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espect England was an exception among the European states. Has it not been said that through<br />
perseverance it had managed to reduce youthful criminality by 70 percent in a few years? Well, we<br />
must revise our estimate. The last official report on British criminal statistics in 1894 recounts this<br />
compliment addressed to our neighbors across the Channel and regrets that it is not warranted. The<br />
evidence unfortunately is unimpeachable, and when by chance the English to speak ill of themselves,<br />
we may believe them. A table attached to the report shows that the annual number of minors under 16<br />
condemned to either imprisonment or detention in a reformatory or industrial school or to being<br />
whipped increased from 11,064 (annual average) in 1864–68 to 13,710 in 1894. In particular, the<br />
category of young Englishmen whipped, lamentably enough, shows an increase from 585 to 3,194! 6<br />
The ever more frequent lapse of youth into vice and delinquency and even into crime is thus not<br />
exclusively a French malady at this time; it is also an English malady, a German malady, an Italian<br />
malady, a European malady. . . . It is therefore not possible to cite as the principal cause of this<br />
phenomenon a purely French law, an innovation, in education or elsewhere, restricted to France<br />
alone. From the start it is advisable to note the secondary and subordinate character of legislative and<br />
political considerations to which this sad subject may give rise. Most important, the fundamental<br />
explanation must be sought in the social transformations of our time. To be more precise, we should<br />
note a point of fact: the progress either of criminality or of suicide was at first more rapid among<br />
adults than among minors, or rather it showed up among adults before being disclosed in minors; but<br />
as soon as it struck the latter, it progressed so rapidly that they were soon in the lead. This simple<br />
observation suffices to show us that whatever the germs causing this contagion, they did not come to<br />
the children directly but after they had acted on their older contemporaries, and, above all, on their<br />
parents. In other words, whatever the causes of the transformations of which I am speaking, they acted<br />
first on the fathers before working on the sons; if their efficacy appears greater on the latter, it is very<br />
easy to understand: a new wind shakes young branches much more forcefully than the old limbs<br />
through which it blows.<br />
No one will doubt the truth of this observation if he thinks about making another, namely that the<br />
causes to which the progression of suicide and criminality may be attributed are partly the same as<br />
those that enable us to explain the diminution in births, the population decline. And what are these<br />
causes—intellectual, sentimental, economic, pathological? First of all, there is an increase of general<br />
irreligion through the propagation of doctrines which have destroyed the traditional principles of<br />
morality and the family before replacing them. This purely negative and critical de-Christianization<br />
results in both demoralization and depopulation, as will be seen by a statistical comparison from this<br />
triple point of view among French departments. In the second place, there is an increasing desire for<br />
social advancement, stimulated by the spread of new needs, which were luxuries not long ago and are<br />
now basic necessities. This is a very important factor whose strength was demonstrated by Mr.<br />
Arsène Dumont regarding the birth rate: the number of children is in inverse proportion to the needs<br />
which arise or tend to arise in each family. This factor is no less strong in criminality, explaining as it<br />
does, along with the internal exodus from rural areas to the cities and the detachment from land and<br />
home, the frequency of a demoralizing change of social class. In the third place, not the increase in<br />
misery but the insufficiency, felt more and more strongly, of progress toward wealth in response to the<br />
more rapid increase of covetousness, the multiple desires of which I have just spoken. Only thus can<br />
we understand the parallel progress of criminality, depopulation, and wealth as attested to by our<br />
comparative statistics. And, finally, there is the contagious scourge of alcoholism, the source of<br />
degeneration and disequilibrium, of sterility and perversity, of vital impotence and social harm. . . .<br />
But is it really certain that these considerations are relevant here, that they have something to do