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society. This same basic principle, which might be tagged the “pump priming effect,” has been reported as operating for the institutionalization of innovations inside university systems, 49 for the recognition of ideas by scientists, 50 and for the acceptance of new drugs by practicing physicians. 51 Seeking to capture long-term trends in imitative patterns, Tarde suggested a movement away from unilateral toward reciprocal imitation. As societies develop, he suggested they move from relationships based on authoritarian submission, where superior unilaterally dominates inferior, to more egalitarian relationships, where reciprocal exchange and imitation take place among all parties. Working relationships based on domination by the superior give way to mutually agreed upon labor contracts; social patterns of extreme deference yield to egalitarian discussion; choice by parents cedes to voluntary selection as a basis for marriage; and so on in other institutional realms. The explanation proffered by Tarde for this fundamental “transformation” was, once again, familiar: imitation. Inferiors, continually exposed to ideas from their superiors, seek in turn to be imitated by others. Continued social interaction erodes the hierarchical differences between actors. An extension of this unilinear to reciprocal imitation principle to the direction followed by history predicted a trend away “from the reversible to the irreversible.” This formula encompassed changes only with respect to hierarchical relationships, however. Tarde referred here to a tendency away from a highly stratified pattern of social relationships toward an eventual state of general equality. And, once equality prevails, it will be impossible to return to the earlier hierarchical state. Tarde’s explanation behind this principle is that although imitation is continuous, invention becomes ever more rare. And as the rate of invention declines, and the rate of imitation remains constant, imitators progressively resemble their models. But postulating in abstracto that imitation generates equality leaves too much too vague: what particular forms of imitation, with what frequency, under what conditions, with what specific effects, remain unanswered questions. Why such a transformation as that from unilateral to reciprocal imitation should take place more rapidly in some periods than others, and why invention should decline, and when—these are precisely the sorts of questions that need to be raised. In a period when grandiose historical speculation still was held by some as synonymous with sociology, Tarde’s philosophy of history was not seen as incongruous with the rest of his work. We, today, must judge it as one of the weaker parts of his contribution. Opposition.—With the publication of l’Opposition universelle in 1897, Tarde explicitly added to the concepts of invention and imitation that of opposition as the third basic element of his system. In his earlier writings, opposition had, somewhat implicitly, played a role similar to that which he formulated in l’Opposition universelle, but the full development awaited this work. His characteristic penchant for physical and biological analogy suggested to Tarde that the opposition of social forces generated results similar in some cases to the outcome described by a vector of forces in mechanics. But in other cases such an analogy was literally and inevitably too “mechanical.” Following Darwin, Tarde suggested that social conflict resulted in more successful adaptation and consequently progress and human advancement. He further emphasized, however, that besides destroying inferior elements, conflict also generated more successful adaptations to changing social conditions. Focusing on the intellectual aspects of opposition, he posited that social conflict arises out of the clash of antagonistic ideas held by various social carriers, a clash which occurs when these carriers meet. Reverting to the analogy of physical waves, Tarde suggested that if two waves (or ideas in the form of imitations) which clashed were exactly equal in force, they would necessarily annihilate one another. If one were much larger than the other, the smaller would be engulfed with minimal impact on the larger. But if the differences fell somewhere between these two
