3658925934
VII. Social Control and Deviance
15 CRIMINAL YOUTH *1 1897 Letter to Mr. Buisson, former general director of primary instruction and professor at the Sorbonne: Dear Sir: Moved by the very remarkable article by Mr. Alfred Fouillée on “Young Criminals, the Schools, and the Press,” which appeared last January in the Revue des Deux Mondes, you honor me by requesting my opinion on this serious subject. The difficulty lies in dealing with it after such a master, whose conclusions on the whole cannot be denied; but the question is so complex that it calls for yet another examination. Let us first of all specify the facts and figures, which here refer to a double increase, especially of criminality and also of suicide among minors. The official report preceding the criminal statistics for 1880 demonstrates that in the fifty years from 1830 to 1880, when adult criminality tripled, criminality among minors ages 16 to 21 quadrupled, at least for boys. In absolute numbers, the increase for boys was from 5,933 to 20,480, and for girls, from 1,046 to 2,839. The report adds, “This fact is saddening, but we are justified in hoping that in view of the combined efforts on all sides to give moral direction to childhood the future will show improvement”—wishful thinking unfortunately. In 1894 the number of accused male minors of the ages indicated rose to 28,701 and that of females to 3,616. The increase is primarily in vagrancy and stealing. So much for misdemeanors (délits). Will someone point out to me that true crimes, “court cases,” decreased in absolute number among minors? Yes, an apparent decrease, which is due to the progress of legal and extralegal correctional measures. But if one looks only at those crimes really worthy of the name and therefore not capable of correction, and especially at murder (assassinat), there is no decrease in the figures. Judge from this, from 1856 to 1860 the annual average of young people 16 to 21 years of age accused of murder was 20; from 1876 to 1880 it rose to 30; and from 1890 to 1894 it had almost doubled, reaching 39. 1 Despite the exceptional and ever-increasing indulgence, legal or extralegal, shown to children under 16, the number of them charged with the same crime increased as well, and in greater proportion. In the first of the three periods compared it was 0.8 per year; in the second, 2.8; in the third, 2.2. The decrease from the second to the third period is certainly a delusion and is to be explained by the doubling of the quasipaternal protection with which our society rightly covers the misdeeds of the young. It should be added that the augmentation would appear more rapid if one counted the crimes that were not tried because of lack of proof, for the proportion of such crimes is continually on the increase. Even without including this hardly negligible element in our calculations, we see that the number of murders with which minors were charged has doubled in less than 40 years, while that with which adults were charged rose only slightly or not at all. In 1856—60 the annual average number of those accused of murder was 234; in 1876–80 it was 239; in 1890–94, 280. Subtracting the fraction relating to youths from 16 to 21 and that of children under 16, we have, for adults in the first five year period, 213 or 214; in the second, 206 or 207; and in the third, 239. Considering the population increase in these 35 years, the proportion of adult murders, I do not say homicides of all types, seems to have diminished rather than increased while that of minors doubled.
- Page 88 and 89: and churchmen often did likewise. I
- Page 90 and 91: Imagine the effect produced by that
- Page 92 and 93: 7 OPPOSITION *1 1898 Let us, first
- Page 94 and 95: he has in his thoughts, at the same
- Page 96 and 97: Fortunately, the truth is not so sa
- Page 98 and 99: III. The Laws of Imitation
- Page 100 and 101: comes to him and then another until
- Page 102 and 103: and one of which is crowded back by
- Page 104 and 105: 9 EXTRA-LOGICAL LAWS OF IMITATION *
- Page 106 and 107: 10 PROCESSES OF IMITATION *1 1890 A
- Page 108 and 109: IV. Personality and Attitude Measur
- Page 110 and 111: aspect of effort is desire, and tha
- Page 112 and 113: like the solidification of liquids,
- Page 114 and 115: evolution which is the inverse of t
- Page 116 and 117: V. Methodology, Methods, and Quanti
- Page 118 and 119: the charm of theory? If history is
- Page 120 and 121: only a commercial treaty, or a new
- Page 122 and 123: were perfect. It is this ideal, an
- Page 124 and 125: 13 QUANTIFICATION AND SOCIAL INDICA
- Page 126 and 127: auditory or motor. In an overexcite
- Page 128 and 129: certain records or by the practical
- Page 130 and 131: consolation, but is it a matter of
- Page 132 and 133: eally a pure accident in the course
- Page 134 and 135: VI. Social Stratification
- Page 136 and 137: Will not a time come when, although
- Page 140 and 141: And what crimes are involved! Mr. G
- Page 142 and 143: with our subject? To read certain s
- Page 144 and 145: satisfaction in a select and health
- Page 146 and 147: —when this aberration triumphs, i
- Page 148 and 149: thank you.
