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14<br />

THE ORIGINS AND FUNCTIONS OF ELITES *1<br />

1899<br />

We have seen that the true, basic sources of power are propagated discoveries or inventions. Now we<br />

must ask if the conditions necessary for the creation of some social institution or its reform, for the<br />

formation or transformation of a language, a religion, a science, a government, a law (un droit), an<br />

industry, an art, a morality, are the same conditions as those required for the propagation of this new<br />

thing? The answer is no. Modern Europe is well suited to the diffusion and rapid propagation of a<br />

language but is incapable of creating one. . . .<br />

Similarly, with the exception of a few scoffing or skeptical nations, our modern world is rather<br />

favorable to the diffusion of an existing religion or at least to its preservation from father to son, but it<br />

is clear that the world has passed the age of religious creation. The imperial civilization of Rome<br />

was an excellent soil for the propagation of Christianity, but it could never have engendered that<br />

religion; creation needed the intense fermentation of the Jewish people. The sixteenth century was the<br />

last period in which this special creative force gave signs of life, and the Protestant sects which are<br />

its products are far from equal in richness, imagination, and profundity to the great religions of the<br />

past. In the same way Europe’s last linguistic creation, English, with its grammatical poverty, is very<br />

far from attaining the original beauty of Greek or Sanscrit. A religion is only elaborated in the exalted<br />

consciousness of a man whose exaltation inflames the small band of disciples and apostles among<br />

whom he lives.<br />

Likewise, in our own time, an ancient monarchical tree, such as the Hohenzollern dynasty or the<br />

House of Savoy, can be favored in its expansion and in the external diffusion of its prestige and<br />

system of government by those very democratic and equalizing revolutions which thereafter preclude<br />

the creation of new, viable, and lively monarchical roots.<br />

We produce many laws at each session of parliament, but are they true legal creations? A law<br />

regarded as hereditary, held to be sacrosanct, and obeyed with a sort of loving fear, a national right,<br />

does not emerge to the light of day like Venus from the foam of parliamentary waves. It is formed in<br />

one of two ways: either little by little, mysteriously and through custom which is rooted first in a<br />

narrow area, like the right of Quirites, *2 and then slowly extends its roots to cover a vast empire; or<br />

else such a right develops ex abrupto but fostered by the prestigious glory which marks the<br />

legislative work of a Lycurgus, a Solon, a Justinien, a Theodosius, a Napoleon, with the obvious seal<br />

of superior wisdom. In times such as ours, when respect has been lost, what is there that can be<br />

established as respectable? But though no longer capable of creating viable new legislation, we are<br />

always able, in order to answer our need for civilizing assimilation, to use an established body of<br />

law and even propagate it to the outside. However, we repeat, this is only true of truly national law,<br />

which shares nothing but a name with those emphemeral laws voted into being by our legislatures.<br />

Mr. Boutmy noted that the parliamentary and political institutions of which England is so proud<br />

could not have been born in the democratized England of today. “Democracy was able to appropriate<br />

the parliamentary regime and imitate it, with some difficulty, only after many perfect specimens of it<br />

had been fashioned and fixed by other hands. Only an aristocracy could create it, form its customs,<br />

and initiate its traditions.” These English institutions which have traveled all around the world arose<br />

from a small nobility in the corner of an island. 1

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