extremes, the result would be a new invention, an “adaptat.” 52 And Tarde’s principal interest in opposition lay precisely in such creation of further inventions. How creation arose from the conjunction of opposing impulses was something that Tarde never satisfactorily explained, however; he asserted, simply, that it did in fact occur. Starting from the somewhat unique definition of opposition not as the maximum difference between two entities but as a special sort of repetition—that of “two similar things that are mutually destructive by virtue of their very similarity”—Tarde introduced a threefold typology of oppositions. First are oppositions of “series,” where opposition is qualitative and irreversible, leading to a series of discrete stages such as those of a chemical transformation. Contrary to the first, the second opposition is quantitative and reversible; these are the oppositions of “degree,” under which are subsumed the opposition of such forces as those which generate the fluctuations recorded by stock markets or crime statistics. Third are the oppositions of “sign,” the diametrical opposites to which positive or negative signs may be attached, such as positive or negative attitudes toward a particular matter. Too much of l’Opposition universelle was devoted simply to enumerating countless examples of these varying types of oppositions in the physical, biological, psychic, and social worlds. There are, however, a number of interesting observations interspersed between cases exemplifying the typology, although they are not always directly relevant to opposition or conflict. (One of our two selections on “Methodology, Methods, and Quantification” is taken from l’Opposition universelle.) Dealing with the consequences of centralized versus decentralized conflict is one particularly penetrating discussion which grew out of Tarde’s concern with the interrelations between individual and social phenomena. When conflict within an individual is greatest, and he is barely able to reconcile the powerful internal oppositions, social conflict is minimal as individuals remain too divided to commit themselves to action. 53 As oppositions become externalized, psychic strains are considerably reduced, but the level of social conflict is correspondingly increased. Thus, the greater the social conflict, the lesser the psychic strain, and vice versa. “Integrating” the individual psyche pushes conflict into surrounding social groups; integrating smaller social groups pushes conflict out to larger groups; integrating all social groups in a society may imply national unity, but also probable international conflict. Thus, Which is preferable, individual tranquility or social peace? Tarde asks, intimating that the two are largely incompatible. But, he observes, the question may pose a false dilemma. His optimism led him to seek a solution which would permit peace, both individual and social. And once he had found what seemed to be a solution, he suggested that the drift of history was in its direction—at least this is the impression one retains from his work. His deus ex machina was that if one more step is taken beyond international conflicts, and an attempt is made to integrate nation states into blocs, inside each bloc relations will be relatively pacific, even if conflict among blocs is increased. But the final and decisive stage is reached when a genuine coalition among all nations of the world is achieved, for then both internal and external sources of conflict will be eliminated. One cannot but recall Marx’s discussion of the increasing unity of the proletariat, which, by expanding the basis of class struggle, finally terminates it in an apocalyptic revolution and initiates a new era of peace and freedom. But if one overlooks the extrapolations, one finds in Tarde’s analysis the central insights of certain recent discussions on the expansion of conflict. 54 Less precise than more recent conflict theorists, Tarde merits our attention for the breadth of his vision, if not for the depth of his analysis. Tarde also contended that the same pattern of expanding scope of opposition may be discerned in the field of economic competition, where competition between individuals is replaced by competition between small merchants, then cartels. But the ultimate result is not necessarily monopoly in the sense
- Page 2 and 3: The University of Chicago Press, Ch
- Page 4 and 5: THE HERITAGE OF SOCIOLOGY a Series
- Page 6 and 7: Preface Some of the neglect of Tard
- Page 8 and 9: Tarde’s own father (1797-1850) se
- Page 10 and 11: death of the philosopher Nourrisson
- Page 12 and 13: apotheosis of the tradition of Spon
- Page 14 and 15: assumption that society consisted o
- Page 16 and 17: III. The Structure of Tarde’s Tho
- Page 18 and 19: aspects of invention and, at some p
- Page 20 and 21: likely it is to be imitated. 41 A n
- Page 24 and 25: of domination by a single all power
- Page 26 and 27: V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
- Page 28 and 29: Letters have just about the same fo
- Page 30 and 31: attainment of great wealth, demonst
- Page 32 and 33: ailroad, the modern public could on
- Page 34 and 35: and held that with increased commun
- Page 36 and 37: not a hope or a desire, which was n
- Page 38 and 39: psychological approaches, associate
- Page 40 and 41: I. The Nature and Scope of Sociolog
- Page 42 and 43: y the theologians and the authorita
- Page 44 and 45: certain fruitfulness? I believe it
- Page 46 and 47: science. III Now the problem is to
- Page 48 and 49: this question can perhaps be resolv
- Page 50 and 51: accepting facts which repeat themse
- Page 52 and 53: a formula comparable to the type of