- Page 150 and 151: 16 THE PUBLIC AND THE CROWD *1 1901
- Page 152 and 153: past; after the family it is the ol
- Page 154 and 155: simple epiphenomenon, in itself ine
- Page 156 and 157: of more than these two categories.
- Page 158 and 159: sorrow, with conviction or with pas
- Page 160 and 161: Opinion 17 OPINION AND CONVERSATION
- Page 162 and 163: press of our own time, and at all t
- Page 164 and 165: privileged groups, a court, a parli
- Page 166 and 167: efore this aesthetic flower of civi
- Page 168 and 169: . . . The greatest force governing
- Page 170 and 171: deep, entirely psychological and co
- Page 172 and 173: XXXI (1891): 123, 289. “L’art e
- Page 174 and 175: Notes Introduction 1 On Tarde’s l
- Page 176 and 177: 64 Part IV, 11, below. 65 On early
- Page 178 and 179: 127 Daniel Essertier, Psychologie e
- Page 180 and 181: “You would not assert that Promet
- Page 182 and 183: *3 Organizations of workers in Fran
- Page 184: eligious, scientific, economic, and
15<br />
CRIMINAL YOUTH *1<br />
1897<br />
Letter to Mr. Buisson, former general director of primary instruction and professor at the Sorbonne:<br />
Dear Sir:<br />
Moved by the very remarkable article by Mr. Alfred Fouillée on “Young Criminals, the Schools,<br />
and the Press,” which appeared last January in the Revue des Deux Mondes, you honor me by<br />
requesting my opinion on this serious subject. The difficulty lies in dealing with it after such a master,<br />
whose conclusions on the whole cannot be denied; but the question is so complex that it calls for yet<br />
another examination.<br />
Let us first of all specify the facts and figures, which here refer to a double increase, especially of<br />
criminality and also of suicide among minors.<br />
The official report preceding the criminal statistics for 1880 demonstrates that in the fifty years<br />
from 1830 to 1880, when adult criminality tripled, criminality among minors ages 16 to 21<br />
quadrupled, at least for boys. In absolute numbers, the increase for boys was from 5,933 to 20,480,<br />
and for girls, from 1,046 to 2,839. The report adds, “This fact is saddening, but we are justified in<br />
hoping that in view of the combined efforts on all sides to give moral direction to childhood the future<br />
will show improvement”—wishful thinking unfortunately. In 1894 the number of accused male minors<br />
of the ages indicated rose to 28,701 and that of females to 3,616. The increase is primarily in<br />
vagrancy and stealing. So much for misdemeanors (délits). Will someone point out to me that true<br />
crimes, “court cases,” decreased in absolute number among minors? Yes, an apparent decrease,<br />
which is due to the progress of legal and extralegal correctional measures. But if one looks only at<br />
those crimes really worthy of the name and therefore not capable of correction, and especially at<br />
murder (assassinat), there is no decrease in the figures. Judge from this, from 1856 to 1860 the<br />
annual average of young people 16 to 21 years of age accused of murder was 20; from 1876 to 1880<br />
it rose to 30; and from 1890 to 1894 it had almost doubled, reaching 39. 1 Despite the exceptional and<br />
ever-increasing indulgence, legal or extralegal, shown to children under 16, the number of them<br />
charged with the same crime increased as well, and in greater proportion. In the first of the three<br />
periods compared it was 0.8 per year; in the second, 2.8; in the third, 2.2. The decrease from the<br />
second to the third period is certainly a delusion and is to be explained by the doubling of the quasipaternal<br />
protection with which our society rightly covers the misdeeds of the young. It should be<br />
added that the augmentation would appear more rapid if one counted the crimes that were not tried<br />
because of lack of proof, for the proportion of such crimes is continually on the increase.<br />
Even without including this hardly negligible element in our calculations, we see that the number of<br />
murders with which minors were charged has doubled in less than 40 years, while that with which<br />
adults were charged rose only slightly or not at all. In 1856—60 the annual average number of those<br />
accused of murder was 234; in 1876–80 it was 239; in 1890–94, 280. Subtracting the fraction relating<br />
to youths from 16 to 21 and that of children under 16, we have, for adults in the first five year period,<br />
213 or 214; in the second, 206 or 207; and in the third, 239. Considering the population increase in<br />
these 35 years, the proportion of adult murders, I do not say homicides of all types, seems to have<br />
diminished rather than increased while that of minors doubled.