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espect England was an exception among the European states. Has it not been said that through<br />

perseverance it had managed to reduce youthful criminality by 70 percent in a few years? Well, we<br />

must revise our estimate. The last official report on British criminal statistics in 1894 recounts this<br />

compliment addressed to our neighbors across the Channel and regrets that it is not warranted. The<br />

evidence unfortunately is unimpeachable, and when by chance the English to speak ill of themselves,<br />

we may believe them. A table attached to the report shows that the annual number of minors under 16<br />

condemned to either imprisonment or detention in a reformatory or industrial school or to being<br />

whipped increased from 11,064 (annual average) in 1864–68 to 13,710 in 1894. In particular, the<br />

category of young Englishmen whipped, lamentably enough, shows an increase from 585 to 3,194! 6<br />

The ever more frequent lapse of youth into vice and delinquency and even into crime is thus not<br />

exclusively a French malady at this time; it is also an English malady, a German malady, an Italian<br />

malady, a European malady. . . . It is therefore not possible to cite as the principal cause of this<br />

phenomenon a purely French law, an innovation, in education or elsewhere, restricted to France<br />

alone. From the start it is advisable to note the secondary and subordinate character of legislative and<br />

political considerations to which this sad subject may give rise. Most important, the fundamental<br />

explanation must be sought in the social transformations of our time. To be more precise, we should<br />

note a point of fact: the progress either of criminality or of suicide was at first more rapid among<br />

adults than among minors, or rather it showed up among adults before being disclosed in minors; but<br />

as soon as it struck the latter, it progressed so rapidly that they were soon in the lead. This simple<br />

observation suffices to show us that whatever the germs causing this contagion, they did not come to<br />

the children directly but after they had acted on their older contemporaries, and, above all, on their<br />

parents. In other words, whatever the causes of the transformations of which I am speaking, they acted<br />

first on the fathers before working on the sons; if their efficacy appears greater on the latter, it is very<br />

easy to understand: a new wind shakes young branches much more forcefully than the old limbs<br />

through which it blows.<br />

No one will doubt the truth of this observation if he thinks about making another, namely that the<br />

causes to which the progression of suicide and criminality may be attributed are partly the same as<br />

those that enable us to explain the diminution in births, the population decline. And what are these<br />

causes—intellectual, sentimental, economic, pathological? First of all, there is an increase of general<br />

irreligion through the propagation of doctrines which have destroyed the traditional principles of<br />

morality and the family before replacing them. This purely negative and critical de-Christianization<br />

results in both demoralization and depopulation, as will be seen by a statistical comparison from this<br />

triple point of view among French departments. In the second place, there is an increasing desire for<br />

social advancement, stimulated by the spread of new needs, which were luxuries not long ago and are<br />

now basic necessities. This is a very important factor whose strength was demonstrated by Mr.<br />

Arsène Dumont regarding the birth rate: the number of children is in inverse proportion to the needs<br />

which arise or tend to arise in each family. This factor is no less strong in criminality, explaining as it<br />

does, along with the internal exodus from rural areas to the cities and the detachment from land and<br />

home, the frequency of a demoralizing change of social class. In the third place, not the increase in<br />

misery but the insufficiency, felt more and more strongly, of progress toward wealth in response to the<br />

more rapid increase of covetousness, the multiple desires of which I have just spoken. Only thus can<br />

we understand the parallel progress of criminality, depopulation, and wealth as attested to by our<br />

comparative statistics. And, finally, there is the contagious scourge of alcoholism, the source of<br />

degeneration and disequilibrium, of sterility and perversity, of vital impotence and social harm. . . .<br />

But is it really certain that these considerations are relevant here, that they have something to do

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