- Page 54 and 55: significance of this proposition. T
- Page 56 and 57: These non-imitative similarities be
- Page 58 and 59: were these initiatives imitated, an
- Page 60 and 61: values? This is a fairly well found
- Page 62 and 63: service to the rank of wealth. Agai
- Page 64 and 65: an idol, weaving a garment, cutting
- Page 66 and 67: By joining our point of view, howev
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society. This same basic principle, which might be tagged the “pump priming effect,” has been<br />
reported as operating for the institutionalization of innovations inside university systems, 49 for the<br />
recognition of ideas by scientists, 50 and for the acceptance of new drugs by practicing physicians. 51<br />
Seeking to capture long-term trends in imitative patterns, Tarde suggested a movement away from<br />
unilateral toward reciprocal imitation. As societies develop, he suggested they move from<br />
relationships based on authoritarian submission, where superior unilaterally dominates inferior, to<br />
more egalitarian relationships, where reciprocal exchange and imitation take place among all parties.<br />
Working relationships based on domination by the superior give way to mutually agreed upon labor<br />
contracts; social patterns of extreme deference yield to egalitarian discussion; choice by parents<br />
cedes to voluntary selection as a basis for marriage; and so on in other institutional realms. The<br />
explanation proffered by Tarde for this fundamental “transformation” was, once again, familiar:<br />
imitation. Inferiors, continually exposed to ideas from their superiors, seek in turn to be imitated by<br />
others. Continued social interaction erodes the hierarchical differences between actors.<br />
An extension of this unilinear to reciprocal imitation principle to the direction followed by history<br />
predicted a trend away “from the reversible to the irreversible.” This formula encompassed changes<br />
only with respect to hierarchical relationships, however. Tarde referred here to a tendency away from<br />
a highly stratified pattern of social relationships toward an eventual state of general equality. And,<br />
once equality prevails, it will be impossible to return to the earlier hierarchical state. Tarde’s<br />
explanation behind this principle is that although imitation is continuous, invention becomes ever<br />
more rare. And as the rate of invention declines, and the rate of imitation remains constant, imitators<br />
progressively resemble their models.<br />
But postulating in abstracto that imitation generates equality leaves too much too vague: what<br />
particular forms of imitation, with what frequency, under what conditions, with what specific effects,<br />
remain unanswered questions. Why such a transformation as that from unilateral to reciprocal<br />
imitation should take place more rapidly in some periods than others, and why invention should<br />
decline, and when—these are precisely the sorts of questions that need to be raised. In a period when<br />
grandiose historical speculation still was held by some as synonymous with sociology, Tarde’s<br />
philosophy of history was not seen as incongruous with the rest of his work. We, today, must judge it<br />
as one of the weaker parts of his contribution.<br />
Opposition.—With the publication of l’Opposition universelle in 1897, Tarde explicitly added to<br />
the concepts of invention and imitation that of opposition as the third basic element of his system. In<br />
his earlier writings, opposition had, somewhat implicitly, played a role similar to that which he<br />
formulated in l’Opposition universelle, but the full development awaited this work.<br />
His characteristic penchant for physical and biological analogy suggested to Tarde that the<br />
opposition of social forces generated results similar in some cases to the outcome described by a<br />
vector of forces in mechanics. But in other cases such an analogy was literally and inevitably too<br />
“mechanical.” Following Darwin, Tarde suggested that social conflict resulted in more successful<br />
adaptation and consequently progress and human advancement. He further emphasized, however, that<br />
besides destroying inferior elements, conflict also generated more successful adaptations to changing<br />
social conditions. Focusing on the intellectual aspects of opposition, he posited that social conflict<br />
arises out of the clash of antagonistic ideas held by various social carriers, a clash which occurs<br />
when these carriers meet. Reverting to the analogy of physical waves, Tarde suggested that if two<br />
waves (or ideas in the form of imitations) which clashed were exactly equal in force, they would<br />
necessarily annihilate one another. If one were much larger than the other, the smaller would be<br />
engulfed with minimal impact on the larger. But if the differences fell somewhere between these two
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