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deep, entirely psychological and cordial? I am afraid it would be a delusion to think so. Owing to the increasingly urban nature of our civilization and because the number of our friends and acquaintances does not cease to grow while their degree of intimacy decreases, what we have to say or write is addressed less and less to isolated individuals, and more and more to ever larger groups. Our real interlocuter, our real correspondent is, and more so each day, the Public. 9 It is, therefore, not completely surprising that printed announcements, 10 and advertisements in newspapers, increase much more rapidly than private letters. Perhaps we even have the right to think it probable that these latter, the familiar, chatty letters, which must be distinguished from business letters, continue to diminish in number and still more in length, to judge by the extraordinary simplification and abbreviation even of love letters appearing in the “personal correspondence” section of certain newspapers. 11 The utilitarian terseness of telegrams and telephone conversations, which are trespassing on the domains of correspondence, has repercussions on the style of even the most intimate letters. Invaded by the press from one side, by the telegraph and the telephone from the other, preyed upon on both sides at once, if correspondence still lives and even, according to postal statistics, gives illusory signs of prosperity, it can only be because of the increase in business letters. The personal letter, familiar and well developed, was killed by the newspaper. This is understandable, since the newspaper is the superior equivalent of the letter, or rather its extension and amplification, its universal dissemination. The newspaper does not have the same origins as the book. Books come from speeches, from monologues, and especially from poems and songs. The book of poetry preceded the book of prose; the sacred book preceded the profane. The origin of books is lyrical and religious. But the origin of the newspaper is secular and familiar. It comes from the private letter, which itself comes from conversation. Hence newspapers began as private letters addressed to individuals and copied a certain number of times. . . . The newspaper, in short, is a public letter, a public conversation, which is derived from private letters and conversation and is becoming their great regulator and their most abundant nourishment, uniform for everyone in the whole world, changing profoundly for everyone from one day to the next. It began as only a prolonged echo of chats and correspondences and ended up as their almost exclusive source. Correspondence still lives, more than ever, and especially in the most concentrated and modern of its forms, the telegram. A private telegram addressed to the editor-in-chief results in a sensational new story of intense immediacy, which will instantaneously arouse crowds in all the great cities of the continent; from these dispersed crowds, in intimate though distant contact through their consciousness of their simultaneity and their mutual action born of the action of the news story, the newspaper will create an immense, abstract, and sovereign crowd, which it will name opinion. The newspaper has thus finished the age-old work that conversation began, that correspondence extended, but that always remained in a state of a sparse and scattered outline—the fusion of personal opinions into local opinions, and this into national and world opinion, the grandiose unification of the public mind. I say the public mind, not the national or the traditional mind, which remain basically distinct despite the double invasion of this rational, serious internationalism, of which the national mind is often no more than the popular echo and repercussion. This is an enormous power, one that can only increase, because the need to agree with the public of which one is a part, to think and act in agreement with opinion, becomes all the more strong and irresistible as the public becomes more numerous, the opinion more imposing, and the need itself more often satisfied. One should thus not be surprised to see our contemporaries so pliant before the wind of passing opinion, nor should one conclude from this that characters have necessarily weakened. When poplars and oaks are brought down by a storm, it is not because they grew weaker but because the wind grew stronger.
