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death of the philosopher Nourrisson, some of Tarde’s influential associates (Théodule Ribot and Louis Liard) encouraged him to present his candidacy. He asked that the faculty of the Collège change the title of the chair to sociology, but although they refused this request, they nevertheless appointed him to the chair (over Henri Bergson) in January, 1900, and implicitly left him complete freedom to teach as he pleased. 7 In December, 1900, when he was elected to the Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques, Tarde held virtually every leading position open to a French social scientist outside the university system. In the last four years of his life he lectured at the Collège de France on the transformations of morality, on opinion and conversation, which was dealt with in his 1901 volume in this area (L’opinion et la foule), on the social-psychological foundations of economics, bringing out two volumes on the subject in 1902 (La psychologie économique), on the philosophy of Cournot, and on “intermental psychology” (the subject of an unfinished volume on deposit at the Collège de France). In the last year of his life he also planned to undertake a series of empirical social psychological studies on school children with Alfred Binet, but the eye disease of his youth returned once again, and in 1904 he died. II. Conflicting Intellectual Currents: Tarde, Durkheim, and Sociology From 1902 to 1904, Tarde and Durkheim were both in Paris and thus were able to confront one another personally in a debate that they had carried on in journals for years. The debate represented more than a simple disagreement of personalities; in it, two conflicting traditions of thought, two opposing sectors of French society, two hostile sets of institutions did battle to defend what each adversary felt to be the proper perspective for the study of society. The first cultural configuration—represented in the debate by Durkheim—was Cartesianism. 8 The legacy associated with the name of Descartes was identified with reason, order, and authority, and housed in the bureaucratic institutions exemplifying this esprit de géometrie: the church, the governmental administration, the army, and the state university system. In the aftermath of the Revolution and under Napoleon it was the bourgeoisie that began to raise this orientation to a quasiofficial ideology, and at that time the basic lines were laid for many of the national bureaucratic structures, but it was the creation of the Third Republic after 1870 that assured the ascendancy of the Cartesian mentality for some time to come. The basic cultural configuration opposed to Cartesianism was that of Spontaneity. It was a mentality of artistic creation, romantic subjectivism, and personal invention guided by an esprit de finesse. As the bourgeoisie and Cartesianism came to be more and more identified with the established institutions in the last part of the nineteenth century, their opponents grew increasingly antibourgeois, antiinstitutional, anticollective, and, occasionally, revolutionary. Aesthetic, political, and economic attacks were fused in antibourgeois ideologies put forth by the heirs of the traditional nobility, the rural peasantry, or the urban proletariat. Against bourgeois republican ideologues Renouvier and Littré, and parliamentary leaders Clemenceau and Combes, were the champions of Spontaneity of the left—the anarchists, anarcho-syndicalists, and certain socialists—complemented by the advocates of Spontaneity of the right—the romantic nationalists. Occasionally, when antibourgeois sentiments grew sufficiently strong, and social ties sufficiently weak, individuals could move from the Spontaneity of the left to that of the right without excessive difficulty. The most outstanding example was the theoretician of orgiastic violence, Georges Sorel, who, from an

intellectual leader of anarcho-syndicalism, became an esteemed guide for the Action Française and eventually for fascism. The most important intellectual center of Cartesianism in the first part of the nineteenth century was the Ecole Polytechnique. Established under Napoleon to apply the best scientific knowledge available to the solution of military and engineering problems, it was not a large step to extend the application of these same methods to social questions. Inspired by the heady ideas of Saint-Simon and Auguste Comte that prevailed at the Ecole, students “ventured to create a religion as one learns at the Ecole to build a bridge or a road.” 9 From the graduates of the school were recruited the major disciples of Saint-Simon and Comte, and they suffused this mentality throughout the bureaucratic institutions of the state and the bourgeois-dominated sectors of society. Frequently opposing the Ecole Polytechnique in the first part of the century was the Sorbonne, which, for many, was an embodiment of the outlook of Spontaneity. Its major spokesman was Victor Cousin, whose creatively rhetorical style, and “supple,” individualistic philosophy left a deep stamp on the institution through much of the Second Empire. But after the demise of the Second Empire, seen as a defeat for loose living and unsystematic thinking, the partisans of Cartesianism remade the old educational system into the “new University.” Not for them the frivolous philosophy of Cousin; the reformers sought their ideals in the positivism of Auguste Comte, the scientism of Hippolyte Taine and Ernest Renan, and the precision of Claude Bernard. And they patterned the new institutions after the research-oriented universities of disciplined, protestant Germany. Throughout the 1880’s and 1890’s, these men succeeded in placing their representatives in influential positions, and when the young Emile Durkheim came to their attention, they felt that they had found the man who could best extend the mentality and methods of Cartesianism to the study of society. Durkheim’s works also perfectly suited the ideological demands of the Republican government: to the anticlericals he contributed a philosophical basis for a secular morality to replace the earlier Catholic dogmas; to the radical and radical socialist politicians of “solidarity,” he offered a more systematic grounding for their political philosophy; for the Dreyfusards he provided coherent intellectual guidance. After the turn of the century, in the Sorbonne, in national university councils, and through his close contacts with the Ministry of Education, Durkheim became one the most powerful university politicians in France. He enjoyed enormous support from those sympathetic to his basic views, but was violently opposed by others. Some of his strongest opponents found their inspiration in the tradition of Spontaneity. Although the affluence of certain aristocratic supporters facilitated the creation of a considerable number of ad hoc journals and teaching institutions around, and opposed to, the Sorbonne, partisans of Spontaneity enjoyed no secure institutional niche. Among the established institutions, the Faculties of Law, and to some degree the Collège de France, were perhaps the most hospitable. Tarde, after his negative reaction to the Cartesian aspect of the Jesuits, had been exposed to a more Spontaneous tradition at the Toulouse and Paris Faculties of Law, for although they were officially part of the national university system, their students were not the Radicals who abounded at the Sorbonne, but the more socially prominent young men who maintained an institutional culture glorifying the ideology of Spontaneity. Then, later, when Tarde was considered by the Collège de France, he could find there such men as the philosophers Paul Janet, who had forced Durkheim to delete a chapter from his thesis that contained a complimentary reference to Auguste Comte, and Jean Izoulet, who penned the widely-quoted assertion that “the obligation of teaching the sociology of M. Durkheim in 200 Normal Schools in France is the gravest national peril that our country has known for some time.” 10 Then, too, the successor of Tarde at the Collège was Henri Bergson, who was the

