves, in preindustrial societies wars were actually quite narrowly limited; officially, entire nation-states declared war on one another, but the widely-observed rules of chivalry effectively restricted the actual hostilities. In order for international conflict to grow to the extent of arousing the passions of entire populations and mobilizing national economies, it was imperative to establish communication and transportation networks connecting all sectors of a nation. But although the social transformations associated with the newspaper increase the potential threat of large-scale conflicts, other modifications, to Tarde, tip the balance toward peace: in the long run, he felt, the outstanding contribution of the newspaper would be its civilizing and rationalizing influences. 108 If we conceive of the set of changes just discussed primarily as modifications on a social structural level, we may view a second set of developments as predominantly cultural. Tarde envisaged a constant interweaving of influences between these two levels: technological developments make newspapers possible, newspapers promote the formation of broader publics, and they, by broadening the loyalties of their members, create an extensive network of overlapping and shifting groupings. These groupings facilitate the formation of broader ideological perspectives; rationality, tolerance, international peace, and understanding are the eventual results. Thus, mass media can work for good and for ill, the former perhaps neutralizing or minimizing the latter. But Tarde was sorrowfully imprecise in these matters. Neither rationality nor civilization are given any more precise meanings than those of general conversational usage. And just how influential a role newspapers actually play in the overall process varies from one presentation to the next. In some places, newspapers are treated as a primordial factor effecting the transformation of societies into aggregates of increasingly broad and overlapping publics. And, occasionally, civilization and rationality (the cultural changes) flow almost automatically from the subsequent reorganization of social groupings (the social structural changes). 109 Thus, although the tendency of his analysis is in the same general direction as that, for example, of Tönnies, Simmel, Weber, or Durkheim in pointing out the fundamental movement in industrializing societies from smaller, more intimate, and highly integrated social groupings toward broader, more distant, and more complex networks of relationships, Tarde differs from the German writers, and to some degree from Durkheim as well, in several respects. He is, for one, less systematic than they in analyzing the dynamics of the overall process. He also does not share their pessimistic view—a partial carry-over from German romanticism—that with further industrialization men will become cold, calculating, and “dehumanized.” Quite on the contrary, Tarde enthusiastically greeted the developments he observed,

closely associated without ever seeing or knowing one another. 106<br />

Tarde views the creation of intermediate-level organizations and extended patterns of loyalties as a<br />

doubly liberating phenomenon; like Simmel, he shows that corresponding to an increase in the size of<br />

a group is a decrease in the integration of individual members, hence an increase in personal<br />

freedom. 107 Moreover, as the number of groups with overlapping memberships increases, the<br />

extended and conflicting loyalties of members enable groups to shift ideological perspectives, form<br />

coalitions, and even make international alliances with greater flexibility.<br />

As mentioned in the discussion on opposition, Tarde analyzed the processes through which conflict<br />

originating in the mind of a single person can precipitate social conflict among families, communities,<br />

regional groups, and even national societies, possibly terminating in international conflagration. A<br />

functional prerequisite for the eruption of violent conflict beyond the intercommunity level, however,<br />

is an effective communication system. For although international wars may have existed practically as<br />

long as nations themselves, in preindustrial societies wars were actually quite narrowly limited;<br />

officially, entire nation-states declared war on one another, but the widely-observed rules of chivalry<br />

effectively restricted the actual hostilities. In order for international conflict to grow to the extent of<br />

arousing the passions of entire populations and mobilizing national economies, it was imperative to<br />

establish communication and transportation networks connecting all sectors of a nation.<br />

But although the social transformations associated with the newspaper increase the potential threat<br />

of large-scale conflicts, other modifications, to Tarde, tip the balance toward peace: in the long run,<br />

he felt, the outstanding contribution of the newspaper would be its civilizing and rationalizing<br />

influences. 108<br />

If we conceive of the set of changes just discussed primarily as modifications on a social structural<br />

level, we may view a second set of developments as predominantly cultural. Tarde envisaged a<br />

constant interweaving of influences between these two levels: technological developments make<br />

newspapers possible, newspapers promote the formation of broader publics, and they, by broadening<br />

the loyalties of their members, create an extensive network of overlapping and shifting groupings.<br />

These groupings facilitate the formation of broader ideological perspectives; rationality, tolerance,<br />

international peace, and understanding are the eventual results.<br />

Thus, mass media can work for good and for ill, the former perhaps neutralizing or minimizing the<br />

latter. But Tarde was sorrowfully imprecise in these matters. Neither rationality nor civilization are<br />

given any more precise meanings than those of general conversational usage. And just how influential<br />

a role newspapers actually play in the overall process varies from one presentation to the next.<br />

In some places, newspapers are treated as a primordial factor effecting the transformation of<br />

societies into aggregates of increasingly broad and overlapping publics. And, occasionally,<br />

civilization and rationality (the cultural changes) flow almost automatically from the subsequent<br />

reorganization of social groupings (the social structural changes). 109 Thus, although the tendency of<br />

his analysis is in the same general direction as that, for example, of Tönnies, Simmel, Weber, or<br />

Durkheim in pointing out the fundamental movement in industrializing societies from smaller, more<br />

intimate, and highly integrated social groupings toward broader, more distant, and more complex<br />

networks of relationships, Tarde differs from the German writers, and to some degree from Durkheim<br />

as well, in several respects. He is, for one, less systematic than they in analyzing the dynamics of the<br />

overall process. He also does not share their pessimistic view—a partial carry-over from German<br />

romanticism—that with further industrialization men will become cold, calculating, and<br />

“dehumanized.” Quite on the contrary, Tarde enthusiastically greeted the developments he observed,

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