The Bibliography of Gabriel Tarde Gabriel Tarde published some five thousand pages of books and articles. This bibliography contains his major serious works as well as a few more light-hearted contributions. Book reviews are not included. In compiling the bibliography, we have been greatly assisted by the work of Michael M. Davis, Jr., Psychological Interpretations of Society (New York: Columbia University Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, 1909). I. Books La criminalité comparée. Paris, 1886; 2d ed., revised, 1890. Les lois de l’imitation. Paris, 1890; 3d ed., revised and enlarged, 1900. The Laws of Imitation. Translated by Elsie Clews Parsons, with an introduction by Franklin H. Giddings. New York, 1903. La philosophie pénale. Paris, 1890; 2d ed., 1891. Penal Philosophy. Translated by Rapelje Howell, with an editorial preface by Edward Lindsey. Boston, 1912. Etudes pénales et sociales. Paris, 1892. Les transformations du droit. Paris, 1893. La logique sociale. Paris, 1895. Essais et mélanges sociologiques. Paris, 1895. L’opposition universelle. Paris, 1897. Les lois sociales. Esquisse d’une sociologie. Paris, 1898. Social Laws. An Outline of Sociology. Translated by Howard C. Warren, with a preface by James Mark Baldwin. New York, 1899. Etudes de psychologie sociale. Paris, 1898. Les transformations du pouvoir. Paris, 1899. L’opinion et la foule. Paris, 1901. Psychologie économique. 2 vols. Paris, 1902. Fragment d’histoire future. Paris, 1905. Reprinted from the article in the Revue internationale de sociologie, IV: 603. Translated into English by Cloudesley Brereton and published (London, 1905) as Underground Man, with preface by H. G. Wells. This preface, translated, appears in Archives de l’anthropologie criminelle, XXI (1906): 233–40. II. Literary and Historical Works Contes et poèmes. Paris, 1879. “La Roque de Gajac, monographie archéologique.” Bulletin de la Société historique et archéologique de Périgord-Périgueux, 1881. Introduction aux Chroniques de Jean Tarde, aumônier de Henri IV, pour servir à l’histoire de Périgord. Paris, 1888. Les deux Statues. Brochure. Paris, 1892. III. Articles Revue philosophique. X (1880): 150, 264. “La croyance et le désir: possibilité de leur mésure.” XII (1881): 232, 401. “La psychologie en économie politique.” XIV (1882): 270. “Les traits communs de la nature et de l’histoire.” XV (1883): 49. “La statistique criminelle du dernier demi-siècle.” 658. “Quelques criminalistes italiens de la nouvelle école.” XVI (1883): 363, 492. “L’archéologie et la statistique.” XVII (1884): 607. “Darwinisme naturel et Darwinisme social.” XVIII (1884): 173. “Travaux sur le socialisme contemporain.” 489. “Qu’est-ce qu’une société?” XIX (1885): 593. “Le type criminel.” XXI (1886): 1, 122. “Problèmes de criminalité.” XXII (1886): 400. “Avenir de la moralité.” XXIV (1887): 625. “Publications récentes sur la psychologie criminelle.” XXVI (1888): 18, 148. “La dialectique sociale.” 379. “La crise de la morale et la crise du droit pénal.” XXVIII (1889): 113, 292. “Catégories logiques et institutions sociales.” 449. “Le crime et l’épilepsie.” XXIX (1890): 505. “La misère et la criminalité.” XXX (1890): 337. “Le délit politique.”
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The University of Chicago Press, Ch
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THE HERITAGE OF SOCIOLOGY a Series
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Preface Some of the neglect of Tard
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Tarde’s own father (1797-1850) se
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death of the philosopher Nourrisson
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apotheosis of the tradition of Spon
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assumption that society consisted o
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III. The Structure of Tarde’s Tho
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aspects of invention and, at some p
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likely it is to be imitated. 41 A n
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society. This same basic principle,
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of domination by a single all power
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V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
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Letters have just about the same fo
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attainment of great wealth, demonst
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ailroad, the modern public could on
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and held that with increased commun
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not a hope or a desire, which was n
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psychological approaches, associate
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I. The Nature and Scope of Sociolog
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y the theologians and the authorita
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certain fruitfulness? I believe it
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science. III Now the problem is to
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this question can perhaps be resolv
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accepting facts which repeat themse
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a formula comparable to the type of
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significance of this proposition. T
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These non-imitative similarities be
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were these initiatives imitated, an
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values? This is a fairly well found
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service to the rank of wealth. Agai
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an idol, weaving a garment, cutting
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By joining our point of view, howev
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have intimate knowledge of its elem
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After this admittedly incomplete in
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We should note that matriarchy is e
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of the tribes, then of the cities o
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Lecture by Mr. Durkheim 4 A DEBATE
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The third session, presided over by
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5 BASIC PRINCIPLES *1 1902 Let us b
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epetition is their common tendency,
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I 6 INVENTION *1 1902 However dange
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shown by World Fairs, where the ind
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and churchmen often did likewise. I
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Imagine the effect produced by that
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7 OPPOSITION *1 1898 Let us, first
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he has in his thoughts, at the same
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Fortunately, the truth is not so sa
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III. The Laws of Imitation
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comes to him and then another until
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and one of which is crowded back by
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9 EXTRA-LOGICAL LAWS OF IMITATION *
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10 PROCESSES OF IMITATION *1 1890 A
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IV. Personality and Attitude Measur
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aspect of effort is desire, and tha
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like the solidification of liquids,
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evolution which is the inverse of t
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V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
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the charm of theory? If history is
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Page 160 and 161: Opinion 17 OPINION AND CONVERSATION
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