intellectual leader of anarcho-syndicalism, became an esteemed guide for the Action Française and<br />

eventually for fascism.<br />

The most important intellectual center of Cartesianism in the first part of the nineteenth century was<br />

the Ecole Polytechnique. Established under Napoleon to apply the best scientific knowledge<br />

available to the solution of military and engineering problems, it was not a large step to extend the<br />

application of these same methods to social questions. Inspired by the heady ideas of Saint-Simon and<br />

Auguste Comte that prevailed at the Ecole, students “ventured to create a religion as one learns at the<br />

Ecole to build a bridge or a road.” 9 From the graduates of the school were recruited the major<br />

disciples of Saint-Simon and Comte, and they suffused this mentality throughout the bureaucratic<br />

institutions of the state and the bourgeois-dominated sectors of society.<br />

Frequently opposing the Ecole Polytechnique in the first part of the century was the Sorbonne,<br />

which, for many, was an embodiment of the outlook of Spontaneity. Its major spokesman was Victor<br />

Cousin, whose creatively rhetorical style, and “supple,” individualistic philosophy left a deep stamp<br />

on the institution through much of the Second Empire.<br />

But after the demise of the Second Empire, seen as a defeat for loose living and unsystematic<br />

thinking, the partisans of Cartesianism remade the old educational system into the “new University.”<br />

Not for them the frivolous philosophy of Cousin; the reformers sought their ideals in the positivism of<br />

Auguste Comte, the scientism of Hippolyte Taine and Ernest Renan, and the precision of Claude<br />

Bernard. And they patterned the new institutions after the research-oriented universities of<br />

disciplined, protestant Germany. Throughout the 1880’s and 1890’s, these men succeeded in placing<br />

their representatives in influential positions, and when the young Emile Durkheim came to their<br />

attention, they felt that they had found the man who could best extend the mentality and methods of<br />

Cartesianism to the study of society. Durkheim’s works also perfectly suited the ideological demands<br />

of the Republican government: to the anticlericals he contributed a philosophical basis for a secular<br />

morality to replace the earlier Catholic dogmas; to the radical and radical socialist politicians of<br />

“solidarity,” he offered a more systematic grounding for their political philosophy; for the<br />

Dreyfusards he provided coherent intellectual guidance. After the turn of the century, in the Sorbonne,<br />

in national university councils, and through his close contacts with the Ministry of Education,<br />

Durkheim became one the most powerful university politicians in France. He enjoyed enormous<br />

support from those sympathetic to his basic views, but was violently opposed by others. Some of his<br />

strongest opponents found their inspiration in the tradition of Spontaneity.<br />

Although the affluence of certain aristocratic supporters facilitated the creation of a considerable<br />

number of ad hoc journals and teaching institutions around, and opposed to, the Sorbonne, partisans of<br />

Spontaneity enjoyed no secure institutional niche. Among the established institutions, the Faculties of<br />

Law, and to some degree the Collège de France, were perhaps the most hospitable.<br />

Tarde, after his negative reaction to the Cartesian aspect of the Jesuits, had been exposed to a more<br />

Spontaneous tradition at the Toulouse and Paris Faculties of Law, for although they were officially<br />

part of the national university system, their students were not the Radicals who abounded at the<br />

Sorbonne, but the more socially prominent young men who maintained an institutional culture<br />

glorifying the ideology of Spontaneity. Then, later, when Tarde was considered by the Collège de<br />

France, he could find there such men as the philosophers Paul Janet, who had forced Durkheim to<br />

delete a chapter from his thesis that contained a complimentary reference to Auguste Comte, and Jean<br />

Izoulet, who penned the widely-quoted assertion that “the obligation of teaching the sociology of M.<br />

Durkheim in 200 Normal Schools in France is the gravest national peril that our country has known<br />

for some time.” 10 Then, too, the successor of Tarde at the Collège was Henri Bergson, who was the

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