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11<br />

BELIEF AND DESIRE *1<br />

1880<br />

Among the many continuous dimensions that the soul seems to present us with—degrees of heat or<br />

cold, more or less vivid bursts of color, increasingly or decreasingly vivid pains and pleasures, and<br />

so forth—it would be scientifically desirable to isolate one or two real quantities which, while<br />

everywhere mixed with the qualitative elements of sensations, would lend themselves in theory or in<br />

practice to measurement. 1 Even if measurable only theoretically but not in practice, the demonstration<br />

of their basic albeit latent measurability would still be worthwhile. If these quantities appeared, it<br />

would be natural to conjecture that they are characteristic of the subject and there would be reason to<br />

inquire whether they reveal through other characteristics their distinct, fundamental, and irreducible<br />

nature.<br />

But do these psychological quantities exist? This question cannot be approached before something<br />

has been said about the forceful and profound, though not always successful, researchers who<br />

developed psychophysics. Despite their laudable intention of quantifying the soul, the<br />

psychophysicists seem to me to ignore precisely the only two internal dimensions whose continuous<br />

variations and homogeneous degrees naturally suggest the use of calculation even though they cannot<br />

be measured by physical instruments: namely, belief and desire, and their reciprocal combinations,<br />

judgment and will.<br />

What these bold scholars claim to calculate are the degrees of sensation: the Fechner law is well<br />

known along with other equally ingenious formulas whose almost total inaccuracy has been<br />

demonstrated. When by chance these attempts at subjective measurement are reasonably successful<br />

and become generally accepted, it is in cases where they are applied either to sensations considered<br />

agreeable or painful—those which arouse more or less desire or aversion—or to sensations<br />

considered more or less intense—those which arouse more or less attention.<br />

For the first case we have La Place’s remark on the parallel and unequally rapid increases in the<br />

wealth of a man and the happiness it procures for him. For the second case we are told how great<br />

must be the difference in vibration of two notes for us to perceive the difference in the corresponding<br />

aural sensations. Or we are told that a sensitive dispatch is transmitted by our nerves’ telegraphic<br />

system with a speed that varies according to whether the brain does or does not expect this<br />

transmission, or whether its attention is occupied by some other sensation. Summarizing the work of<br />

numerous experimenters Mr. Ribot says, “We come to the general conclusion that the reproduction of<br />

states of consciousness, like their immediate perception, depends on the level of attention.” 2 When a<br />

bell is struck beside us, a certain time passes before we perceive the sound. If at the same time as the<br />

bell is struck an electric spark is given off, the two sensations reach us together, with a noticeable<br />

delay. It seems quite probable and almost certain that this delay is due to the disturbance of attention,<br />

which, essential to the very existence of sensations, has two tasks to fulfill. Other experiments leave<br />

no doubt on this point. Thus, without attention, no sensation; and everything in sensation which is<br />

susceptible of increase or decrease (such as length, intensity, and particularly the clarity of visual<br />

sensations) can and must be attributed to attention unless it is attributed to desire.<br />

Just what is attention? One reply might be that it is an effort to specify an nascent sensation. But one<br />

must be aware that, once all accompanying muscular action is eliminated, the purely psychological

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