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sphgymograph and pneumograph, mechanical statisticians, so to speak, of contractions and pulsations<br />

and respiratory movements.<br />

In the second place, the sociological statistician would never forget that his proper task was the<br />

measurement of specific beliefs and desires and the use of the most direct methods to grasp these<br />

elusive quantities, and that an enumeration of acts which resembled each other as much as possible<br />

(a condition which is badly fulfilled by criminal statistics among others), and, failing this, an<br />

enumeration of like products, of articles of commerce, for example, should always relate to the<br />

following, or, rather, to the two following ends: (1) through the tabulation of acts or products to trace<br />

out the curve of the successive increases, standstills, or decreases in every new or old want and in<br />

every new or old idea, as it spreads out and consolidates itself or as it is crushed back and uprooted;<br />

(2) through a skilful comparison between series that have been obtained in this way, and through<br />

emphasising their concomitant variations, to denote the various aids and hindrances which these<br />

different imitative propagations or consolidations of wants and ideas lend or oppose to one another<br />

(according to the varying degrees in which the more or less numerous and implicit propositions of<br />

which they always consist, more or less endorse or contradict one another). Nor should the<br />

sociological statistician neglect the influence, in these matters, of sex, age, temperament, climate, and<br />

seasons, natural causes whose force is measured, at any rate when it exists, by physical or biological<br />

statistics.<br />

In other words, sociological statistics have: (1) to determine the imitative power which inheres in<br />

every invention at any given time and place; (2) to demonstrate the beneficial or harmful effects<br />

which result from the imitation of given inventions and, consequently, to influence those who are<br />

acquainted with such numerical results, in their tendencies towards following or disregarding the<br />

examples in question. In brief, the entire object of this kind of research is the knowledge and control<br />

of imitations. . . .<br />

When the field of sociological statistics has been clearly defined, when the curves relating to the<br />

propagation, that is to say, to the consolidation as well, of every special want and opinion, for a<br />

certain number of years and over a certain stretch of country, have been plainly traced, the<br />

interpretation of these hieroglyphic curves, curves that are at times as strange and picturesque as<br />

mountain profiles, more often as sinuous and graceful as living forms, has still to be made. I am very<br />

much mistaken if our point of view will not prove very helpful here. The lines in question are always<br />

ascending or horizontal or descending, or, if they are irregular, they can always be decomposed in the<br />

same way into three kinds of linear elements, into inclines, plateaux, and declines. According to<br />

Quételet and his school, the plateaux would belong preeminently to the satistician; their discovery<br />

should be his finest triumph and the constant object of his ambition. According to this view, the most<br />

fitting foundation for a social physics would be the uniform reproduction, during a considerable<br />

period, of the same number, not only of births and marriages, but also of crimes and litigations. Hence<br />

the error (it no longer exists, to be sure, thanks, especially, to recent official statistics concerning the<br />

progressive criminality of the last half-century), of thinking that the latter figures have, in reality, been<br />

uniformly reproduced. But if the reader has taken the trouble to follow me, he will realise that,<br />

without detracting at all from the importance of the horizontal lines, the ascending lines, indicating as<br />

they do the regular spread of some kind of imitation, have a far higher theoretical value. The reason is<br />

this: The fact that a new taste or idea has taken root in a mind which is constituted in a certain fashion<br />

carries with it no reason why this innovation should not spread more or less rapidly through an<br />

indefinite number of supposedly like minds in communication with one another. It would spread<br />

instantaneously through all these minds if they were absolutely alike and if their intercommunication

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